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Örebro University
School of Humanities,
Education and Social Sciences
2010‐2012
A CRITICALANALYSIS ON MEDIA COVERAGE
OF THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION:
THE CASE OF AL-AHRAM, AL-MASRY AL-YOUM, THE TELEGRAPH AND
THE WASHINGTON POST
MA Thesis
Global Journalism
Supervisor: Prof. Stig‐Arne Nohrstedt
Author: Ahmed Magdy Youssef

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Word of Gratitude
First of all, I would like to thank my university mentor, Stig-arne Nohrsted, as being the
one who helped me in carrying out this thesis. Actually, I found succour in him during
the thesis project. Not surbrisingly, he was replying back to my questions all the time,
though, sometimes, he was very busy.
Also, I would like to thank my loving wife Hend and my “naughty” son Hamza, whose
boundless love keeps pushing me forward all the time.

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ABSTRACT
The Egyptian protest movement which brought down the Egyptian regime headed by President
Hosni Mubarak, not only gripped the minds and hearts of the Egyptians, but it captured the
interest of the national and international media as well.
The research aims at answering questions related to the kind of frames employed in four
newspapers; namely, Al-Ahram, Al-Masry Al-Youm, The Telegraph and The Washington Post,
in light of the protest paradigm, in addition to the way the same four newspapers tried to
explore and identify the characteristics of war and peace journalism, according to Galtung’s
dichotomous model, not to mention to trace how the four newspapers in hand depicted the
protesters.
To achieve this, two methods were applied in this study; notably, frame analysis, and critical
discourse analysis. A sample of 60 news articles and editorial pieces was thoroughly examined
and taken from the aforementioned four newspapers. The derived non-random samples were
covering the events of the Egyptian Revolution from the eruption on January 25, till February
17, 2011; means one week after toppling the regime and the resignation of the Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak on February 11, 2011.
The study revealed that the national newspapers; Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm, were more
prone to accentuate protesters’ acts of violence, albeit Al-Ahram showed a propensity toward
using official sources at the expenses of voicing protesters, compared to Al-Masry Al-Youm.
However, The Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s coverage was more shifting away from
the protest paradigm.
Similarly, the national newspapers in hand, were leaning more towards war-reporting;
resorting to victimizing language in addition to a language of good and bad dichotomous, not to
mention to abstain from exposing the untruth of all parties involved. However, The Telegraph
and The Washington Post were adhering to peace-reporting; using extensively people sources
and exposing the black and whites of all parties in the problem, in addition to taking the side of
protesters and depicting them positively. From the findings, the study may reach a conclusion
that the more a newspaper’s coverage adheres to the protest paradigm, the more it inclines to

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war-reporting. On the other hand, the more a newspaper’s coverage shifting away from the
protest paradigm, the more it conforms to peace journalism.
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................iii
Table of contents .........................................................................................................................iv
List of Tables...............................................................................................................................vi
List of Figures .............................................................................................................................vi
1. Introduction ..............................................................................................................................1
1.1 Background ............................................................................................................................1
1.1.1 The Egyptian protest movement..........................................................................................2
1.1.2 Egyptian Press: A historical glimpse...................................................................................5
1.1.3 Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm: A closer look..............................................................6
1.1.4 The Telegraph and The Washington Post: A brief background of political affiliation.......7
1.2 Statement of the problem .......................................................................................................8
1.3 Purpose..................................................................................................................................11
1.4 Research Questions ..............................................................................................................11
1.5 Significance of the study ......................................................................................................12
1.6 Scope of the Thesis ..............................................................................................................13
1.7 Limitations ...........................................................................................................................13
1.8 Thesis outline .......................................................................................................................14
2. Theoretical Framework and Previous Research ....................................................................16
2.1 Theoretical Approaches .......................................................................................................16
2.1.1 Media Framing ..................................................................................................................17
2.1.2 Critique of Media Framing ...............................................................................................20
2.1.3 Protest Paradigm ...............................................................................................................21
2.1.4 Critique of Protest Paradigm .............................................................................................27
2.1.5 Peace Journalism ...............................................................................................................29
2.1.6 Peace Journalism vs. War Journalism ...............................................................................30
2.1.7 Critique of Peace Journalism ............................................................................................34
2.2 Previous Research ................................................................................................................36
2.2.1 Media’s Impact on Social Movements ..............................................................................37
2.2.2 Covering the Egyptian Revolution ....................................................................................39
2.3 Summary and Conclusion ....................................................................................................43
3. Methods and Material ...........................................................................................................45
3.1 Material and sampling approach .........................................................................................45
3.1.1 Selecting news materials...................................................................................................47
3.1.2 Selecting Editorial Pieces .................................................................................................54
3.2 Methods and Eclecticism .....................................................................................................55
3.2.1 Frame Analysis .................................................................................................................56
3.2.2 Why Frame Analysis? ......................................................................................................57
3.2.3 Frame Analysis Phases ......................................................................................................58
3.2.4 Arriving at frames .............................................................................................................61
3.3 Critical Discourse Analysis ..................................................................................................61
3.3.1 CDA Phases ......................................................................................................................63
3.4 Limitations and Shortcomings of the Methods ....................................................................65

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3.5 Generalisability, Validity and Reliability ...........................................................................68
4. Results and Analysis ..............................................................................................................70
4.1 Frame Analysis: Condemning or praising protests? ............................................................70
4.1.1 Egypt’s Protests: A timeline of “unfinished revolution” ..................................................71
4.1.2 Covering the Spark of Events ...........................................................................................73
4.1.3 Protest as being disregarded and neglected .......................................................................75
4.1.4 Who started the violence? Who is to blame? (Protesters vs. Police) ................................76
4.1.5 Protesters as anarchists ......................................................................................................83
4.1.6 Protest as economic threat .................................................................................................88
4.1.7 Protest as Carnival ............................................................................................................91
4.1.9 Counter-protest ..................................................................................................................95
4.1.10 Summary and Discussion of the findings .......................................................................97
4.2 CDA: Ideological slants of national, British and American news coverage .......................98
4.2.1 To What Degree Egypt’s Protests Deemed Newsworthy? ...............................................99
4.2.2 Venerating “Us” and Denigrating “Them” (Us vs. Them) .............................................101
4.2.3 Worthy and Unworthy Victims .......................................................................................106
4.2.4 Demonizing the Islamists (Muslim Brotherhood) ..........................................................107
4.2.5 Depicting the protesters ..................................................................................................111
4.2.6 Exposing the untruth of all parties ..................................................................................114
4.2.7 Summary and Discussion of the findings .......................................................................117
4.4 Conclusion and discussion .................................................................................................119
4.4.1 National newspapers prone to protest paradigm and war-reporting................................119
4.4.1 The Telegraph and The Washington Post: peace-reporting.............................................121
5. Conclusion ...........................................................................................................................123
5.1 Framing Egypt’s protests ...................................................................................................123
5.2 Entwining war journalism with protest paradigm ..............................................................128
5.3 Portraying the protesters ....................................................................................................129
5.4 Global Journalism and Egypt’s protests .............................................................................130
5.5 Final words .........................................................................................................................132
References ................................................................................................................................133
Appendix I ................................................................................................................................144
Appendix II ..............................................................................................................................153
Appendix III .............................................................................................................................161
Appendix IV .............................................................................................................................170

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List of Tables
Table 3.1: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of Al-Ahram’s news stories ......................48
Table 3.2: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of Al-Masry Al-Youm’s news stories ........49
Table 3.3: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of The Telegraph’s news stories ...............51
Table 3.4: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of The Washington Post’s news stories.....52
Table 3.5: Sources, dates and titles of the four newspapers’ editorials ......................................54
List of Figures
Figure 1: Showing Pan and Kosicki’s four stages of frame analysis..........................................60
Figure 2: Illustrating on Fairclough’s CDA method...................................................................64

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Introduction
After the fall of the Tunisian regime in January 2011, a revolution followed the same trajectory
broke out in Egypt, where inspired huge demonstrations dominated the political scene in Cairo,
Alexandria and other cities in Egypt for 18 days. The Egyptian Revolution which toppled the
President Hosni Mubarak not only captured worldwide attention, but it urged upon the national
and international media to follow the events as well. By and large, according to Ashley and
Olson (1998), news media play an important role in the life and death of social movements via
whether giving the green light of covering the social protest or not, selecting the sources being
used, and finally, how to frame the issue; hence, shaping the message of protestors for their
intended audience (Ashley & Olson, 1998: 263).
Poignantly to newsworthiness criteria, the media usually rely on a ready-made frame template
in covering social protests; namely, the “protest paradigm”. The latter paradigm revolves
around trivializing, demonizing and deligitimizing the social movements and their beliefs
(McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Taken in this light, this study is concerned with analyzing
qualitatively the media coverage of Egypt’s protests in four newspapers; notably, Al-Ahram
(state-run Egyptian), Al-Masry Al-Youm (privately-owned Egyptian), The Telegraph (British)
and The Washington Post (American). Apart from pinning down the differences between the
news coverage of the aforementioned four newspapers, the cardinal purpose of this qualitative
research is to extract frames pertinent to the “protest paradigm”, as being the overarching
theory in this study, in addition to exploring the different news coverage of the newspapers at
issue in light of Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace and war journalism, bearing in mind
that the “protest paradigm” could be associated to the violence-oriented characteristics of war-
reporting proposed in Galtung’s model.
1.1 Background
Before discussing the news coverage of Egypt’s demonstrations in the four newspapers in
question, we have to put the entire issue into its appropriate context. Put another way, the
background section will give a brief glimpse into the Egyptian Revolution, before steering
toward providing another brief background about the national newspapers; Al-Ahram and Al-

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Masry Al-Youm, with touching upon the Egyptian media system on one hand, and about The
Telegraph and The Washington Post, on the other.
1.1.1 The Egyptian protest movement
The ever-rising rates of unemployment among the Arab youth; 33% of Egypt’s youth suffer
from unemployment, along with nepotism, state suppression and corruption, were contributing
to make a rupture in the Arab social contract, taking into account that “young people are the
fastest growing segment of Arab countries’ populations.” (Hokayem, 2011; cited in Niekerk et
al, 2011).
But, the previously-mentioned feelings of resentment among the Egyptians emanated from
social and economic circumstances, cannot alone explain the creation of such social
movements. As Wright (2001) succinctly puts it: “Individuals only participate in collective
action when they recognize their membership in the relevant collective” (Wright, 2001; cited in
Lim, 2012). Taken in this light, Egypt’s protests as social movements - can be identified as
networks of people gathered together for a common goal or interest - their angry protesters had
to recognize first that many other individual Egyptians shared the same goals, afflictions and a
common identity, in order to urge the Egyptian unemployed youth to partake in an oppositional
movement against President Mubarak (Lim, 2012).
To investigate upon the previous claim, it is of paramount importance to look beyond the
period of January 25, 2011, which marked as the beginning of the Egyptian Revolution, to trace
the history of civil society movements in Egypt, both online and offline, and how they paved
the way to January-25 Revolution. To begin with, the dawn of online activism in the country
goes back to 2004 with the rise of Kefaya Movement (Lim, 2012). Kefaya which means
“enough” in English is considered as the unofficial name of the Egyptian Movement for
Change (El-Ghobashy, 2005). Founded in late 2004, Kefaya was “the first anti-Mubarak
movement in history... (And) also the first oppositional nonpartisan coalitional movement that
had neither physical headquarters nor permanent meeting place” (Lim, 2012). The oppositional
group that included many intellectuals from various ideological backgrounds, called for the end
of Mubarak’s rule, bearing in mind that it used online mediums, especially its website, Haraka-

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Masria.org, to announce and coordinate activities. It even hosted ‘‘Egyptian Awareness”, a
blog in a form of digital newspaper owned by Wael Abbas, to report about “government
repression, human rights abuses, and corruption, on MisrDigital.com in February 2005” (Lim,
2012). Interestingly, Abbas was one of the key figures of the Egyptian Revolution.
A number of factors contributed to the decline of Kefaya, the most important of which was its
failure to reach beyond a confined group of intellectuals based mainly in Cairo (Azimi, 2005;
Shehab, 2005). However, some of the members of Kefaya created another important opposition
group called April 6th Youth Movement.
Being the first opposition group to use Facebook as a main tool to reach supporters, April 6th
Youth Movement was founded in 2007 in the wake of a revival in the Egyptian labor
movement after long years of repression under the Sadat and Mubarak regimes (MIT TechTV,
2011; Wright, 2011). In 2006, a major 24.000-worker strike broke at Misr Spinning in El-
Mahallah El-Kubra, triggering large-sized labor protests in different cities in Egypt, but the
labor protests had been suppressed (Bassiouny & Said, 2008; Geiser, 2010). Some of April 6th
Youth Movement’s founders, like Ahmed Maher, tried to “expand the labor protest into a
broader popular movement, spreading the strikes and transforming them into general
prodemocracy movement.” (Lim, 2012). Then, Maher and others created their Facebook anti-
Mubarak movement to shore up the workers in El-Mahalla El-Kubra (Kirk, 2011), as the
workers of this Egyptian industrial town were intended to strike on 6 April 2008. The anti-
Mubarak movement made use of online tools, such as Facebook and Twitter, to garner support
of more Egyptians (Lim, 2012).
By the same token, the Facebook group “We are all Khaled Said” created in June 2010 as a
response to the death of the 28-year-old Khaled Said by the Egyptian police, brought to the fore
the brutality of the Egyptian regime and quickly became “the most popular dissident Facebook
group in Egypt” (Lim, 2012). The administrator of this page, later on we came to know his
identity as Wael Ghonim, called for several protests against Said’s flagrant murder, and
thousands of Egyptians participated, including the Nobel laureate Mohamed ElBaradei (Lim,
2012). All these movements and protests contributed to paving the way to Egypt’s 2011
protests.

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Steering the background more toward the so called Arab Uprising, the Tunisian Revolution or
the Jasmine Revolution started in late 2010 and grabbed media attention in January 2011 when
President Ben Ali fled the country after two decades of autocratic rule. Within two weeks after
toppling the Tunisian regime, Egypt was overshadowed by a series of massive anti-government
protests, erupted on January 25, 2011, aiming at replicating the success of the Tunisian model.
Again, the protests emanated from high unemployment, poverty, police repression, rampant
corruption, and a suffocated political scene under a 30-year autocratic regime. These
demonstrations were the biggest and most effective protest movement since the Egyptian
army’s coup d'état in 1952 which abolished the Egyptian monarchy and turned the country into
a republic (Elzoughby, 2011).
Both the Tunisian and Egyptian protest movements resorted to social networking sites like
Facebook and Twitter to coordinate the protests, albeit the Egyptian authorities responded back
by shutting down the Internet and mobile services, which proved to be unsuccessful as social
media managed to initially spread the idea of the protest among the protestors (Niekerk et al,
2011).
On the whole, Egypt’s protests weren’t void of violence and drama, as the clashes between the
police and pro-democracy protesters on one hand, and between the latter and pro-Mubarak
protesters on the other, resulted in the killing and injury of many civilians. In an attempt to
pacify the angry demonstrators, President Mubarak delivered three speeches where each speech
carried more concessions to contain the ever-growing protest movement, albeit he showed
defiance to remain Egypt’s leader (The Atlantic Wire, 2011).
On February 11, 2011, the newly-appointed Vice President Omar Suleiman announced in a
televised speech the resignation of President Mubarak, and handing power to the Supreme
Council of Egyptian Armed Forces (SCAF). After more than one year of Egypt’s momentous
events, the ruling’s military generals still remain in power, but they vowed to hand power to an
elected president by June 2012.

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1.1.2 Egyptian Press: A historical glimpse
It’s of perennial interest to shed the light on Egypt’s modern mass media which witnessed
various developments in the recent six decades. To expound, under the second Egyptian
President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s rule (1954-1970), the media in general were controlled by the
government. The only legal political organization, the National Union, owned all media
organizations in the country after Nasser’s nationalization of the Egyptian press. The third
Egyptian President Anwar Al Sadat (1970-1981), removed censorship, albeit retained the
government control over the media (Amin & Napoli, 1995; cited in Curran & Park, 2000).
However, although President Mubarak’s rule has been pompously propagated as “the age of
free press” (Pasha, 2011), numerous cases of closing media outlets and bringing journalists
before courts proved the fettered position of the media ensuing from state intervention.
To put it more pointedly, examples of state violating freedom of expression and interfering in
the media system in Egypt during Mubarak’s rule were undeniable; the Higher Press Council
established in 1975 and headed by President Hosni Mubarak, was the only authority to issue
publishing licenses. Theoretically speaking, the Higher Press Council was independent by law,
but, in down-to-earth reality, it was under the grip of the defunct ruling National Democratic
Party (Rugh, 1987). By the same token, each political party in the country had the right by law,
to have its own newspaper.
Moreover, the journalists themselves had to work under an unhealthy environment when
Mubarak was still in office; an emergency law that granted wide power to security forces had
been in place for nearly 30 years (Freedom House, 2011). Additionally, there were numerous
articles in the law penalising the press, starting from laws imposed on the press and on
publications, to the laws related to state documents that shouldn’t be revealed publicly, as a part
of banning access to official information. In the same vein, in the mid 1990s, the Egyptian
parliament imposed amendments to the penal code to restrict freedom of the press. The
outcome of this law was marked through heavy and prison sentences; from five to fifteen years
for journalists if they published stories that may “abuse public officials”, “insult the president
and his family” and “ruin the nation’s reputation”. The law could easily bring journalists before
military courts, and even would lead to the closure and banning of the newspaper without “any
form of due process” (Amin & Napoli, 2000; cited in Curran & Park, 2000, 164).

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Even after the toppling of Mubarak, the freedom of the press got into a decline; according to a
recent index on press freedom published by Reporters Without Borders, Egypt was ranked 166
out of 179 on the press freedom list; moving back 39 places compared to 2010/2011 index
when Egypt was 127 on press freedom list (UPI.com, 2012). The reason for the deterioration
rests on the fact that “many journalists and netizens have to answer for their work before
military courts.” (Reporters without Borders, 2011).
1.1.3 Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm: A closer look
Like most of all Arab countries, Egypt has both state-owned and private newspapers,
nevertheless as mentioned earlier; individuals or organizations can not issue newspapers or any
kind of media outlets, before getting the much-needed official approval and license from the
government (Pasha, 2011). For the aforesaid reason, the majority of the Egyptian newspapers
and newspapers are state-owned. The most significant and important government-owned
Egyptian dailies are Al-Ahram (The Pyramids) and Al-Akhbar (The News). Nevertheless, in the
last few years, a number of independent and privately-owned newspapers had entered the
game, such as Al-Masry Al-Youm (The Egyptian Today), Al Shorouk (The Sunrise), Al Youm
Al Sabea (The 7th
day) and Al-Dostour (The Constitution).
Al-Ahram, founded in 1875, is the second oldest Egyptian newspaper after Al-Waqa'i`Al-
Masriya (The Egyptian Events, founded 1828). Talaat Pasha (2011) in his dissertation entitled
“Islamists in the Headlines: Critical Discourse Analysis of the Representation of the Muslim
Brotherhood in Egyptian Newspapers”, classified Al-Ahram as an authoritarian type of media,
when he succinctly puts it:
“Egyptian media, including Al-Ahram, falls under the authoritarian type, where the ruling
regime and the elites monopolize media outlets. The authoritarian type indicates that journalism is
subservient to the interests of the state in maintaining social order and achieving political goals. Saying
that Al-Ahram is under the authoritarian type implies it avoids criticism to the President, the government
policies or officials, and it censors publishing any material that challenges the established order.”
(Pasha, 2011).

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Steering the background section more toward Al-Masry Al-Youm (The Egyptian Today), the
Egyptian privately-owned daily newspaper was founded in late 2002, and first published in
June 2004. Al-Masry Al-Youm tried to file objective news coverage, and after only two years of
its first edition’s launch, the privately-owned Egyptian daily posed a threat to Al-Ahram for the
status of being the national paper of record (Arab West Report, 2008). A leaked document
obtained by one of the active bloggers, Ashraf Shehata, revealed the circulation numbers of the
Egyptian dailies. According to the document issued by Al-Ahram institution, Al-Ahram printed
270.000 copies on February 1, 2009, while Al-Masry Al-Youm printed 192.000 copies on the
same day (Arabic Press Society, 2009).
By and large, unlike the state-owned media’s propensity toward varnishing the government and
regime, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was sometimes reliant on criticizing the government.
This was discerned in the following description:
“Representing a ‘panorama’ of views, Al-Misrī al-Yawm, was successful because it responded
to the Egyptian media market as a whole and not a single political party, like typical opposition papers,
and was unafraid to take on hard-hitting topics, like governmental news outlets. Further, it harnessed the
energy of young journalists, giving them incentives to produce good work.” (Arab West Report, 2008).
On the whole, the reason behind choosing Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm not only rests on
the fact that the former is a state-run and the latter is a privately-owned newspaper, but also
because of their high circulation numbers which may indicate their impact on the readers who
consider them as sources to derive news from.
1.1.4 The Telegraph and The Washington Post: A brief background of political
affiliation
The Washington Post, founded in 1877, is considered to be the most widely circulated
newspaper published in Washington, D.C. The newspaper is owned by The Washington Post
Company, an education and media company that owns many media businesses besides The
Washington Post. Many media critics classified The Washington Post as liberal; making no
endorsements for political candidates. However, starting from 2000, it showed some
inclinations toward endorsing Republican politicians such as Maryland Governor Robert
Ehrlich (The Washington Post, 2006).

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As for The Telegraph or The Daily Telegraph, it was founded in June 1855 and owned since
2004 by David and Frederick Barclay. The Telegraph is known as a conservative-bound
newspaper. Also, it is known as “The Daily Torygraph” for its support of the Conservative
Party (Slate, 2006). As for its online presence, The Daily Telegraph launched its online service
for the first time in November 1994. Though this study is reliant on The Telegraph’s news
articles and editorial pieces appeared online, but The Daily Telegraph used to put all its daily
newspaper content online, besides it provides an index to the articles that are online that day, in
addition to including all the features sections available with the print edition (Cowen, 2001).
Actually, the reason behind choosing The Washington Post lies in that it showed inclination
toward endorsing President Obama (The Haffington Post, 2008), so taking into account that the
Egyptian President Mubarak was an ally to the U.S. and according to some scholars like
Wittebols (1996), who postulated that the American news coverage of protest groups in other
countries adheres to the U.S. government’s foreign policy toward the foreign government, then
The Washington Post’s coverage may show a propensity toward overlooking or demonizing
Egypt’s protests. In simplified terms, there is a claim stating that if the American government
supports a foreign government like the case in Egypt, the protests may be ignored, whilst if the
American administration doesn’t support a foreign government, the protests may be
highlighted. In this regard, it is important to probe upon the accuracy of the previous claim in
light of The Washington Post’s coverage of Egypt’s protests.
Similarly, the choice of the conservative-bound British newspaper, The Telegraph, enriches this
study, since the four newspapers in question have different affiliation; the Egyptian state-run
Al-Ahram, the Egyptian privately-owned Al-Masry Al-Youm, vis-a-vis an American Liberal or
Left-leaning The Washington Post, and finally a British conservative-bound newspaper The
Telegraph.
1.2 Statement of the problem
There is a considerable amount of media studies conducted on social movements to examine
the relationship between the mass media and protest movements; some were concerned with

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substantiating how media coverage tried to marginalize social movements (Giltin, 1980;
Shoemaker, 1984; McLeod & Hertog, 1992); others took an interest in evincing the impact of
protest coverage on the audience. Jettisoning the fact that most of the studies that traced the
relationship between the media and social movements were conducted in the West by Western
scholars, the majority of the aforementioned studies used quantitative methods; notably,
content analysis, as well.
Taking into account that Egypt’s protest movement was somehow recent; it has been almost
only one year since the eruption of the demonstrations, besides it is still considered unfolding,
one can say that most of the studies touched upon the Egyptian Revolution were concerned
with exploring the role of social networking sites, like Facebook and Twitter, in mobilizing
more supporters to join the protests.
Since the overarching and all-encompassing theory of this study is the protest paradigm which
reflects the predilection of the media to resort to a ready-made frame template focusing on
trivializing and demonizing the social movements and their beliefs (Ashley & Olson, 1998;
Chan & Lee, 1984), only this research shared two recent studies the same field. One of those
studies entitled “Overthrowing the Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global
Voices and Twitter Covered the Egyptian Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011), which was
focusing on analyzing some media platforms’ coverage of the Egyptian Revolution in light of
the protest paradigm. The latter content analysis study carried out by Summer Harlow and
Thomas J. Johnston from University of Texas at Austin scrutinized mainly upon the news
coverage of the New York Times and the materials uploaded on Global Voices and Twitter.
Moreover, an equally important study entitled “Framing the Egyptian Uprising in Arabic
Language Newspapers and Social Media” (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011), explored the framing of
Egypt’s protests in some Egyptian state-run, independent, and social media. Hamdy and
Gomaa’s (2011) study used also content analysis methodological approach. Although the
previously-mentioned studies are somehow similar to the topic of this study with touching upon
the framing of the Egyptian Revolution and the protest paradigm, but my study extends the
scope of research not only to encompass the examination of four newspapers written in two
distinct languages (Arabic and English) and from three different continents; namely, Al-Ahram
(state-run Egyptian), Al-Masry Al-Youm (privately-owned Egyptian), The Telegraph (British)
and The Washington Post (American), but to analyze the aforementioned newspapers in light of
the “protest paradigm” and Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace and war journalism as

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well. This study also uses qualitatively two different methods; notably, frame analysis and
critical discourse analysis, to answer the research questions it raises.
The problem needs to be investigated here is the reporting on Egypt’s protests and how the
media coverage may contribute to trivialize, marginalize and even demonize the protests, hence
lead to escalate the tensions between the protestors and the state in general. To put it more
crudely, the Egyptian Revolution witnessed a serious conflict between the protesters in one
hand and the regime on the other, whereas the mass media were stuck in between; whether to
support the status quo and criticize the protesters through different ways, which they usually
prefer to adopt, or to take the side of protesters in their fight for democracy and freedom, and
consequently, exasperating the powerful, deep-rooted police state. In simplified terms, this
study predisposes to uncover the relationship between the media platforms in question and
Egypt’s protests.
One of the main aims of this study is to try to trace the dichotomous language of “Us” and
“Them” in each newspaper discretely. Put another way, the study investigates upon the main
actors according to each newspapers, and how those actors were referred to as “Us” or “Them”
pertaining to the power relations and ideological affiliation. In the same vein, the research is
concerned with how the the American and British newspapers tried to depict the Arabs; both as
civilized and enlightened people, or as barbaric and uncivilized ones according to the Orient vs.
Occident paradigm.
Methodologically speaking, two qualitative methods are employed in this study; namely, frame
analysis and critical discourse analysis. According to Hall (1981), it is hard to either detect or
ascertain the operation of the unconscious media bias against protest groups; “it comes through
only in an intense focus on issues such as; who is or is not accorded space to articulate their
views; ‘tones of voice’; and how opposing groups and their view points are described and
portrayed within the media’s coverage of protest situations.” (McFarlane, 2001). Taken in this
light, qualitative methodologies adopting structure as well as linguistic analyses are fruitful in
this case, since the main purpose is to interpret the latent meanings not the manifest ones. Pan
and Kosicki’s (1993) frame analysis approach will be employed to analyse the structural and
lexical features of news texts, in addition to tracing the relationship between sources,
journalists and audience members. Then, Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis
will be adopted to pin down ideologies and expose power relationships which are frequently

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hidden, not to mention to elicit results which are of practical relevance. Fairclough’s CDA
method will be more leaning toward analysing linguistically the texts in hand.
1.3 Purpose
The research aims at analyzing how Egypt’s protests were represented in the four newspapers
Al-Ahram, Al-Masry Al-youm, The Telegraph, and The Washington Post from the eruption of
the momentous events on January 25, till February 17, 2011. The rational behind choosing this
period rests on the fact that January 25 is the day that witnessed the eruption of the protests, not
to mention that the tone of the national newspapers in hand, didn’t change before Jnauary 25 as
the researcher had skimmed through the news coverage of the four newspapers one week
before January 25, 2011. However, from skimming through some news samples after the
resignation of President Mubarak on February 11, 2011, and also from examining a previous
research entitled “Framing the Egyptian Uprising in Arabic Language Newspapers and Social
Media” (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011), a shift in the tone of the news coverage was ascertained. So,
there was a need to trace this change by analysing the news coverage almost one week after
Mubarak’s ousting on February 11, 2011.
1.4 Research Questions
There are three research questions this study tries to answer:
1- What kind of frames is employed in the newspapers at issue, in light of the protest
paradigm?
2- How the four newspapers in hand identified and explored the characteristics of war
and peace journalism, according to Galtung’s dichotomous model?
3- How are the protesters portrayed in the four newspapers in question?

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1.5 Significance of the study
The significance of the study lies in the following:
• It is one of the rare studies that trace the relationship between the media and
Egypt’s protest, in addition it is sui generis in the sense that it relies entirely on
qualitative methodology.
• The study attempts to draw a link between the “protest paradigm” and
Galtung’s typology of peace and war journalism, since the former’s dependency
on official and elite sources, in addition to the tendency to demonize the
protesters and accentuate violence are associated to the characteristics of war-
reporting proffered in Galtung’s model.
• The research aims at proving the validity of Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) frame
analysis as a systematic approach that employs various tools to dissect the texts
not only on micro-analysis levels, but on macro-analysis levels as well.
• The study provides useful information about the ideological perspectives of the
Egyptian newspapers Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm, besides shedding the
light on The Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s editorial position on
foreign policy.
• The current study tries to compare its findings with the results derived from the
New York Times’ coverage of Egypt’s Revolution in the study entitled
“Overthrowing the Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global Voices
and Twitter Covered the Egyptian Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011).
• The study also highlights the notion of global journalism in the four newspapers
at issue, by tracing how these newspapers covered Egypt’s protests; from a
global or national outlook. In other words, did the news coverage depend on
putting the nation-state at the centre of things when framing Egypt’s protests
(national outlook), or account on explaining how economic, political and social

13

practices in Egypt can affect other parts of the world or vice versa (global
outlook)? Moreover, what are the obstacles that might face the concept of global
journalism in this study?
1.6 Scope of the Thesis
A sample of 60 news items and editorial pieces derived from four newspapers; namely Al-
Ahram, Al-Masry Al-Youm, The Telegraph and The Washington post, were thoroughly
examined. The derived non-random samples covering Egypt’s protests were published during
the period between January 25 and February 17, 2011. To elucidate, a sample of 15 news
articles and editorial pieces from each newspapers was allocated for this qualitative study. To
put it more crudely, 12 news articles and 3 editorial pieces were derived from each newspaper.
Only the samples of Al-Ahram and The Telegraph were available online for free. However, The
Washington Post’s samples were only accessible for those who pay a subscription price. But,
the samples of Al-Masry Al-Youm were neither available for free nor by paying a subscription
price; hence, I had to negotiate with Al-Masry Al-Youm’s editorial staff to get the samples in a
print version.
1.7 Limitations
Aside from the methods’ limitations which will be mentioned in the Limitations and
Shortcomings of the Methods section in the Methods and Material chapter, this study has some
other limitations related to the translation of Arabic materials in the Appendices, in addition to
the graphic layout of the newspapers in question, my journalistic background and no reliable
sources in the Middle East in general as well. In this regard, since almost half of the news
items’ and editorial pieces’ samples were derived from the Egyptian newspapers; means they
were all written in Arabic language, I found it very difficult to translate all the 30 news articles
and editorial pieces in English and place them in the Appendices for time constraint issues.
However, I managed to create several tables contain all the news items’ and editorial pieces’
titles, dates, and positions in the four newspapers at issue.

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As for the other limitations, I only managed to get the PDF versions and print copies of both
Al-Ahram’s and Al-Masry Al-Youm’s samples, so I could easily benefit from Fairclough’s
external intertextuality feature in his CDA’s approach. But, unfortunately, I couldn’t trace the
same feature in The Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s samples; the former’s samples
were derived from an online archive, whereas the latter’s samples were extracted from an
online subscription payment section. Also, I came from a journalistic background, which could
be a stumbling block or hindrance in the way of approaching this study academically. However,
I tried to be as clear as possible in presenting my arguments cemented by evidences to prove
these arguments. Finally, one of the obstacles that loomed large in this study was related to the
fact that no reliable sources in Egypt and the Middle East in general one can depend on in
relation to specific data or numbers, albeit I tried to get the same data from other sources, if
possible, or put the onus of the derived data on the sources I managed to get. But, this was
rarely happened like in getting the real circulation numbers of Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-
Youm from a leaked document posted on a blog.
1.8 Thesis outline
The thesis is divided into five chapters. After the Introduction chapter, the Theoretical
Framework and Previous Research chapter aims at presenting three different theories related to
the study; namely, framing, protest paradigm and peace journalism theories, not to mention to
explore the previous studies that touched upon the media coverage of social movements in
general.
The third chapter is the Methods and Material one, which subsumes two subsections; each on
one of the two methods used; notably, frame analysis and CDA. The same chapter also presents
the material thoroughly and how they were gathered. Then, it explores the limitations and
shortcoming of the methods, along with giving detailed information about generalisability,
reliability and validity of the methods.
Results and Analysis chapter is the fourth in this thesis. It examines the findings derived from
the previously-mentioned methods. Again, this chapter is divided into two main sections; one is
dedicated to the results of frame analysis with presenting some of the putative frames relevant
to the “protest paradigm”. The second section is assigned to the findings of CDA.

15

The last chapter or the Conclusion sums up the entire research by not only analyzing the
findings of the three methods and linking them to the theoretical framework, but by comparing
the results of this study with those derived from the researchs entitled “Overthrowing the
Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global Voices and Twitter Covered the Egyptian
Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011) and “Framing the Egyptian Uprising in Arabic
Language Newspapers and Social Media” (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011).

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2. Theoretical Framework and Previous Research
The theoretical framework and previous research chapter prudently examines the theoretical
and conceptual components germane to this study on one hand, and the previous research
studies within the boundaries of the field in question, on the other. In sum, this chapter sheds
light on the theories of framing, protest paradigm, and peace journalism perspectives which are
inextricably linked to the research questions in specific and the thesis in general. In the same
vein, this chapter spotlights the previous studies of media coverage of social movements, where
two recent study entitled: “Overthrowing the Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times,
Global Voices and Twitter Covered the Egyptian Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011) and
“Framing the Egyptian Uprising in Arabic Language Newspapers and Social Media” (Hamdy
& Gomaa, 2011), are thoroughly explored and examined as well.
2.1 Theoretical Approaches
The theoretical approach for this study is primarily reliant on three theories or concepts,
namely: framing, protest paradigm, and peace and war journalism. The chapter encompasses a
general definition of each theory or approach, not to mention to draw a link between the
previously-mentioned theories and concepts, cemented by the critique towards those theories, if
any, with pining down the differences between peace and war journalism paradigms.
Additionally, the chapter carefully explores how these conceptual and theoretical components
have been intertwined and used in the research at issue. Taken in this light, the rationale for
selecting those theories in specific rests on the fact that the study’s cardinal purpose is to
explore framing of Egypt’s protests in light of the “protest paradigm”as being the overarching
theory in this study, not to mention to identify the characteristics of war and peace journalism,
according to Galtung’s dichotomous model (Galtung, 1998), in some national, British and
American newspapers. Put another way, some previous studies of the news content showed that
the news coverage of protests tends to focus on the protests’ violent activities rather than their
social criticism, in order to “delegitimize” and “marginalize” the protest groups. This kind of
coverage is known as the “protest paradigm” (Chan & Lee, 1984). The latter theory is very
much akin to the violence-oriented characteristics of war journalism proffered in Galtung’s
model.

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2.1.1 Media Framing
Controversially enough, news media play an important role in the life and death of social
movements; the news media can shape a protest message for an audience, through determining
the decision of printing or broadcasting news of social protest, the choice of sources being
used, and above all, how to frame the issue. (Ashley & Olson, 1998: 263). To expound, Hank
Johnston and John A. Noakes (2005), in their “Frames of Protest: Social Movements and the
Framing Perspective”, argue that:
“Social movements are engaged in a ‘struggle for cultural supremacy’ between themselves and
other collective actors, including the state, countermovements, and the media (Tarrow 1998). For social
movements this struggle consists of two separate battles: a fight for media access, and a fight for the
definition and framing of the covered issue. In both battles, social movements are most of the time not
fighting on even terms but are confronted with strong opponents making opposition claims.” (Johnston
& Noakes, 2005: 116).
By and large, Hank Johnston and John A. Noakes (2005) postulate that social movements
managed to deviate from the media’s selection bias, albeit they couldn’t “compensate for the
media’s fascination for institutional and more professionalized newsmakers.” (Johnston &
Noakes, 2005: 117). In other words, framing will come to the fore just after the social
movements passing the news gates. This transposes us to one of the dominant theories of this
study, namely, framing theory.
In sum, there is no one universal definition of framing, though its concept is not new
(D’Angelo, 2002). The difficulty with defining news frames stems from their obscure and
abstract nature on one hand, in addition to the fact that the frames have been discussed in
relation to media coverage and people’s cognitive schemas alike, on the other (Entman, 2004).
According to Tuchman (1978), “news frame organizes everyday reality and the news frame is
part and parcel of everyday reality... (It) is an essential feature of news.” (Tuchman, 1978:
193). In the same vein, Gamson and Modigliani (1987) give definition to a media frame as “a
central organizing idea or story line that provides meaning to an upholding strip of events...The

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frame suggests what the controversy is about, the essence of the issue.” (Gamson and
Modigliani, 1987: 143). In other words, frames could be identified as “interpretative packages”
which give meaning to a certain issue. At the heart of this package is “a central organizing idea,
or frame, for making sense of relevant events, suggesting what is at issue” (Gamson &
Modigliani, 1989: 3). However, to frame, as Entman (1993), one of the prominent scholars on
framing, succinctly puts it: is “to select some aspects of perceived reality to make them more
salient, thus promoting a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation,
and/or treatment recommendation.” (Entamn, 1993: 52).
By the same token, Gitlin (1980) expatiates on the concept of media frame by saying that:
“Media frames, largely unspoken and unacknowledged, organize the world both for journalists
who report it and, in some degree, for us who rely on their reports.” (Gitlin, 1980: 7).
For Pan and Kosicki (1993), the frame of a news story is a tantamount to the theme of this news
story. They succinctly put it:
“A theme is an idea that connects different semantic elements of a story (e.g., descriptions of an
action or an actor, quotes of sources, and background information) into a coherent whole.” (Pan &
Kosicki, 1993: 59).
However, the theme is the remnant of “meaning left with the individual after attending to the
news story” (Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 164).
Theoretically speaking, there is a tangible connection between agenda setting, priming and
framing paradigms, albeit they don’t share a common mechanism. To put it crudely, by
examining Entman’s former salience-bound definition of framing (Entamn, 1993: 52), one can
say that both agenda setting and framing are similar from the first part of this definition; agenda
setting assumes that the more the media cover an issue, the more salient that issue is for the
public (Edy & Meirich, 2007: 120). Conversely, the second part of Entman’s previous
definition differentiates it from agenda-setting. Ostensibly, framing is a second-level agenda
setting, while the first-level agenda setting makes issues salient, taking into consideration that
Entman’s exposition posits that, unlike the agenda setting, the salience mechanism of frames is
not a product of repetition, rather; a structure of narrative (Edy & Meirich, 2007: 120). By the

19

same token, priming could be discerned as an outcome of agenda setting; giving some attention
to some aspects of political life at the expenses of the other (Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 23).
Congruent with highlighting the difference between framing and priming, T. E. Nelson, Oxley,
and Clawson (1997) posit three main cognitive routes to political communication effects, by
affirming that:
“Messages may change attitudes by adding information to an individual’s stockpile of
considerations about the issue (belief change), by making particular consideration temporarily more
accessible (priming), or by altering the weight of particular considerations (framing).” (Nelson, Oxley,
and Clawson, 1997: 236).
Another eminent scholar, Iyengar (1991), expostulates that the news media have a predilection
towards presenting news from an episodic perspective or frame rather than a thematic one; in
lieu of providing a “historical background of a given issue and the related social, cultural, and
political factors affecting the issue (thematic perspective), the news reporter is likely to focus
on a recent alarming, or attention-earning event that highlights an individual’s or group’s plight
through personal illustrations (episodic perspective).” (Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 164). Iyengar
(1991) comes up with a conclusion that the type of media framing has a consequence of how
audience attribute responsibility. In other word, the public will come to believe who should
held accountable for a problem, and who or what is to be responsible for remedying a situation,
through the way an issue is framed. To elucidate, the propensity towards choosing thematic
frames over episodic one might mean that the attribution of responsibility drifts from personal
to abstract societal level (Iyengar, 1991).
From Iyengar’s former conclusion, this study will draw a link between framing theory and
protest paradigm. In this, the study will trace the thematic and episodic news frames in the
journalistic samples at issue, with the hypothesis that some news coverage might give primacy
to episodic than thematic frames, most probably in the national newspapers, by concentrating
more on the protestors’ acts of violence and attribute responsibility to them, and relinquishing
the social and historical circumstances which gave rise to their movements. By so doing, the
media would resort to a ready-made frame template, namely, the protest paradigm, which is
concerned with trivializing and demonizing the social movements and their beliefs (Ashley &
Olson 1998; Chan & Lee, 1984). A more elaboration on this part will be followed in this
chapter.

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2.1.2 Critique of Media Framing
Steering the debate more toward the critique of framing theory, one can say that frames are not
simple, albeit they are complex and overlapping. They can be existed in the headline of a news
article, following Teun Van Dijk’s (1991) proposition that the headlines are often used to frame
stories. Or, they can be extracted from the entire body of news coverage. Taken in this light,
frames are developed through the choices of reporters in relation to language, source selection,
and finally story organization (Shah et al, 2004: 177). In the same vein, Scheufele and
Tewksbury (2007) postulate that framing is both a macro level; deal with the journalistic
norms, pressures, routines and deadlines in which news is created, and micro level constructs;
deal with how the audience interprets media messages. To explicate, the journalists are
“cognitive misers”, paying heed only to specific aspects of an issue, and overlooking others.
Frames, in this sense, are not a deliberate process, “they may include intent, but more likely the
result of unconscious motives.” (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007: 583).
Elaborating more on Scheufele and Tewksbury’s macro level concept, the reporters avail
themselves tendentiously of prefabricated narrative frames fit various occasions within human
existence. These ready-made narrative frames are “archetypal” (Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 174). In
this, Bird and Dardenne (1988) mention:
“In particular terms, news values, rules, and formulas are essential for journalists to do their
jobs. Reporters may have to write many stories in a week, or they may have to move to a different
community and start writing about it immediately. They can comfortably do this with all the story-
telling tools at their disposal, giving them a skeleton on which to hang the flesh of the news story.”
(Bird & Dardenne, 1988: 73)
In this regard, one of the challenges that I may encounter in this study is to have in mind some
ready-made frames and gratuitously interpolate them into my interpretation of the news stories
in question. Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) for example, found out from their practicum that
the most common frames in news coverage are: attribution of responsibility, conflict, morality,
human interest and economic consequences frames (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000: 93-109).
To overcome this potential problem, I will use the eleven framing mechanism suggested by

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Tankard (2001) to identify and measuring news frames: “headlines, subheads, photos, photo
captions, leads, source selection, quotes selection, pull quotes, logos, statistics and charts and
concluding statements and paragraphs” (Vreese, 2005: 54). But, still, even with Tankard’s
eleven framing mechanism, it’s hard to define a frame, especially when you have different
frames intertwined together in the same news article. To clarify, there is a conflation of frames
within the same news story, constituting what is called as “hybrid frames”. However, to
mitigate this problematic issue, I will resort to Cappella’s and Jamieson’s (1997) four criteria
that a frame must meet. First, a news frame has to have identifiable linguistic characteristics.
Second, it should be discerned in journalistic practice and norm. Third, it has to be possible to
differentiate the frame reliably from other frames. Finally, a frame has to be recognized by
others, and not be engendered from a researcher’s imagination (Cappella & Jameson, 1997: 47-
89). In the main, this study will be dealing with Entman’s (1993) definition of frame mentioned
earlier, which was found to be the most appropriate for this study, because many relevant
studies depended on Entman’s definition on one hand, and the protest paradigm as the
overarching theory in this study proffered by McLeod and Hertog (1999) was reliant on the
same definition of frames on the other.
Symmetrically speaking, I will adopt in this study Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) methodological
approach of framing analysis which reckons on analysing the structural and lexical features of
news texts, not to mention to analyse the framing devices proffered by Gamson and Lasch
(1983), namely: “metaphors, exemplars, catchphrases, depictions and visual images” (Gamson
& Lasch, 1983: 399). By so doing, and resorting to two different methods in this study, namely
frame analysis and critical discourse analysis, I may narrow down the number of
interpretations derived from the media texts at issue. A more illustration would be followed in
the Methods and Material chapter.
2.1.3 Protest Paradigm
In his “News Coverage and Social Protest: How the Media’s Protest Paradigm Exacerbates
Social Conflict”, Douglas M. McLeod (2007) defines the protest paradigm, the dominant
theory in this study, as:
“A set of news coverage patterns that typifies mainstream media coverage. This coverage
generally disparages protesters and hinders their role as vital actors on the political stage. The lack of

22

respect for the value of social protest inherent in such coverage has created frustration among the
protesters, which has in turn contributed to dysfunctional confrontations.” (McLeod, 2007: 185).
In the same vein, according to McQuail (1993), the media act robustly in disturbed times than
in normal circumstances. In other words, whenever the stability of a society is at stake by
“crime, war, economic malaise or some ‘moral panic’, the mass media are given some
responsibility.” (McQuail, 1993: 332-333). In line with this fact, the media is more likely to
shore up the legitimacy of the state on one hand, and delegitimize the challenges of social
orders, on the other (Ashley & Olson, 1998: 263). By so doing, the media not only exert all its
efforts to wane the potency and effectiveness of protestors, but also exaggerate the threat they
pose to the society (McLeod, 1995). The underdog team, the protest groups, unfortunately are
not in a valence situation; they operate with limited resources and have difficulties regarding
finding succour in the public, though the advent of Internet and social media have enabled, to
some degree, the protestors from achieving their goals, like what had happened during the
Egyptian Revolution for example. But, when the Egyptian authorities blocked Twitter,
Facebook, followed by the entire Internet and mobile phone networks, the protesters resorted to
a variety of different media to coordinate and communicate with each other (BBC, 2011).
As a result of lacking the resources needed to accomplish their mission, in addition to falling
out of favour of what has been called “the news net” (Tuchman, 1978), the protest groups resort
to drama to garner media attention (McLeod, 2007: 185). However, the entirely devoting to do
something newsworthy such as dramatic gestures, sit-ins, demonstrations, marches and
violence, would detrimentally delegitimize the protestors. In other words, the protest groups are
caught between a rock and a hard place; whether ignoring the media or resorting to drama, and
consequently, risking delegitimizing their efforts (McLeod, 2007: 186).
To trace the origin of the protest paradigm, McLeod (2007) writes:
“The origins of the protest paradigm are the product of the forces that shape news production
including the bias of the individual reporter, the impact of news organization, the canons of the
journalistic profession, the cultural and ideological blinders of the social system, and the constraints of
the medium.” (McLeod, 2007: 186).

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According to McLeod and Hertog (1999), the protest paradigm is consisting of the following
characteristics:
• News frames
• Reliance on official sources
• The invocation of public opinion
• “Delegitimization”
• “Demonization”
In the news frames feature proffered by McLeod and Hertog (1999), Entman’s famous framing
definition mentioned earlier was adopted. Additionally, the prominent scholars posit that the
most common frames used in the coverage of protest groups are: the “crime story”, the “riot”,
and the “carnival”, while the “debate” frame is rarely used. The protest paradigm news
coverage is also characterized by its contingency on official sources. The journalists’ leaning
nonchalantly towards official sources are justified as the latter conform to the standard
definitions of objectivity which satisfy the journalistic norms. But, this pseudo-like objective
reporting tends to be just “a mere perpetuation of the status quo, because it does not criticize
the existing social order.” (Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 236). Even with the ascendancy of electronic
technologies, some scholars like Hansen, Ward, Conners, and Neuzil (1994), found that the
reporters’ dependency on conventional/official news sources remained, or even increased
(Hansen et al, 1994: 561-572).
Regarding the invocation of public opinion characteristic of the protest paradigm, McLeod and
Hertog (1999) postulate that the protest paradigm has a tendency towards emphasizing on the
fact that there are differences between protesters and the widespread society. To expound, most
of protestors’ coverage “don’t contain reports of actual public opinion polls.” (McLeod, 2007:
187). Taken in this light, the protestors’ news reports make use of sources or quotes to create
sweeping generalizations about public opinion, aiming at framing protestors as abandoned
minority. In the same vein, a considerable space would be given to the descriptions of the
appearances, behaviours and identity of the protestors, not to mention to highlight their violent
clashes with the police and violation of law, in a way to accentuate their aberration from the
social norms. Likewise, according to the protest paradigm, the reporters’ coverage of the
protest groups tends to interview bystanders “who by definition do not join the protest”, to

24

represent the feedbacks of the citizens, and consequently, most of those bystanders would be
opposed to the protestors (McLeod, 2007).
One of the fundamental components of the protest paradigm is “delegitimization”. As a direct
consequence of failing to give a reason for the protest actions, the public usually perceive them
as barren, pointless, inane, senseless and even “irrational”. In this, the journalists may try to
delegitimize the protestors by “judging them as futile or as failures, ignoring many of the latent
functions of protest groups (e.g., spreading information, generating sources, building solidarity
among individuals and coalitions among like-minded groups, etc).” (McLeod, 2007: 187).
Finally, according to McLeod and Hertog (1999), the protest paradigm employs a
“demonization” frame of the protestors. To explicate, the media try to exaggerate the threats
posed by the protest groups, through focusing attention on the negative attributes and
consequences of the protests. By and large, the media coverage of protests not only gives
prominence to the violent actions and the “anarchy” of a few protestors, but also ignores the
peaceful actions of the majority. Emphasize on “violence, property damage, traffic congestion,
and expenditure of community resources (i.e., the cost of law enforcement)” (McLeod, 2007:
187), has been adopted by the journalists in their media coverage of protest groups.
To recoup, Laura Ashley and Beth Olson (1998) in their “Constructing Reality: Print Media’s
Framing of the Women’s Movement, 1966 to 1986”, summarized McLeod and Hertog’s former
characteristics of the protest paradigm and drew a direct link between framing and protest
paradigm theories by writing:
“News media can frame a protest group in several ways: by ignoring it; burying the article in
the back section; by the description given to the protesters; reporting the event rather than the group’s
goals and interests; trivializing the protest by making light of their dress, language, age, style or goals;
or marginalizing viewpoints by attributing them to a social deviant.” (Ashley & Olson, 1998: 264).
Congruent with the earlier hypothesis that the media coverage of some of the journalistic
samples in hand was more leaning towards episodic frames than thematic ones, by accentuating
the protesters’ violent actions and ignoring the social and historical backgrounds of their
claims, this study will elaborate more on and McLeod and Hertog’s five characteristics of the
protest paradigm mentioned above. Taken in this light, another hypothesis for this study would

25

to identify a number of frames in light of the protest paradigm. Those putative frames that most
probably to be found in the national newspapers in hand, are:
• Protest as being disregarded and neglected
• Protest as carnival
• Protesters’ appearance, behaviour and identity
• Protesters vs. police
• Protesters as anarchists
• Protest as economic threat
• Protest as part of conspiracy theories
Conspicuously, following in the footsteps of the state-run Egyptian TV which was
broadcasting and focusing its cameras on a panoramic view of the River Nile and Cairo Tower,
instead of concentrating on the protests in Tahrir Square during the very first days of the
Egyptian revolution (Associated Press, 2010), Al-Ahram, a state-run newspaper which is
included in the samples of this study, adopted the same strategy; the main headline of the front
page on January 26, 2011, just a day after the breaking out of the upheaval protests, was:
“Demonstrations and Widespread Unrests in Lebanon”. However, another news article with a
considerable small space compared to the previous news piece was given to the Egyptian
protests in the same front page, entitled: “Thousands Participate in Peaceful Demonstrations in
Cairo, Governorates”. No other space was dedicated to the protests on that day in Al-Ahram
newspaper (Al Ahram, 2011). This brings about a putative protest as being disregarded and
neglected frame to the fore. Another prominent frame could be protest as carnival. This frame
is a part of a theatre or performance narrative structure, aiming at depicting the protests as
“performance”, whilst protesters as “actors”. The purpose of this interpretation could be to
“empty the protest of its radical political content” (McFarlane, 2001). In other words, the frame
diverts the attention from the reason behind being on the streets.
Likewise, another frame that may shift away the attention from the analysis of the protestors’
political perspectives and consequently failing to underwrite a legitimate meaning for their
actions on the streets, will be protesters’ appearance, behaviour and identity frame. In the
same vein, a more dedicated space will be given to the description of the protestors, their dress,

26

language, age and identity, than to their major-league political context. Similarly, the protester
vs. the police frame is expected to be the most central frame in this study. In his
“Communicating Deviance: The Effects of Television News Coverage of Social Protest”,
Douglas M. McLeod (1995) argues:
“The news media’s focus on protest violence often transfers the protesters’ intended opposition
target, typically a government or corporate agency, to the police. Thus, many protest stories adopt a
‘protesters vs. police’ news frame. The transference of protesters’ intended opposition is significant
because a group that challenges government policy is political, while a group that challenges police is
criminal.” (McLeod, 1995).
McLeod (1995) points out that the media usually are adamant to substitute the protesters’
intended opposition target, notably a government or corporate agency, for the police. The bias
toward the protesters’ opponents, namely the police, is being employed by the use of sources.
In this, the journalists resort to the police officers and other official representatives at the
expense of the protesters in their coverage. The preternaturalness within protesters vs. police
frame is highlighted through the depiction of which group is initiating and which group is
responding to the encounter (McLeod, 1995). In the main, it’s stereotypical to frame the
protesters as provokers and police as merely acting in response to restore order (McLeod &
Hertog, 1992). Moreover, at the heart of the news coverage of the protesters vs. police frame,
one can find actions rather than the issues of protest, are the focus of the news stories. The
reason behind this lies in the deep-rooted entertainment value of action on one hand, and the
canons of objectivity, on the other.
By and large, Giltin (1977) theorizes:
“The actions of protesters make for dramatic video, photos and news stories. In addition, the
description of actions and the recounting of facts, such as the number of protests arrested, fit within the
guidelines of objectivity. Journalists often hesitate to deal with social criticism for fear of seeming like
advocates. When they are covered, issues are often trivialized and over-simplified.” (Giltin 1977;
McLeod 1995).
As for protesters as anarchists frame, the protesters in Tahrir Square, specifically, could be
framed with an “anarchy” narrative structure. In this, a reference was made to the protesters’

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acts of violence, property destruction, setting fires in cars and governmental buildings, and the
like, as if the streets of Egypt became a playing field of anarchists. This recurrent reference to
violence and anarchy not only supports the status quo and portrays the protests as abandoned
minority, but also helps in getting the public ratchet up against the protestors (McFarlane,
2001).
Protest as economic threat narrative structure is also very common. It usually works in tandem
with Protesters as anarchists news frame to magnify and aggravate the economic consequences
of such protests on the country. In this, the news coverage of radical protests tends to depict the
frailty and delicacy of the economic conditions of the state, and sometimes portray the country
as if it is on brink of bankruptcy. Again, the cardinal purpose behind this pattern is to put the
public against the protesters who are appearing to be the cause of this calamity. Finally, the
protests are framed as being part of conspiracy theories. In sum, the protesters are portrayed as
“subscribers of conspiracy theories” (McFarlane, 2001). They are delineated as part of a grand
scheme to destabilize the country. This is another illustration to the previous “supporting the
status quo” narrative structure.
In the same tone, McLeod and Detenber (1999), enunciate:
“Status quo support had significant effects on viewers, leading them to be more critical of, and
less likely to identify with, the protesters; less critical of the police, and less likely to support the
protesters’ expressive rights. Status quo support also produced lower estimates of the protest’s
effectiveness, public support, and perceptions of newsworthiness.” (McLeod and Detender, 1999: 3).
2.1.4 Critique of Protest Paradigm
One can find potential pitfalls in the protest paradigm and its characteristics. In this vein,
McLeod (2007) in his “News Coverage and Social Protest: How the Media’s Protest Paradigm
Exacerbates Social Conflict”, hypothesizes that under certain conditions the journalists may
deviate from the protest paradigm in their coverage of the protest groups. To exemplify,
McLeod analyzed the Day without Immigrants demonstrations of 2006, which was protest
rallies around the United States as a direct response to “congressional debates over proposed
revisions to immigration policy, some of which may restrict the flow of immigration to the
United States and others that may impinge upon those who are already in the U.S. without

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authorization.”(McLeod, 2007: 188). By applying the five characteristics of the protest
paradigm he proposed -mentioned earlier- on a discourse study, McLeod found out that the
coverage of the Los Angeles Times didn’t conform to the concept of the protest paradigm
which usually used to trivialize, demonize and delegitimize the protest groups. One of his
findings germane to the positive coverage of the protestors in his study was that “the size and
scope of the demonstrations made them hard to ignore.” (McLeoad, 2007: 191). According to
McLeod (2007), the journalists have no choice except for covering the considerable large and
national-scope protests even if they fell out of the newsworthiness favour such as conflict,
property damage, clashes with the police and the like.
Argumentatively, it seems that McLeod’s previous finding cannot be applicable to all the cases
of protest groups, especially in the so-called third countries or authoritarian regimes. In this,
though Egypt’s protests that captured the public interest all over the world were huge in
numbers; Al-Jazeera mentioned “up to two million” people were in Tahrir square, while New
York Times and Wall Street Journal estimated their number by “hundreds of thousands” (Now
Public, 2011), the state-run Egyptian television ignored the protests entirely by concentrating
its cameras on the River Nile and Cairo Tower instead of airing the unfolding events in Tahrir
Square (Associated Press, 2010). Likewise, the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper tried to
ignore the protests by giving them a small space on the front page on January 26, 2011, as
mentioned previously (Al Ahram, 2011). By so doing, the news coverage of the state-controlled
mediums may tend to adopt a protest as being disregarded and neglected news frame.
Moreover, McLeod (2007) gives some recommendations for the journalists who are producing
news articles about social protests based on his analysis of the Los Angeles Times coverage.
One of these recommendation tips was to invest more time in writing “meaningful stories”,
without falling into the trap of deadlines’ pressure. Practically speaking, McLeod failed to
come up with a “real” piece of advice to overcome this potential, yet chronic problem of
journalists’ deadlines!
Steering the discussion toward another debatable point in the protest paradigm, one can say
that the American news coverage of social protests outside the U.S. soils differs from, at the
very least, other countries’ news coverage. Taken in this light, Wittebols (1996) assumes that
the news coverage of protest groups in other countries conforms to the U.S. government’s
“foreign policy toward both the foreign government and protest movements.” (Wittebols, 1996:
345). In other words, if the American government shores up a foreign government, the protests

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are ignored and overlooked. However, if the American government doesn’t buoy up a foreign
government, the protests are accentuated and spotlighted (Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 237). The way
that the American media deal with the social protests in countries which threaten U.S. foreign
policy interests brings to the fore the propaganda model of mass media proffered by Herman
and Chomsky (1988). According to propaganda model, money and power could easily filter out
the news fit to print, marginalize dissention and allow the government and the elites to get their
message across the masses (Herman and Chomsky, 1988: 2). One can pick up another thread
into Johan Galtung’s peace and war journalism model; war journalism is propaganda-
orientated (Ottosen, 2010).
To explicate, McLeod (1995) himself in his “Communicating Deviance: The Effects of
Television News Coverage of Social Protest”, stayed abreast of this point, albeit he didn’t
mention vividly this exception from his protest paradigm model as one of the factors that may
influence the news coverage of social movements. In this, he writes:
“For social protest, this means that the democratic utility of protest is more likely to be
recognized when the people of other nations are protesting (e.g., Tienanmen Square, the attempted
Soviet coup) than when the protests are in the United States (e.g., the Persian Gulf War).” (McLeod,
1995).
In sum, the U.S. foreign policy interests could be another factor that militates against the news
coverage of the social protests in the light of the protest paradigm.
2.1.5 Peace Journalism
The concept of peace journalism emanated in the 1970s by the Norwegian scholar Johan
Galtung. According to Galtung, there are two roads to looking at a conflict; the low road that
sees a conflict as a battle in sports arena and gladiator circus, where winning is everything. The
latter road represents war journalism. However, the high road of peace journalism sees
conflicts as challenges to the world. Whenever there is a clear danger of violence, there is also
a chance or an opportunity to transform the conflict without violence (Kempf and Luostarinen,
2002: 260).
The prominent Norwegian scholar argues:

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“There is no argument that violence shouldn’t be reported. But the first victim in a war is not
truth. That is only the second victim. The first victim is, of course, peace.” (Kempf and Luostarinen,
2002: 260).
Similarly, McGoldrick and Lynch (2000) define peace journalism as a “broader, fairer and
more accurate way of framing stories, drawing on the insights of conflict analysis and
transformation.” (McGoldrick & Lynch, 2000).
In sum, peace journalism centres on stories that accentuate peace initiatives; attenuate ethnic
and religious differences, prevent more conflict; and buoying up conflict resolution,
reconstruction and reconciliation (Galtung, 1998). In Galtung’s point of view, peace journalism
is a tantamount to health journalism; “a good health reporter describes a patient’s battle against
cancer and yet informs readers about the cancer’s causes as well as the full range of cures and
preventive measures.” (Lee & Maslog, 2005: 312). On the other hand, war journalism is more
about sports journalism; where the main attention is on winning in a zero-sum game.
2.1.6 Peace Journalism vs. War Journalism
In consonance with Johan Galtung’s model which he introduced to differentiate between
peace/conflict and war/violence journalism, one can say that peace journalism gives other
options to the reader/viewer, through offering a solution orientated, people orientated and truth
orientated approach. Peace journalism offers possible solutions and suggestions for peace to
the parties involved in the conflict, and it is people-orientated by concentrating on the civilian
victims, not to mention it is also truth-orientated by exposing the untruth on all sides or “the
black and whites of all sides”. Conversely, war journalism is violence-orientated, propaganda-
orientated, elite-orientated and victory-orientated. It is like a zero-sum game where the winner
takes everything (Ottosen, 2010). Cardinally, peace journalism represents truth as opposed to
propaganda and lies. Galtung draws a vivid link between peace journalism and “journalism of
attachment”, by admitting that peace journalism is nothing but “journalism of attachment”.
Taken in this light, journalists should not stand neutrally between good and evil. Rather, they
should play an active role in any conflict by taking the side of the good. By doing so, media
will serve as catalysts for unfettering violence, in lieu of contributing to de-escalation and
constructive, nonviolent conflict transformation. On the other hand, the opponents of peace

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journalism school, mainly the war journalism advocates, see that journalists shouldn’t appoint
themselves as judges of who is good or evil in any conflict in the world, and should adhere to
their professional rules of being just a mirror of the society (Kempf and Luostarinen, 2002: 59).
In line with the previous discourse, peace journalism is trying to remain aloof from the
objectivity credo, or even, doubting its validity. In other words, the journalistic notion of being
as an unjaundiced mirror of the reality is a fallacy to peace journalism advocates. In this
context, Iggers (1998) points out:
“Although few journalists still defend objectivity, it remains one of the greatest obstacles to
their playing a more responsible and constructive role in public life.” (Iggers, 1998: 91).
Steering the debate more towards the differences between peace and war journalism, one can
say that war journalism is giving primacy to and is oriented in violence, propaganda, elite and
finally victory, as previously mentioned. In this vein, there are many definitions for
propaganda. Wilhelm Kempt and Heikki Luostarien in their book, “Journalism and New World
Order”, proclaim that “propaganda is often connected with the simplest ‘transmission view’ of
communication, where messages- in a fashion described by colourful metaphors as
‘mechanistic S-R theory’, ‘hypodemic needle theory’, ‘transmission belt theory’ or ‘magic
bullet theory’- move from the brains of the sender to affect the knowledge, emotions and
behaviour of the recipient.” (Kempf and Luostarinen, 2002: 18). Some scholars like Herman
and Chomsky (1988) postulate that the media bulwark the interests of the power elites. In this
regard, propaganda becomes connected with authoritarian governments and the so-called
“brainless herd”, as a concept epitomizes the people. According to propagandists, journalists
would take the sides of the state, by supporting what it is believed to be in the national interest.
Sometimes, the journalists who dare to take “the wrong side” and don’t support the state policy,
would be marginalized and branded (Kempf and Luostarinen, 2002: 20). Principally, war
propaganda discerns everything which is “ours” as being sacred, whilst everything related to
the enemy is perceived as blasphemous, filthy and immoral. In other words, one can see two
dichotomous perspectives: demonizing the enemy as opposed to heroicizing our deeds (Kempf
and Luostarinen, 2002: 38).
In the same vein, Philip Knightley (1975) sheds light on the depiction of “demonizing” the
enemy in war-reporting. Similarly, Sam Keen (1986) describes in his book “Faces of the

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Enemy” how an enemy could be discerned as a “criminal”, “death”, “rapist” or even an “enemy
of God”. However, some critics and authors such as Chomsky and Ottoson examined and
discussed how Washington changed its view towards Nicolae Ceausescu, the former Romanian
dictator, from having its complete support as being “the favourite member of the Warsaw
Pact”, to “Satan”, “Dracula” and “Hitler” (Ottoson, 1995: 104). In trawling for an analogy
between the protest paradigm and the “demonization” theme in war journalism, one can say
that the former used to demonize the protesters and portray them as deviants from the social
norms. In other words, the demonized enemy in war-reporting is substituted for the protesters
in the protest paradigm. Equally, in the protesters vs. police news frame, Hall et al. (1978)
elaborates that the news media often “treat radical protesters as equivalent of criminals”
(McLeod, 1995).
Congruent with the “demonization” theme, the theme of “Us” versus the “Other” is another
palpable characteristic in war-reporting. Introduced for the first time by Carl Schmitt (1932),
the tone of “Us” versus the “Other” loomed large in some news coverage during the 18 days of
the Egyptian Revolution. In this context, there were some attempts to besmirch the protesters in
Tahrir square. To elucidate, in the same day that President Mubarak stepped down, Al-Ahram
in a supplement, portrayed two big opposite pictures, one from Tahrir square, captioned by “the
Uprising”, and the other for the newly-appointed Vice President Suleiman who was assigned by
Mubarak to conduct a negotiation with the opposition representatives, captioned by “the
Legitimacy”. In other words, the government and regime wanted to deliver a message to the
Egyptians, whether to be with “Us”; the civilized, rational and legitimate elite, or with “Them”;
the chaotic, irrational and illegitimate, albeit patriotic group (Al-Ahram, 2011).
Concomitantly with Galtung’s typology, McGoldrick and Lynch (2000) developed the previous
model into 17 good recommendations to journalists in covering wars, including concentrating
on solutions, presenting long-term effects, focusing on the ordinary people, not to mention to
reporting on all sides, and using accurate language. Also, Seow Ting Lee and Crispin C.
Maslog (2005) expanded Galtung’s model into 13 indicators of war journalism and another 13
indicators for peace journalism in their study, “War or Peace Journalism? Asian Newspaper
Coverage of Conflicts”.
Taken in this light, Lee and Maslog (2005) argue:

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“These indicators, used to elicit from the body text of each story which frame—war or peace
journalism—dominated the narrative, comprised two themes: approach and language. The approach-
based criteria included (a) reactivity, (b) visibility of effects of war, (c) elite orientation, (d) differences,
(e) focus on here and now, (f) good and bad dichotomy, (g) party involvement, (h) partisanship, (i)
winning orientation, and (j) continuity of reports. The language-based criteria focused on language that
was (a) demonizing, (b) victimizing, and (c) emotive. For example, a story was judged if it is reactive
(“Does it wait for war to break out before reporting it?”); whether it reported mainly on the visible
effects of war (“Does it focus on casualties, death toll, damage to property?”); and whether it was
partisan (“Is it biased for one side in the conflict?”), and so on. In this way, indexes were produced to
measure war journalism and peace journalism.” (Lee & Maslog, 2005: 316).
For this study, though it doesn’t entirely fall into the war conflict category, as it’s more leaning
towardand demarcated as a social or protest movement, but, still, it shares many factors with
war-reporting where patriotism, censorship, propaganda and anger are intertwined together.
Therewith, peace-reporting can be traced as well. In this regard and in accordance with the
previous hypotheses posited earlier, notably the media coverage of the some newspaper
samples at issue is more angling towards episodic than thematic frames, not to mention to
identify a number of frames developed from the protest paradigm which is expected to be
found in the samples in question, another hypothesis revolves around that the national
newspapers, namely, Al Masry Al Youm and Al-Ahram, are leaning more towards war-
reporting in their depiction and covering of the protests’ events that ended up with toppling the
the President Hosni Mubarak, than the British and American coverage of the same protests in
the other two newspapers: The Washington Post and The Telegraph. The latter British and
American coverage is expected to conform more to the principles of peace journalism, at some
extent.
To substantiate this hypothesis, the study will make use of some indicators extracted from Lee
and Maslog’s (2005) model, which is, consequently, developed from Galtung’s (1998)
typology. The indicators to be used in this study are:
• Visible effects of the (conflict). (Does the coverage concentrate on the
casualties; dead and wounded, and property damage?)
• Elite/official sources orientation. (To what extent the coverage depends on
elite or official sources? Are there any people sources in the coverage? )

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• Partisanship. (Does the coverage show some inclination toward one party or
more at the expense of the other(s)?)
• Good and bad dichotomy. (Does the coverage reflect two opposed attitudes
towards the involved parties; e.g., the police are good, whilst the protesters
are bad? Are there any signs of “Us” versus “Them” theme or victims and
villains? )
• Victimizing language. (Does the language of the reports tend to be more
victimizing; e.g., tragic, defenceless, pathetic; to tell only what has been done
to people or not?)
• Demonizing language. (Is there any attempt to demonize or dehumanize any
party (ies) in the conflict within the coverage by using words such as:
vicious, cruel, barbaric, tyrant, brutal and the like?)
In this regard, the more the coverage displays visual effects of the conflict through
concentrating on the casualties or property damages than invisible effects of the conflict; e.g.,
emotional trauma and damage to society at large, the more a newspaper shows a tendency
towards war journalism. Likewise, the more the coverage relies on official and elite sources
than ordinary people, the more it adheres to war journalism’s canons. Moreover, the more the
coverage is biased towards one party or more at the expense of the other (s) or the more the
media act as a propaganda tool, the more it conforms to war journalism. However, the more the
coverage reflects the theme of “Us” versus “Them”, the more it falls into war journalism’s
category. Finally, the more the coverage uses frequently victimizing and demonizing language
in describing the conflict and its parties than reporting on what has been done, how the people
are coping and using more accurate descriptions, the more the coverage tends towards war
journalism (Lee & Maslog, 2005: 325-326).
2.1.7 Critique of Peace Journalism
One of the most problematic issues concerning Galtung’s peace journalism concept is the
dilemma of objectivity. In this, the opponents of peace journalism believe that the journalist
should seek objectivity; to be neutral as long as possible in his reporting and stand up against

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taking sides in conflict. In this, Thomas Nagel, the New York University law and philosophy
professor, argues that:
“In pursuing objectivity we alter our relation to the world, increasing the correctness of certain
of our representations of it by compensating for the peculiarities of our point of view.” (Nagel, 1986:
90).
In addition to Jake Lynch’s (2007) response, one of the proponents of peace journalism, to this
point in his “Peace Journalism and its Discontents”, by stating that Nagel’s definition deals
with objectivity as a “pursuit, rather than a state of grace”, Samuel Peleg (2007), another
advocate of peace journalism, believes that objectivity as being reporting what the journalist
sees, is not a cardinal issue, especially when the focus of the story is often what the journalists
don’t see (Ottosen, 2010). I agree with this mindset, simply because there is no such thing
called “objectivism”; no one can reach the Archimedean point!
Moreover, Wilhelm Kempf, another proponent of peace journalism, comments on the
objectivity and neutrality dilemma:
“It is not sufficient that journalists remain neutral: they have to abandon the complete
framework of war and military logic… Journalists can take responsibility only if they base their work on
a better understanding of conflicts and if they take into account that none of the parties in the conflict
have absolute standards of truth.” (Kempf and Luostarinen, 2002: 71).
Similarly, the opponents of peace journalism see “truthfulness” as a goal of journalism to
withstand falsity. However, according to Galtung (1998), truth journalism alone is not peace
journalism, “truth does not come easily, given the tendency to take sides once the 'who wins'
perspective has been adopted. If one side is backed by one's own country, nation, class or
paper/ station/ channel, the low road (war journalism) invites untruthfulness, as witnessed in
the Gulf, Somalian and Bosnian wars.” (Galtung, 1998). By the same token, Gamson (1989)
argues that facts have no central meaning. They get their meaning by being lodged into a frame
or storyline which “organizes them and gives them coherence, selecting certain ones to
emphasize while ignoring others.” (Gamson, 1989: 157).

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The most controversial part in peace journalism’s critique would be the eminent and noble aim
of trying to make the world a better place than it really is, by shooting the messenger of bad
news, if necessary. To Peleg (2007), reporters are like doctors, and peace journalism is
“actually survival and abolition of war and destruction.” (Peleg, 2007: 3). However, David
Loyn, a well-known opponent of peace journalism, raises an important question: what if
military intervention was the best option, like the case of Kosovo, where NATO’s intervention
was the only realistic solution to save civilians (Ottoson, 2010: 5)?
In his response to this question, Lynch argues that the opponents of peace journalism
depreciate the willingness and capabilities the leaders in the West to manipulate the media,
especially when it is related to mobilization to go to war and “rhetoric in favour of
‘humanitarian intervention’ such as the build-up to the war against Yugoslavia in 1999, and
Iraq in 2003.” (Ottoson, 2010: 5).
Another important debatable point related to the canons of peace journalism as proffered by
Galtung, could be that peace journalism is “people-orientated” while war journalism is “elite-
orientated”. In other words, the dependency on official and elite sources is one of the
characteristics of war-reporting, whilst the tendency towards relying on ordinary people as
sources is one of the main features of peace-reporting. Loyn (2007), for his part, casts doubt on
the validity of this pattern in real journalism, as this strategy may not contribute to the success
of newspapers and sales figures. However, in my point of view, the excessive reliance on
elite/official sources at the expense of people sources steered the news coverage to specific
angles beneficial to the power elites. By so doing, the media might be laden with unreal and
spurious messages, like the case in the protest paradigm mentioned earlier.
2.2 Previous Research
Studies about the Egyptian Revolution are still very rare. To expound this scarcity of researches
pertinent to this revolution, one may say that it fully goes back to the recentness of the event, or
even it’s still an unfolding and ongoing one, on one hand, and most of the studies conducted in
this field were revolving around determining the role of Information and Communication
Technologies (ICT), specifically the social networks, such as Facebook and Twitter, in

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mobilizing the Egyptians to participate in the protests, on the other. In the main, there are still
two research study entitled: “Overthrowing the Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times,
Global Voices and Twitter Covered the Egyptian Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011), and
“Framing the Egyptian Uprising in Arabic Language Newspapers and Social Media” (Hamdy
& Gomaa, 2011), which the former examines mainly the news coverage of the New York
Times, in addition to the materials uploaded on Global Voices and Twitter, germane to the
Egyptian Revolution in the light of the protest paradigm and framing theory. However, the
latter study explores the framing of Egypt’s protests in some Egyptian state-run, independent,
and social media. By and large, this chapter deals with the preceding studies which trace how
media in general work in social movements, besides thoroughly examining the previously-
mentioned and the very-related studies that dealt with Egypt’s protests.
2.2.1 Media’s Impact on Social Movements
It’s of paramount importance to hint to the fact that most of the studies related to tracing
media’s functionality towards social movements, were conducted in the West, and by Western
scholars. Interestingly enough, many, if not most, of the previous studies in the ambit of the
relationship between media and social protests were resorted to quantitative methods,
specifically content analysis. In the same vein, an array of literature evinced how media
coverage used to marginalize social movements (Giltin, 1980; Shoemaker, 1984; McLeod &
Hertog, 1992). Conversely, some other studies demonstrated the impact of protest coverage on
the audience. Since our study is leaning toward the former approach, we will deal with the
media coverage of the protest groups, and consequently, how it contributes to trivializing,
marginalizing and even demonizing those protests.
One of the studies on the media’s impact on social movements was a research entitled:
“Constructing Reality: Print Media’s Framing of the Women’s Movement, 1966 to 1986”,
written by Laura Ashley and Beth Olson (1998). The study developed the characteristics of the
protest paradigm mentioned earlier and linked it with framing theory. However, the content of
newspapers and news magazines related to the coverage of women’s movement between 1966
and 1986, was examined for the use of framing techniques through content analysis. Two
important remarks can be elicited from this study. First, it measured the importance of the news
coverage to the press, through determining the “amount of coverage, story topic, section

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placement and both male and female reporters cover.” (Ashley & Olson, 1998: 265). Second,
the study inferred that most of the women’s movement coverage during those twenty years was
negative, albeit some were “considered positive”, notably the other coverage written by
feminists who were tried to present the goals and issues of the movement. This may shed light
on Galtung’s perception that there is a gender difference between men and women in the light
of peace journalism’s ideology; men are more interested in negative/war news, such as
violence, whilst women are more interested in positive/peace news like romance and “where
the female gatherer-reproducer is stirred” (Kempf and Luostarinen, 2002: 267).
Another study, named: “The Battle for Seattle: discourse, The Australian and framing
representatives of the Seattle World Trade Organization Protests”, written by McFarlane
(2001), earned its way to get the echelon position in the current study field. McFarlane (2001)
developed the characteristics of the protest paradigm proffered by McLeod (2007) brought
about earlier, and identified major five frames to disparage the protesters. Those frames are:
protest as performance, protestor appearance and identity, the battle for Seattle (includes
police vs. protesters and anarchy themes), links to the past and finally protestor ignorance and
stupidity (McFarlane, 2001). Taken in this light, some of this study’s frames are borrowed from
McFarlane’s research.
In this, McFarlane (2001) writes:
“Narrative structures concentrating on superficial issues of protestors’ appearances and
identities, their clashes with police, their street performances and their links to the past focused attention
away from the inseparable political context of the protests.” (McFarlane, 2001).
Nevertheless, one of the most important studies within the boundaries of social movements,
would be Douglas M. McLeod’s (2007) “News Coverage and Social Protest: How the Media’s
Protest Paradigm Exacerbates Social Conflict”, in which he defined the protest paradigm and
the characteristics of this theory, in addition to applying his approach to a content analysis
research on the Day without Immigrants Demonstration of 2006. Not only this research is very
significant for introducing the canons of the protest paradigm, but also it shows that some news
coverage may deviate from the protest paradigm. McLeod postulates that the positive coverage
of the protest may be emanated from some factors, as following:

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“(1) The size and scope of the demonstrations made them hard to ignore; (2) the goals of the
protest were consistent with the interests of readers and the power structure; (3) the tactics of the protest
were relatively peaceful making it difficult for the media to find fault; and (4) the large percentage of
immigrants, Latinos, and non-resident workers in the Los Angeles community insulated the movement
from severe criticism.” (McLeod, 2007: 191).
In this vein, I refuted earlier the first point related to the size and scope of the demonstrations
that made them hard to be ignored by the media, by positing a protest as being disregarded and
neglected news frame. Similarly, the third point pertinent to the concept that a peaceful
demonstration makes it difficult for the media to find a fault is another difference between the
Western democracies and the so-called third countries or authoritarian regimes. To exemplify,
this study demonstrates how propaganda was a tool in the hands of the Egyptian government
and their state-run mediums to quell and snuff out the peaceful demonstrations. A more
elaboration on this would be followed in the analysis chapter.
2.2.2 Covering the Egyptian Revolution
A very recent study done in late 2011 was carried out by Summer Harlow and Thomas J.
Johnson from University of Texas at Austin. The study entitled “Overthrowing the Protest
Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global Voices and Twitter Covered the Egyptian
Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011), reflects the relationship between the media and protest
groups in the light of the protest paradigm. Jettisoning the impact of the social media coverage
on the Egyptian Revolution in this study, specifically the coverage of Egypt’s protests in NYT
reporter Nick Kristof’s Twitter feed and the Global Voices blog, the focus would be on the
traditional media outlets, namely, the New York Times.
Harlow’s and Johnson’s study resorted to some media frames proffered by other scholars. In
this, the news media may utilize “injustice” frames; means to accredit blame and stress on
moral violations and emphasizing injustices being done. Or, may invoke “sympathy” by
supporting the protesters, employ “legitimizing” or “de-legitimizing” frames by recognizing
the protesters’ claims or simply discrediting them. Also, there could be “accountability”
frames; a general agreement of discerning an issue as being wrong and demands police or
government interference. Additionally, one can extract “spectacle” frames by relying on
accentuating the number of protesters, drama, violence, and deviance among the protesters.

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Finally, one can discern “contextual” frames, by giving background and detailed history
(Harlow & Johnson, 2011: 1364).
Away from ascertaining the major frames employed in the New York Times by using content
analysis, the study reflects how the coverage portrayed the protesters. In other words, was there
a positive depiction revolved around struggling for their freedom and democracy, and the like?
Or, was there a negative depiction by showing the protesters as deviants, demons, hooligans,
irrational and the like? Or, was there a neutral portrayal; no one to be blamed? Or, finally, were
there mixed depictions; protesters, the government, police and military, each one of them has to
be blamed. The researchers traced the sources being cited as well, to know whether the
journalists/reporters used official, citizen voices or both sources together (Harlow & Johnson,
2011: 1364).
The result ensuing from the New York Times’s coverage, showed the hegemony of the
“spectacle” frame over “injustice”, “sympathy” or “legitimizing” frames. This indicates that
“the excitement, fever, and even volatility of the protests were more newsworthy, and thus
important, than the underlying causes of the protests or the plight of the protesters.” (Harlow &
Johnson, 2011: 1367). However, the portrayal of the protesters was positive approximately half
of the time, which, in return, reflects that NYT was adhering to the objectivity credo, even if
there is a consensus that the protesters are fighting for their freedom. Moreover, NYT’s
propensity towards including in-depth background about the aims and causes of the protests in
“slightly less than a third of articles” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011: 1367), again illustrates NYT’s
sticking to the journalistic norms. The study also makes perfectly clear that the NYT was more
inclined to the protest paradigm than other alternative social media it examined.
In this, Harlow and Johnson (2011) conclude:
“The NYT, in general, falls short in its protest coverage. Rather than adequately explaining why
there is a problem that has driven citizens to protest, the NYT falls back on routine and formulaic
reporting, highlighting the drama, violence, and spectacle of the protests and reducing protesters’
grievances to one or two sentences about Mubarak’s autocratic 30-year reign. Although many articles
made it clear that the protesters were fighting for democracy—theoretically a good thing—in several
cases, such as those stories about the economy, protesters were portrayed negatively, blamed for travel
delays or rising oil prices. Also, despite having reporters on the ground in Cairo, and despite thousands

41

of citizens demonstrating in Tahrir Square, seemingly readily accessible for interviews, the NYT still
privileged official sources over citizen sources. As such, it does not appear that mainstream media’s
protest coverage has changed much since the U.S. sit-in movement of the 1950s and 60s.” (Harlow &
Johnson, 2011: 1369).
From the previous conclusion, one can say that there are many similarities between Harlow and
Johnson’s research and my study, in relation to the fact that some newspapers in question are
abiding by the canons of protest paradigm, and consequently, the war-reporting characteristics
in Galtung’s model, in their coverage of Egypt’s protests.
The other study entitled “Framing the Egyptian Uprising in Arabic Language Newspapers and
Social Media” (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011), is an equally important study of Harlow and
Johnson’s (2011). Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study published by late 2011, explored the
framing of Egypt’s 2011 protests in some government-owned and independent newspapers,
along with some social media postings, all from Egyptian media platforms and written in
Arabic language. The study made use of quantitative content analysis and collected its samples
from a period between January 25 and February 12, 2011. To put it more pointedly, a sample of
800 news stories, opinion columns and editorials were taken from those semiofficial
newspapers: Al-Ahram, Al-Akhbar, Al-Messa and Al-Jomhorya. Moreover, another sample of
800 documents extracted from the independent newspapers Al-Shorouk and Al-Youm-Al-Sabee
(Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011).
Jettisoning the findings of the social media coverage pertained to Egypt’s protests in this
research, Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study adopted the ready-made frames proffered by
Semetko and Valkenburg (2000); namely, attribution of responsibility, conflict, morality,
human interest and economic consequences frames (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000: 93-109).
The results of Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study showed how the protests framed by each
medium. In the same vein, the dominant frame in the semiofficial newspapers was conflict
frame, with 480 articles or 60% of the samples gathered were highlighting the conflict. Other
frames like economic consequences; to magnify the threats of the protests on the country’s
economy, and human interest; to sympathize with the 82-year President aging Mubarak, were
dominated as well in the semiofficial newspapers’ coverage. However, responsibility frame;
blaming the protesters for the violence and anarchy was limited to only 40 articles or 5% of the

42

samples taken from the government-owned newspapers (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 200). The
semiofficial newspapers also defined the protests as mainly conspiracy, chaos, unrest and just
protests, bearing in mind that none of the state-run newspapers defined Egypt’s protests as a
revolution (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 202).
In this regard, Hamdy and Gomaa (2011) illustrated:
“Protestors in these newspapers were systematically portrayed as incapable, misguided youth who were
helpless to resist foreign influence or to formulate a strategy. They were also characterized as hooligans
who are unable to use any form of struggle but disorder to communicate their illegitimate message.”
(Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 199).
Furthermore, one of the interesting findings of Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study was that the
semi official newspapers put the onus of the problem on Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi
groups; the most common scenario adopted by many semiofficial newspapers was that Muslim
Brotherhood group members were infiltrated among the protesters, thereby turned the peaceful
protests into violence and anarchy (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 204).
As for the independent newspapers, conflict frame was also dominant in their coverage in 320
articles or 40%. Nevertheless, they employed human interest frame more than the semiofficial
newspapers, along with the responsibility frame; blaming the government, police and the media
for escalating the situation, whereas economic consequences frame adopted in 120 articles or
15% of the samples (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 200). Also, the independent newspapers defined
the protests as uprising, revolution, protest movement and unrests. By the same token, the
independent newspapers “shied away from giving absolute solutions for the problem.” (Hamdy
& Gomaa, 2011: 205).
By and large, Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study proved to be useful in this research to trace
how the national newspapers framed Egypt’s protests and to compare the results of their study
to mine.

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2.3 Summary and Conclusion
In this chapter, the theoretical framework and previous research approach have been thoroughly
scoped. Theories of framing, protest paradigm, and peace journalism perspectives were proved
to be from the same pedigree, at the very least in relation to the research at issue. To explicate,
since the essential purpose of this study to explore the framing extracted from some national,
British and American newspapers covering the Egyptian Revolution, this study traces first the
thematic and episodic news frames in the news samples in hand, giving the hypothesis that the
news coverage may steer toward episodic than thematic frames, by accentuating the protesters’
acts of violence and ascribe blame or guilt to them, and, at the same time, abnegating the
historical and social contexts of their movement.
Then, by so doing, the study will ascertain that some newspapers may resort to a ready-made
frame template, notably, the protest paradigm, in an attempt to trivialize, marginalize and
demonize the protests. In this, I will identify a number of frames evolved from McLeod and
Hertog’s (2007) five characteristics of the protest paradigm, in the newspapers at hand. Those
putative frames are: protest as being disregarded and neglected, protest as carnival, protesters’
appearance, behaviour and identity, protesters vs. police, protesters as anarchists, and finally
protest as economic threat.
To substantiate the hypothesis that the national newspapers in question may be adhering to
war-reporting in covering Egypt’s protests, than the British and American coverage of the
same protests, to some extent, I will make use of Lee and Maslog’s (2005) model, which is,
consequently, developed from Galtung’s (1998) typology. In this, I will examine the visible
effects of the protests’ clashes with the police and, later on, with the army, the use of
elite/official and people sources, the bias, if any, towards any party (ies), the signs of good and
bad dichotomy or “Us” vs. “Them”, and the resort to victimizing and demonizing language.
Finally, I will trace how the newspapers in question depicted the protesters either in positive,
negative, neutral or mixed ways, according to the messages each one of them wanted to deliver
and convey.

44

In the main, one can say that the frames and the depiction of the protesters lie on the boundary
of either war or peace journalism paradigms. To recoup, if the coverage of the news items
takes the side of the “little men in the streets” by means of giving the voice to the voiceless, or
deep delve into the roots of the conflict to know what is it about or who is working to prevent
violence, if any, then this may fit with the perspective of peace journalism, according to
Galtung’s model. On the other hand, if the coverage gives primacy to dramatize the events by
depicting only the violence without suggesting solutions, or orientated towards propaganda,
elites or victories; being like a zero-sum game where the winner takes everything (Ottosen,
2010: 2), then the coverage could follow the war journalism paradigm.
In conclusion, the theoretical framework by intertwining together the theories of framing,
protest paradigm, and peace and war journalism, proved to be appropriate and congruent with
this study.

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3. Methods and Material
In the former Theoretical Framework and Previous Research Study chapter, the main theories
of this study were carefully examined; namely, framing, protest paradigm and peace
journalism, taking into account that the protest paradigm is the overarching theory in this study.
Those theories proved to be linked together, specifically the protest paradigm with its reliance
on highlighting the protesters’ acts of violence and citing official sources at the expenses of
voicing the protesters, which goes in consonance with the characteristics of war-reporting,
proffered in Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace and war journalism. Moreover, the
theoretical framework of this study aims at answering the main research questions pertained to
the kind of frames employed in the newspapers at issue in light of the protest paradigm, and the
way the same four newspapers tried to explore and identify the characteristics of war and peace
journalism, not to mention to trace how the four newspapers in question depicted the protesters.
The Methods and Material chapter designates two methods to be used in this study: frame
analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA). Poignantly to the research questions in hand,
the previously-mentioned methods give primacy to interpret latent meanings rather than only
the manifest ones. To put it more pointedly, Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) method of frame
analysis is applied first, then Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis comes to the
fore.
A sample of 60 news items and editorial articles were thoroughly analysed and derived from
four national, British and American newspapers: Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm from Egypt,
in addition to The Washington Post and The Telegraph from the U.S. and UK, respectively.
The derived non-random samples were covering the events of the Egyptian Revolution from its
“eruption” on January 25, till February 17, 2011.
3.1 Material and sampling approach
The materials for this qualitative study are confined to news articles and editorial pieces. The
national, written-in-Arabic-language samples were taken from two national newspapers: Al-
Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm. The rationale for choosing those newspapers rests on the fact
that they are one of the biggest newspapers in Egypt and the Arab world, regarding circulation

46

and readership. In this, the state-owned Al Ahram’s circulation is around 270.000 copies daily,
compared to around 190.000 copies daily to the privately-owned Al-Masry Al-Youm (Arabic
Press Society, 2009).
However, the British and American samples -written in English language- were gathered from
two newspapers: The Washington Post and The Telegraph. Again, the reason behind choosing
the aforementioned British and American newspapers centres on the fact that the political
affiliation of The Washington Post could be described as a Liberal or sometimes Left-leaning
(The Haffington Post, 2008), while The Telegraph is more conservative-bound (Slate, 2006),
thereby enriching the scope of the study by analysing materials and samples from different
perspectives and ideologies. To be more accurate in describing the selectivity of the materials, I
relied on the paper editions of Al-Ahram, Al-Masry Al-Youm, and The Washington Post
samples, though the latter samples were derived from an online subscription payment section,
albeit they were taken from the paper editions as well. Only the samples of The Telegraph were
derived from the online platform of the British newspaper.
Steering the discussion toward the sampling strategy, the study applies non-probability, non-
random or strategic sampling. In simplified terms, the news and editorial articles may comply
with critical-case sampling which Lindolf defines as “a person, event, activity, setting, or (less
often) time period that displays the credible, dramatic properties of a ‘test case’... A critical
case should demonstrate a claim so strikingly that it will have implications for other, less
unusual, cases” (Deacon, 2007: 59).
As for the timeline, the intention is to choose the 18 days of Egypt’s momentous events,
notably; from January 25,
2011, till the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak on February 11,
2011, not to mention to cover another week after the fall of his regime to outline and delineate
the changes that might happen in the media coverage of the newspapers at issue; more
precisely, till February 17, 2011. Moreover, some of the news articles taken from these media
outlets can be found online, specially that are related to Al-Ahram, The Telegraph, and The
Washington Post, albeit the samples taken from the latter newspaper are only accessible for
those who pay a subscription price. In the same vein, all Al-Masry Al-Youm archive samples are
not available online, but I have printed copies from all the samples in question during the
previously-mentioned period.

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3.1.1 Selecting news materials
It is of perennial interest in any research study to pin down the materials upon which the
research is based on. Stepwise, regarding the news articles selected for this study, I chose
twelve news items from each newspaper mentioned earlier, among the large pool of articles
that covered Egypt’s Revolution during January 25 and February 17, 2011. In other words, 48
news articles were assigned for this stage.
Under the overarching topic of Egypt’s Revolution, the selectivity process of the news articles
samples was contingent on a simple, yet quasi systematic approach. Briefly summarized, the
24-day period following January 25, 2011, was subdivided into rather short periods each of
which was pinpointed by a special sub-event. In this regard, the first mini-period is between
January 25 and January 28, that marked the beginning of the dramatic events by the “Day of
Revolt” up to the “Friday of Rage”; a day which the President Hosni Mubarak gave his first
speech and sacked the cabinet. The subsequent period lasts five days: from January 29 to
February 2. The latter two days of the previous period witnessed Mubarak’s second televised
speech to the nation and the incident called the “Battle of the Camel” took place, respectively.
In this “battle”, a violent clash between Mubarak’s supporters and pro-democracy
demonstrators occurred in Tahrir Square.
The third period is the longest one, from February 3 till Mubarak’s resignation and ceding his
powers to the Supreme Council of Egyptian Armed Forces, on February 11. This period
manifested Mubarak’s last attempt to cling to power by assigning Suleiman, the newly
appointed vice president, to open a dialogue with opposition groups. Finally, the last period is
from February 12 up to February 17; one week after the resignation of the Egyptian President
by the protests, and the first week of Egypt under military leadership (Al-Jazeera English,
2011).
First and foremost, the news articles of each of the aforementioned four periods relevant to the
superior theme of Egypt’s protests and their particulars, the research questions at issue, and the
discursive, yet denotative events upon which the periods had been subdivided, were examined.
Moreover, I took into account the frequency of certain sub-themes and the sections in which the
news items appeared in the newspapers. On the whole, I had to scrutinize upon the surface of

48

the texts in question, by going through the headlines, subheadings, and other themes addressed
by the articles. By so doing, I could select the news materials relevant to my study and research
questions. Furthermore, I explored the graphic layout of stories in Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-
Youm only. The reason behind not examining The Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s
graphic layouts is pertained to the accessibility as mentioned before; The Telegraph’s samples
were derived from an online archive, whilst The Washington Post’s samples were taken from a
subscription payment section which gives only information about the placement of the news
article or the editorial piece on a page, and consequently, no information about the graphic
layout of stories could be even elicited.
- Al-Ahram’s articles are described in Table 3.1.
Table 3.1: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of Al-Ahram’s news stories
Title Thousands Participate in Peaceful Demonstrations in Cairo, Governorates
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Jan 26, 2011 Section: Front page
Title Death of 4, 118 Citizens and 162 Police Officers Injured, and 100 Arrested in
Cairo, Governorates
Title Stock Market Loses LE40.25 Billion, the Pound’s Fall Continues
Title Omar Suleiman Named Vice President, Ahmed Shafik as Prime Minister
Title (Is this) Happening in Cairo?! Violent Acts, Vandalism, and Intimidating Citizens
in Streets
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Jan 30, 2011 Section: page 4
Title Millions Come Out to Support Mubarak: March of a Million for the President’s

49

Love in Mohandiseen and Mostafa Mahmoud Square1
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 3, 2011 Section: Front page/page 4
Title Clashes Between Supporters and Opponents in Tahrir Square: Ceasing Egyptians’
Bloodshed Top Priority
Title (Tahrir) Square Protesters Refuse to Leave, Thousands Gather in the Area
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 4, 2011 Section: Page 3
Title Suleiman: Egypt has Two Choices... “The Dialogue” or “The Coup”
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 9, 2011 Section: Front Page
Title People Brought Down the Regime: The Egyptians Celebrate the Fall of the Regime
Title “Cleaning” Egypt
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 13, 2011 Section: Front page
Title No Returning Back to Pre-January 25 Era: Tough Economic Situations, Ongoing
Losses May Lead to Collapse
- Al-Masry Al-Youm’s news items are defined in Table 3.2.
Table 3.2: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of Al-Masry Al-Youm’s news
stories
Title Early Rehearsal for “Day of Rage”

1
Mostafa Mahmoud Square is located in Mohandiseen disrtict of Elagouza neighbourhood, Giza City, Giza
Governorate, Egypt.

50

Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Jan 25, 2011 Section: Front page
Title Warning
Title The Ultimatum: Save Egypt
Title Conspiracy by “Security” to Support the Scenario of Chaos
Title The Horror Night in Egypt: Thugs Besieging Streets, Nation-Wide Lootings to
“Banks, Companies, Posts, and Hotels”
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Jan 30, 2011 Section: Page 6
Title Human Scenes in the Heart of Tahrir Protests
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 1, 2011 Section: Page 12
Title Crisis Follow-Ups: “Transportation” (Sectors) Daily Losses LE15 Million,
Remittances Ceased... Stock Market, Banks Remain Closed for the Fifth Day
Title Marches Support the President in Governorates... Thousands Chant: “‘Oh Mubarak
the Pilot, Don't Leave It (Egypt) Burning’"
Title Wedding Ceremony in Tahrir Square on the Rhythm: “Down with the Regime”
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 7, 2011 Section: Front Page
Title Rebels’ Signs and Posters: Hardboards, Cloth and Umbrellas...Flag’s Colours,
Martyrs’ Pictures Fill the Square

51

Title People Demanded and Brought Down the Regime: Mubarak “Steps down”, Cedes
Power to the Military...Egypt Erupts in Jubilation
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 12, 2011 Section: Front Page/Page 2
Title The Military: Workers’ Strikes Threaten Egypt
- The Telegraph’s news pieces are illustrated in Table 3.3.
Table 3.3: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of The Telegraph’s news stories
Title Egyptian Police Fire Tear Gas at Demonstrators in Cairo on “Day of Wrath”
Details Source: The Telegraph Date: Jan 25, 2011 Section: Unknown
Title Egypt Protests: Q and A ... Why Are Egyptians Protesting? Who is Behind the
Protests? Will Egypt Be the Next Tunisia?
Title Egypt Protests: Troops and Tanks Ordered out in Bid to Quell Protests
Title Protests Force Egypt Bank and Market Shutdown
Title Egypt in Crisis: Vigilantes and Prisoners on the Streets
Title Egypt Crisis: Muslim Brotherhood Blames America for the Unrest
Title Egypt Protests: Camel and Horse Riders Who Invaded Tahrir Square Say They Are

52

“Good Men”
Details Source: The Telegraph Date: Feb 5, 2011 Section: Unknown
Title Egypt Crisis: Hosni Mubarak Loses Control of State Media
Title Egypt: Thousands Flood Cairo Square Galvanised by Google Activist
Title Egypt: Cairo Protesters Tell of Their Fight for Freedom
Title Egypt: Army Clearing Protesters from Tahrir Square
Title Egypt: US Reporter Sexually Assaulted in Tahrir Square
- The Washington Post’s news stories are explicated in Table 3.4.
Table 3.4: Story sources, dates, titles and positions of The Washington Post’s news
stories
Title Protests Spread Against Mubarak
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Jan 26, 2011 Section: Front Page
Title U.S. Stock Market Falls As Egypt Unrest Continues
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Jan 29, 2011 Section: Unknown
Title Cairo Falls into Near-Anarchy

53

Title In Cairo’s Gas and Bread Lines, Divergent Outlooks
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Feb 1, 2011 Section: Unknown
Title Mubarak Pledges to Cede Power
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Feb 2, 2011 Section: Front Page
Title Coptic Christians Fear Persecution If Extremists Take Power in Egypt
Title Tahrir Becomes Central Battelfield of a Revolution
Title Egypt’s Military Feints, Jabs with Protesters
Title State-Run Media Changing Tune
Title Mubarak Steps Down, Prompting Jubilation in Cairo Streets
Title Much Faith in Military, But Many Questions
Title CBC News’s Lara Logan Attacked in Cairo

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3.1.2 Selecting Editorial Pieces
Equally important to news articles is to unpack the meaning from editorial pieces. Though they
are different from the traditional structure of the news articles as they are not sources of new
information, editorials are not “merely idle statements of senior writers’ opinions; often they
express the broader ideological stance of the newspaper’s owners and managers.” (Henry &
Tator, 2002). Three editorial pieces from each newspaper had been used in this research,
bearing in mind that some of those editorial pieces were signed by senior editorial staff, albeit
some others were not signed like in Al-Masry Al-Youm and The Telegraph.
- The editorial pieces of the four newspapers at issue are described in Table 3.5.
Table 3.5: Sources, dates and titles of the four newspapers’ editorials
Title 25 January Events... Meaning and Significance
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Jan 28, 2011 Signed by: Osama Saraya2
Title One Revolution...!
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 5, 2011 Signed by: Abdel Monem Saeed3
Title Finding the Egyptian “Google”!
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 12, 2011 Signed by: Abdel Monem Saeed
Title An Appeal to Tahrir’s Heroes: Maintain Your Victory
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 2, 2011 Signed by: None
Title An Appeal to Whoever Loves Egypt
Title The Beginning

2
Osama Saraya is the editor‐in‐chief of Al‐Ahram.
3
Dr. Abdel Monem Saeed is the Chairman of the Board of Al‐Ahram Newspaper and Publishing House.

55

Title A Tougher Line on Dictators?
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Feb 7, 2011 Signed by: Fred Hiatt4
Title Warnings Obama Ignored
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Feb 9, 2011 Signed by: Jackson
Diehl5
Title Rewards to Reap in Egypt
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Feb 14, 2011 Signed by: Jackson Diehl
Title Egypt Needs Reform, But Not Revolution
Details Source: The Telegraph Date: Jan 27, 2011 Signed by: None
Title Egypt Protests: Hosni Mubarak Must Step Aside to Save Egypt
Details Source: The Telegraph Date: Jan 30, 2011 Signed by: None
Title Egypt’s New Dawn
Details Source: The Telegraph Date: Feb 11, 2011 Signed by: None
3.2 Methods and Eclecticism
Needless to say, researchers, as human beings, are not infallible, especially when they are
trying to bring to light the latent meanings rather than the manifest ones. To put it crudely, in
accordance with Max Horkheimer’s beliefs, the German philosopher and one of the proponents
of “Frankfurt School” of social research, that “no single method of research could produce final
and reliable results about any given object of inquiry, that to take only one approach to a given
question was to risk gaining a distorted picture.” (Wodak, 2001; cited in Wodak & Meyer,
2001: 10), this study adheres to two methods to supplement one another, notably: Frame

4
Fred Hiatt is the editorial page editor of The Post.
5
Jackson Diehl is deputy editorial page editor of The Post.

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Analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA). All of the two preceding methods are pertinent
to the research questions at issue. Frame analysis is applied first to help in understanding what
the issue of Egypt’s protests is about and bring about new insights to the news coverage of the
newspapers in hand. Moreover, frame analysis was an analytical tool regularly used in
empirical studies on social movements, which will be helpful in this study, inasmuch its main
domain revolves around the media coverage of Egypt’s demonstrations.
On the other hand, critical discourse analysis (CDA) is applied in a later stage. CDA in specific
is applied to explicate and “demystify” discourses by illuminating ideologies. Put another way,
language use may be ideological, and to elicit this, it is of paramount importance to analyse
texts to investigate their “interpretation, reception, and social effects.” (Richardson, 2007: 26).
Furthermore, I have found that Fairclough’s CDA method is more appropriate to this research,
with his proposition that media institutions’ adherence to neutrality is nothing but a fallacy; the
language of mass media may not only prove to be a site of power of struggle, but one can
extrapolate that it is transparent as well (Wodak, 2001; cited in Wodak & Meyer, 2001: 6).
3.2.1 Frame Analysis
As mentioned earlier, this study conforms to Entman’s (1993) definition of a frame that is “to
select some aspects of perceived reality to make them more salient, thus promoting a particular
problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation.”
(Entamn, 1993: 52). However, as for media frames, I sincerely believe in Pan and Kosicki’s
(1993) description of news media frames as:
“A cognitive device used in information encoding, interpreting, and retrieving; it is
communicable; and it is related to journalistic professional routines and conventions. Framing,
therefore, may be studied as a strategy of constructing and processing news discourse or as a
characteristic of the discourse itself.” (Pan & Kosicki, 1993: 57).
This means that frames function as an “internal structures of the mind” and “devices embedded
in political discourse” (Kinder & Sanders, 1990: 74) as well. If we applied this on Richardson’s
(2007) model in figure 2 in CDA Phases section later on, we will find that frames may be
discerned as tools the journalists use in constructing news discourse via choosing one story or

57

word over another and/or foregrounding, emphasizing and excluding one view over another.
And, at the same time, frames are psychological stimuli for consumers or readers to guess the
meaning of the news stories (Pan & Kosicki, 1993: 59).
But, the question in this stage will be: Why using frame analysis in general in this study? The
answer of this question is in the following lines.
3.2.2 Why Frame Analysis?
1. The significance of resorting to frame analysis, as the main method used in this
study, rests not only on the fact that frames are manifestations and outcomes of
power as it implies the interests of political and economic elites, but also it is
constructionist in the sense that we “grant participants, such as journalists, some
professional autonomy and take them seriously, using frames as ‘interpretive
packages’ in creating understandings of the social world.” (Reese, 2009; cited in
D'Angelo & Kuypers, 2009: 19). In other words, and as stated earlier in the
Theoretical Framework and Previous Research chapter, frames are a result of
journalists’ choices, germane to language, source selection and story
organization (Shah, 2004: 177). Taken in this light, frame analysis can be used
to bring into the open the fact that the way the journalists cover the news is not
based on the events themselves; rather, it could be the outcome of their choices.
The justification for using frames, inadvertently, by the journalists could bank
on their unfamiliarity with alternatives (Van Gorp, 2009; cited in D'Angelo &
Kuypers, 2009: 104). Put another way, the importance of media framing lies in it
provides an alternative to the old objectivity and bias credos (Tankard, 2001).
2. According to Van Gorp (2009), each frame offers a view point, which can help
in understanding issues. In this, the intent of frame analysis should always
depend on identifying a pluralistic repertoire of alternative frames. He concludes
that:

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“People require a clear explanation why things happen, partly because they want to
have the feeling that they can control their environment. Frames can help to fulfil this
need.” (Van Gorp, 2009; cited in D'Angelo & Kuypers, 2009: 104).
3. Frame analysis not only tries to answer the main research questions in the
current study, such as how the news media framed Egypt’s protests in light of
the protest paradigm, but it offers also insights about the ideology. In other
words, frames are clear-cut agents of ideological processes (Reese, 2009; cited
in D'Angelo & Kuypers, 2009: 19). Through determining who is responsible or
affected in the story, the ideological perspectives of the news media or
institutions could be revealed.
3.2.3 Frame Analysis Phases
Unlike Johnston’s (1995) methodological approach of jettisoning macro-discourse frame
analysis for micro-discourse frame analysis, I reached a conclusion that is very much akin to
Fisher’s (1997). To elucidate, Fisher postulates that frames cannot be identified by “counting
the appearance of keywords and phrases, or by specific argumentative structures. Instead, one
must look for storylines about what is to be comprehended.” (Fisher, 1997). Methodologically
speaking, this study uses Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) methodological approach of frame analysis
which reckons on analysing the structural and lexical features of news texts, with taking into
account the sociological and cognitive creation of the frame concept proffered by Pan and
Kosicki (1993), in addition to tracing the relationship between sources, journalists and audience
members. Gamson and Lasch (1983) first introduce the term framing devices to identify the
signifying elements in the frames which help in identifying the intended meaning of news
stories. But, they confine the framing devices to “metaphors, exemplars, catchphrases,
depictions and visual images” (Gamson & Lasch, 1983: 399), however, Pan and Kosicki (1993)
classified framing devices in news discourse into four categories: syntactical structure, script
structure, thematic structure, and rhetoric structure (Pan & Kosicki, 1993: 59).
In accordance with Pan and Kosicki’s method of framing analysis, the following stages were
found proper to this study’s fame analysis.

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Stage 1: Syntactical structure:
In this stage, the patterns of the arrangement of words or phrases into sentences were examined.
It’s what Van Dijk (1988) defines as the “macrosyntax” level of analysis, which relates to the
inverted pyramid structure; by scrutinizing upon the headline, lead, episodes, background, and
closure, not to mention to examine the rules of source attributions. The latter element of the
syntactical structure is related to how journalists use sources to express their so-called
“objectivity”, or to seek balance and impartiality. According to Pan and Kosicki (1993),
sources may be used aptly as framing devices in three ways: “claiming empirical validity or
facticity by quoting experts or citing empirical data, linking certain points of view to authority
by quoting official sources, and marginalizing certain points of view by relating a quote or
point of view to a social deviant.” (Pan & Kosicki, 1993: 60). In this regard, I will try to pay
heed to the using of official and protesters’ sources in the news texts in hand, and trace if they
are balancing against each other in the same news text or not.
Stage 2: Script structure:
Here, this stage is concerned with exploring the familiar five Ws and one H questions;
namely: who, what, when, where, why, and how. Usually, it is not of paramount importance to
find answers of all these six questions in every single story, but in this study, it’s substantial to
examine the answers of a number of putative questions, like: who is to be blamed in the news
stories, if any, and/or why some parties involved in the coverage doing so, such as the
protesters for example? All are valid questions, and shed the light on the framing techniques
applied by the news makers to manipulate stories.
Stage 3: Thematic structure:
On the face of this stage, it is important to delve deep into the multilayer hierarchy of
news stories, with a central theme which connects with other subthemes. However, on a more
deep-seated level, not all news stories are consisted of actions and events; some stories may
carry certain hypothesis-testing features, which Pan and Kosicki (1993) succinctly put it:
“events are cited, sources are quotes, and propositions are pronounced; all function as logical
support for the hypothesis.” (Pan & Kosicki, 1993: 60). So, I will try to scrutinize upon if a
theme is implied in a news story, and cemented by an evidence of journalists’ observations or

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by using a quotation of a source to support the intended hypothesis, not to mention to go
through the lines of reasoning and causal connections.
Stage 4: Rhetorical structure:
In this stage, I will trace the use of Gamson and Lasch’s (1983) five framing devices; namely:
“metaphors, exemplars, catchphrases, depictions and visual images” (Gamson & Lasch, 1983:
399), as stylistic choices in the coverage of the news stories at issue. It’s patently obvious that
journalists resort to these rhetoric devices to highlight the salience of their viewpoint, or/and
maximise the distinctness of their reports. Congruent with the research questions in hand, I
posit another rhetorical device in this study which could be helpful in discerning how the
protesters were depicted and portrayed. This rhetorical device is quantitative terms like the
number of protesters gathered in Tahrir Square and the like.
Concomitantly with the Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) four stages of frame analysis, it’s of
perennial interest to pay heed to the lexical choices along with the previous structural rules.
Figure 1 demonstrates the aforementioned Pan and Kosicki’s four stages of frame
analysis
- Figure 1
(Inverted pyramid structure) (Five Ws and H questions) (Themes, sub-themes) (Metaphors)
(Source attributions) (Hypothesis-test features) (Exemplars)
(Depictions)
(Catchphrases)
(Visual images)
(Quantifications)
Rhetorical
Structure
Thematic
Structure
Script
Structure
Syntactical
Structure

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3.2.4 Arriving at frames
As explicitly presented in the Theoretical Framework and Previous Research chapter, I made
use of Ashley’s and Olson’s (1998) conclusion of how news media used to frame protest
groups, as they succinctly put it:
“News media can frame a protest group in several ways: by ignoring it; burying the article in
the back section; by the description given to the protesters; reporting the event rather than the group’s
goals and interests; trivializing the protest by making light of their dress, language, age, style or goals;
or marginalizing viewpoints by attributing them to a social deviant.” (Ashley & Olson, 1998: 264).
In the same vein, this study arrived at some frames in the news articles and editorial pieces at
issue, such as protest as being disregarded and neglected, protesters vs. police, protest as
economic threat, protesters as anarchists and counter protest frames. To extract those frames, I
combined the theoretical components of the protest paradigm with Pan and Kosicki’s (1993)
four stages of frame analysis mentioned above. In other words, I tried to trace who started the
violence, besides who is responsible for the violence, in addition to exploring any attempt to
ignore covering the protests or burying the news articles in the back sections of the newspapers,
if possible. Moreover, I tried to examine who are the good ones and who are the bad ones
depicted in the coverage, if any. Additionally, I traced as well the sources cited or quoted in the
new coverage; is there any bias toward using official representatives or ordinary people
sources, and the like. Notwithstanding, in order not to infuse imperiously any ready-made
frames in my mind into the texts I am analysing, and in an attempt to water down any
indictment of subjectivity, I tried to substantiate those frames via using another method;
notably, CDA which proved to be very helpful in covering the shortcomings of frame analysis
through features like intertextuality, social and discursive practices. This will be illustrated
later.
3.3 Critical Discourse Analysis

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Congruent with Galtung’s model of peace journalism and “journalism of attachment”, critical
discourse analysis is contingent on identifying a social problem, leaning towards those who
suffer the most and critically analyses those who hold the means of power, those who are
responsible, and those who have the favourable circumstances to solve such problems.
Meanwhile, the research which takes an impartial stance towards iniquitous social injustice
doesn’t solve the problem; rather, it could contribute to the permanence of such iniquity (Van
Dijk, 1996, cited in Richardson, 2007: 2). In simplified terms, critical discourse analysis
postulates a critical approach to the problems, forasmuch as it pays heed to making explicit
power relationships which are frequently hidden, and consequently elicits results which are of
practical pertinence. However, for critical discourse analysis, language is not powerful on its
own; rather, it gains its effectiveness by the use powerful people make of it. In this way,
ideology is discerned as an important aspect of constituting and retaining unmatched power
relationships (Wodak, 2001; cited in Wodak & Meyer, 2001: 10-15).
In accordance with the definition of the discourse as a “particular unit of language, specifically,
as a unit of language ‘above’ (larger or more extended than) the sentence.” (Schiffrin, 1994,
cited in Richardson, 2007: 22), along with taking into account the social aspect of the language
understanding; the audience surmise the discourses, mainly unconsciously, based on their
social knowledge, one can reach a conclusion that the meaning of the written language in
journalism is perpetually attached to the context. Taken in this light, discourses are
“institutionalized and regulated because they are linked to actions” (Wodak, 2001; cited in
Wodak & Meyer, 2001: 34). In this regard, this study conforms to Fairclough’s method of
critical discourse analysis.
For Fairclough, every social practice has a semiotic element. Put another way, he discerns CDA
as “the analysis of the dialectical relationships between semiosis (including language) and other
elements of social practices. His approach to CDA oscillates between a focus on structure and a
focus on action.” (Wodak, 2001; cited in Wodak & Meyer, 2001: 22).
As for collecting the material for critical discourse analysis, I used the news articles and
editorial pieces samples mentioned earlier, taking into account the fact that CDA by its
attachment to hermeneutics, thereby there is no typical CDA method of gathering data. To
explicate, the data collection process is not a specific phase that has to be done before
conducting the analysis; it’s “never completely excluded and new questions always arise which

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can only be dealt with if new data are collected or earlier data are re-examines (Wodak &
Meyer, 2001: 24). But, in an attempt to seek a semi-systematic way of the theoretical
representativeness of the material analysed, I conducted first a structure analysis, which
Siegfried Jäger defines as a more content-tied analysis, related to wrapping up the main general
themes addressed by the newspapers in hand with a view to the discursive events mentioned
earlier in the Selecting News Materials section, not to mention to scrutinizing upon the graphic
layouts, headings and subheadings of the news samples in specific as well. On the whole, I was
able to select the materials for the CDA phase and discard irrelevant ones.
3.3.1 CDA Phases
This qualitative study is concerned with critical discourse analysis as a main method to
interpret the meanings of the texts of news stories at issue, with situating what is written in the
context in which it occurs, bearing in mind that the textual meaning is built up through an
interaction between producer, text and consumer, as opposite to other quantitative methods
(Richardson, 2007: 15).
In sum, Fairclough’s method of CDA is grounded on:
“Discourse is a circular process in which social practices influence texts, via shaping the context
and mode in which they are produced, and in turn texts help influence society via shaping the
viewpoints of those who read or otherwise consume them.” (Richardson, 2007: 37).
In fact, Fairclough develops and goes beyond Hall’s (1980) model of the encoding and
decoding of media texts; the meaning in media texts is encoded by their producer (s), the
journalist (s) for example, while the reader decodes a meaning from the crossway between the
text itself and the context in which it is occurred. He reaches a conclusion that “the meanings
encoded/decoded in texts are the result not only of producer intentions, but also of the outcome
of specific professional practices and techniques, which could be and can be quite different
with quite different results. (Fairclough, 1995a, cited in Richardson, 2007: 38). To make things
more convoluted, there is a two-way relationship between the producer and the text; the
producer and mode of production not only encode meaning into the text by the process of
selecting stories over another, choosing words over another, or even foregrounding one view
rather than another -like framing which we explained extensively in Frame Analysis section-

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but also the text can militate against the producer, via shaping the way that information is
gathered and presented due to the conventions of the incomplete text-genre. (Richardson,
2007: 38). Equally, there is another two-way relationship between the consumer, or the reader,
and social practices, since the reader decodes the meaning of the text by using his background
knowledge, beliefs, and perspectives of the world, which may be different from the encoded
message in the text. In other words, the text should be intelligible, understood and clear to fend
off any potential misunderstanding from the reader. And, in return, the text acts on these same
reader’s knowledge and beliefs through either transformation or reproduction techniques
(Richardson, 2007: 45).
To illustrate the previously-mentioned two-way relationships, I borrowed figure 2 from
Richardson (2007), with suggesting some amendments to his model figure.
- Figure 2
(Choosing one word over another)
(Choosing one story over another)
(Foregrounding one view over another)
Encoding Shaping belief
Conventions of genre Reading/Decoding
(News reports are not like editorials) (He may resist or misunderstand the meaning)
In consonance with (figure 3.2) and Fairclough’s method of CDA, the following stages
were found appropriate to this study’s critical discourse analysis.
Stage 1: Textual analysis:
In this stage, two sub-stages were applied: a micro-textual analysis and macro-textual
one. In the micro-textual level, words and phrases that suggest bias or jaundiced attitude were
examined. Furthermore, the naming and references of the people in the events at issue, syntax
and transitivity, presupposition (the hidden and presupposed meaning in the text), and
Consumer:
Reader
Producer:
Newspaper
Text

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rhetorical tropes such as hyperboles, metaphors, metonyms and neologism, were extensively
scrutinized. In the same vein, Aristotle’s three argumentative techniques were taken into
account, especially in analysing editorial pieces. However, the macro-textual level of analysis
subsumed the narrative and rhetoric; the thematic structure and discourse schemas.
Stage 2: Discursive practices:
Here, a question like: Why specific stories were given that space they were allocated in
the newspapers in hand? was prudently examined. This question is related to intertextuality,
which is inextricably linked to Fairclough’s CDA method. He differentiates between internal
intertextualities (prior texts locate in present texts) and external intertextualities which refer to
the fact that texts’ meaning can be “read” only in relation to other texts (Richardson, 2007:
100). Both modes of intertextuality were scoped. Additionally, I tried to pay heed to the
stylistic choices of the newspapers at issue. In other words, did they try to employ a linguistic
style that is familiar or more formal, in their coverage?
Stage 3: Social practices:
In this final stage, I tried to go outside the text to probe how much power and social
influence may impact the news stories. In simplified terms, I tried to go through some questions
like: who benefited or who lost from that coverage? What was the relation between the text and
systems such as markets and government or regimes? Was anyone “Othered” by the reporting,
and who were “Us” and “They” in the texts? (Richardson, 2007: 222).
3.4 Limitations and Shortcomings of the Methods
Some methodological problems were generally recognised. In fact, there are legitimate
questions like: what is the concrete definition of a frame? Where does a frame reside (in text,
culture, or in the minds of receivers)? What is the unit of frame analysis or the elements that
may evoke the frame on the part of the receivers?! On the whole, Entman (1993) suggests a
mechanism of examining and identifying frames in the news through “the presence or absence
of certain keywords, stock phrases, stereotyped images, sources of information and sentences
that provide thematically reinforcing clusters of facts or judgements” (Entman, 1993: 52). But,

66

still, even with Tankard’s (2001) eleven framing mechanism and with Cappella and Jamieson’s
(1997) four criteria of identifying frames, stated earlier in Theoretical Framework and Previous
Research chapter, I found out that there is hardly a concrete definition of a frame. Nevertheless,
I avowedly believe in Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) constructivist approach to define a frame as a
point of convergence between sociological and cognitive conceptions (Pan & Kosicki, 1993:
69). By so doing, frames function as an “internal structures of the mind” and “devices
embedded in political discourse” (Kinder & Sanders, 1990: 74).
Though Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) approach which partly relies on Minsky’s (1975) cognitive
definition of frames and Moscovici’s (1984) study of social representations, was criticized of
the difficulty to separate the presence and analysis of frames in news discourse from the
interpreting individual (Van Gorp, 2009; cited in D'Angelo & Kuypers, 2009: 89), I contend
that it’s the same problem of CDA as well, since the latter method depends on the receiver’s
ability to decode the meaning of the text through using his background knowledge, beliefs, and
perspectives of the world, which may be different from the encoded message in the text. In
other words, I postulate that the individual’s cognitive resources are part and parcel of
interpreting the different media messages in any qualitative methodology, since they relate to
how the human brains function by making unabated analogies between the images and ideas
stored in them and objects or experiences people encounter in their life, thereby making the
unfamiliar familiar. Similarly, how those media messages can evoke or activate mental frame is
an important issue and that is the reason behind not only resorting to linguistic and lexical
features to analyse the text, but to bog down into the structure of the text as well. At the same
time, the latter proposition may indicate that it would be hard to derive frames within the texts
by scanning the manifest content; rather, they have to be interpreted in a more deep-rooted
level of analysis by examining the latent content. Put another way, frame analysis is more
inclined to qualitative methodology. Nevertheless, though Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) frame
analysis method proved to be useful in this study, I postulate to add some formatting devices
such as the layout of the text, the placement of new items on a page, number of words and
photographs assigned to the news articles, to the backbone of Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) frame
analysis approach. The only flaw or imperfection in the aforesaid methodology, in my point of
view, is confined to cultural frames; the frames that are part of the “memory of language users”
(Fisher, 1997). Put another way, if a culture frame mentioned just once in the text, it might be
difficult for those who don’t share the same cultural or social background to interpret the frame.

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But, if a frame, even a cultural one, is persistent and reiterated throughout the text, the
audience’s receptivity to pay heed to it increases.
Symmetrically, the shortcomings engendered from CDA. In this regard, though some scholars
were trying to venerate and extol critical discourse analysis as about to become “an intellectual
orthodoxy” (Billig 2002: 44), still, few shortcomings loomed large. First, concomitantly with
the fact that one shouldn’t resort only to the linguistic analyses of the media texts; rather, the
researcher has to deal with the text as a whole, not as mere sentences or words taken in
isolation. In other words, the social and ideological dimensions have to be taken into
consideration as well. But, I agree with Deacon (2007) that “it’s difficult, in practice, to sustain
the presumption that every linguistic form has a specific ideological consequence which can be
isolated and pinned down” (Deacon, 2007: 188). Arguably, this was the reason behind the fact
that many prominent scholars like Widdowson (1995) and Schegloff (1998) labelled CDA as an
“ideological interpretation” instead of a methodological analysis (Wodak & Meyer, 2001: 17).
Nevertheless, one possible solution was to resort to more than one method to analyse the text,
as it is the case with this study which tackles two methods instead of one, albeit there would be
no guarantee for evading the ideology-language interpretation problems.
Another more convoluted and complicated shortcoming germane to CDA could be identified as
a language barrier. To expound, there are an assortment of literatures dealing with the linguistic
tools of the English language, but there are very few literatures, if any, dealing with how to
analyse texts in Arabic language, since the two languages are different in their structure, origin
and linguistic characteristics, bearing in mind that this study dealt with media texts written
together in English and Arabic languages. And, at the same time, there was a risk of deviating
from the systematic application of the theoretical model, by taking from theory “whatever
feature comes usefully to hand” (Widdowson, 1998: 136). Put another way, I was stuck
between a hammer and a hard place; to find linguistic features transcend the English language
ambit, and, at the same time, they have to be wide enough to provide somehow meaningful
results with ideological slants. One possible solution was to reach a conclusion that I don't have
to apply a fixed, designated set of analytical tools in order to do critical discourse analysis;
rather, to believe that language-specific realisations of strategies and schemes are an essential
part of CDA. Additionally, some analytical tools could be used and attended “pragmatically” as
well, bearing in mind the social and linguistic norms of a language.

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3.5 Generalisability, Validity and Reliability
Steering the chapter more towards the criteria of reliability and validity which are borrowed
from quantitative research studies, I didn’t resort to reliability in this sense. To clarify,
according to Stenbacka (2001), reliability is irrelevant in the judgement of qualitative studies,
and, by using it, the “consequences is rather that the study is no good” (Stenbacka, 2001: 552).
However, I foundsuccour in internal validity, or credibility. The latter term was proffered by
Lincoln and Guba (1985) as a substitution for internal validity in qualitative studies (Bryman
2008: 34). To expound, being defined as to generate a “good match between researchers’
observations and the theoretical ideas they develop” (Bryman 2001: 271), internal validity
could be used to reach a high level of coherence between concepts and observations. In other
words, I asked myself relentlessly in the process of developing his study, whether the methods
and the news articles in question are relevant to the research questions or not. On the other
hand, it was difficult to use external validity or transferability which means “findings can be
generalized across social settings” (Bryman 2001: 272). The reason behind not resorting to
external validity in this study lies in its bias to employ case studies and small samples;
Hammersley (2009) argues that it is categorically impossible to reach absolute certainty about
the truth of any account, as we do have only indirect access of reality. Arguably, he posits that
“there is no method or starting point that can guarantee truth.” (Hammersley, 2009: 4).
Likewise, one of the main problems of this qualitative study could be being too impressionistic
and subjective (lacking scientific rigour) which could be mitigated by discarding the notion of
“objectivity” as there is no such thing called “objectivism”; no one can reach the Archimedean
Point! Nevertheless, the researcher would utilize two methods in this study to alleviate the
number of interpretations that could be derived from the media texts in hand.
As for the problem of generalisation, it is of paramount importance to discern that the news
articles taken from the newspapers at issue are not been meant to be representative of a
population, rather; they meant to “generalize to theory rather than to populations” (Bryman
2001: 283). And, additionally, I used a wider range of data to be sampled in this study; 60 news

69

articles and editorial pieces were sampled with a wider range of photographs allocated to the
news articles was analyzed as well.
Finally, one of the problems also could be the lack of transparency in arriving at the conclusion.
In this, I tried to inform the reader how I chose these articles from newspapers and try to be as
transparent as possible in relation to the sources, samples and other data, not to mention to
make all the data available for the public to dispute and criticize the study’s results.

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4. Results and Analysis
In the previous Methods and Material chapter, I tried to present the two methods adopted in
this research study; namely, Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) method of frame analysis and
Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis.
The Results and Analysis chapter is divided into two sections; the first one prudently examines
the findings of frame analysis with analysing some important frames derived from the four
newspapers’ samples, in an attempt to engender new insights about the different news coverage
of Egypt’s protests. To be more precise, this section explores the hypothesis raised earlier in the
Theoretical Framework and Previous Research germane to that some mass media are leaning
toward episodic than thematic frames in their coverage, in addition to tackling another
hypothesis pertained to identifying a number of putative frames evolved from McLeod and
Hertog’s five characteristics of the protest paradigm, which I posited earlier to be found in the
national newspapers in specific. The second division presents the results of the critical
discourse analysis (CDA), which is aimed at finding the ideological predilections of the
newspapers in hand, thence scrutinizing upon the findings in light of Galtung’s typology of
peace and war journalism.
In short, frame analysis’ findings in the first section will try to answer the research question
related to what kind of frames is employed in the newspapers at issue in light of the
overarching theory of this study, the protest paradigm. However, the second research question
of how those newspapers tried to identify and explore the characteristics of war and peace
journalism in line with Galtung’s dichotomous model will be answered through both CDA’s
findings and frame analysis’ results as well. Finally, the last research question of how the
protesters were depicted in the four newspapers’ coverage will be answered through the CDA’s
results in the second section of this chapter.
4.1 Frame Analysis: Condemning or praising protests?

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In consonance with the fundamental purpose of this study; to explore frames of the protest
paradigm and identifying the characteristics of peace and war journalism paradigm, during
the Egyptian Revolution in some national, British and American newspapers, along with
tracing the way the four newspapers in hand depicted the protesters, frame analysis tried to
bring about new insights into discursive choices, not to mention to shed the light on the
cultural, institutional, ideological and political alignments administering the choices made. In
simplified terms, by resorting to Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) method of frame analysis, which has
been broadly discussed in the Methods and Material chapter, I am trying in this section to test
the hypotheses raised earlier in the Theoretical Framework and Previous Research chapter,
notably, those in light of the protest paradigm. Put another way, in early stage, I posited that
some of the media coverage of the news items and editorial pieces in question, were more
gravitating toward episodic than thematic frames; reporting the events rather than the
protesters’ goals and interests, in addition to overlooking the social and historical backgrounds
of their political context. In the same vein, I offered some putative frames, most likely to be
found in the national newspapers in question, aiming at maligning and tarnishing the protesters.
In the main, this section is aiming at answering the first research question pertained to the kind
of frames employed in the newspapers at issue in light of the main theory of this study; the
protest paradigm.
Before extracting the frames from the news articles and editorial pieces at issue, there is an
exigency to understand the political context in which the previously-mentioned stories were
published. In this, a timeline of Egypt’s protests is being provided first, before presenting the
frame analysis’ findings. The importance of this timeline here lies in that it is hard to follow the
analysis of the news coverage without knowing the sequence of events within the initial 18
days of protesting and after the resignation of President Mubarak as well.
4.1.1 Egypt’s Protests: A timeline of “unfinished revolution”
In an attempt to replicate the success of the Tunisian revolution resulting in ousting the
President Ben Ali in January 2011, a number of Egyptian opposition groups called for marches
on January 25, 2011, which was coinciding with the National Police Day, through using social

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networking sites, such as Facebook and Twitter, to garner support (The Washington Post,
2011).
On January 25, 2011, thousands of Egyptians took over the streets of Cairo, Alexandria and
some major cities in Egypt, inspired by a successful revolution in Tunisia, to protest poverty,
rampant corruption, serious unemployment, police repression, and above all, a despotic
governance of the President Hosni Mubarak, who had ruled the country for the past thirty
years. These were the first demonstrations on such a large scale to be seen in Egypt since the
1970s (The Huffington Post, 2011). Although the protesters were generally non-violent, there
were some reports of clashes between civilians and police service officers. Police fired tear gas
and made use of water cannons against the protesters in Cairo's main Tahrir Square (Al-Jazeera
English, 2011). The government replied by blocking Twitter, followed soon by Facebook,
which the organizers used to coordinate protests.
On January 28, 2011, after Friday prayer, hundreds of thousands rallied in Cairo and other
Egyptian cities. Mohammed ElBaradei, Nobel Laureate and the former head of the
International Atomic Energy Association, arrived in Cairo to participate. The government
escalated the situation by blocking all Internet services, mobile networks, and SMS, across the
country (CBS News, 2011). The number of protesters got killed or injured was unclear.
Then, there was a “sudden withdrawal of security forces across Egypt at 5pm on 28 January,
when prisons were opened allowing thousands to escape, leaving the public prey to looting,
violence and ever more terrifying rumours” (Al-Ahram Weekly, 2011). In the same day,
President Mubarak delivered a speech to the nation for the first time after four days of ongoing
protests and sacked the cabinet. Mubarak called the military to take over security and imposed
a curfew, allowing tanks and armoured fighting vehicles to roll into the streets of Cairo.
In the ascendancy of the demonstrations, Mubarak delivered another speech on February 1,
2011, offering more concessions to the Egyptians, enunciating that he wouldn’t run for another
term in the September 2011 elections, albeit he would stay till the end of his current term in
office, to ensure a “peaceful transition”. On February 2, 2011, many of Mubarak supporters
poured into Tahrir (Liberation) square, some rode horses and camels “wielding whips and
chains”, and attacked the anti-Mubarak protesters. Bloody clashes between the two sides

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erupted (New York Post, 2011). According to AFP, Mubarak allies were dropping concrete
blocks from high buildings onto the demonstrators. The live streaming throughout the day
showed the two camps “hurling missiles at each other and swinging metal bars during running
street battles” (New York Post, 2011).
On February 5, while the demonstrations kept going, Egyptian Christians held Sunday Mass in
Tahrir Square, protected by a ring of Muslims (Al-Ahram, 2011). Also, negotiations started
between the Egyptian Vice President Omar Suleiman and opposition representatives. On
February 10, though many semi-official rumours confirmed that the Egyptian president would
step down that day, Mubarak delivered his last speech in office at night, stating that he would
pass his authority to Suleiman, but he will remain in Egypt as its head of state. A wave of anger
and disappointment spreads among the masses, and as a result, demonstrations began to
escalate in number all over Egypt.
On February 11, 2011, Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that Mubarak steps down as
a president and hands power to the Supreme Council of Egyptian Armed Forces (SCAF).
Afterwards, the military dissolved the parliament and suspended the constitution, not to
mention that it announced that it will rule the country for six months6
until elections could be
held. Citing Egypt's Health Ministry, at least 365 people were killed in the 18 days of anti-
government protests (The Global and Mail, 2011).
To date7
, the SCAF didn’t hand power to an elected civilian authority, albeit the military had
promised to relinquish power in June 2012 after a president is elected. However, the
revolutionaries who once supported the military during the first 18 days of the revolution
turned against the SCAF and organized several marches throughout the previous and current
year, expressing their dissatisfaction with “the pace of reforms following last year's revolution.”
(UPI.com, 2012).
4.1.2 Covering the Spark of Events
Although the demonstrations on January 25, 2011, were known to the Egyptian police before
they occurred, when some opposition groups called for and organized marches on that day via

6
The six‐month period had been extended afterwards when other challenges loomed large.
7
The time of submitting this thesis was in May 2012.

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using social networking sites, both The Telegraph8
and The Washington Post didn’t file a
report about the event, at least on January 24-25, 2011. Al-Ahram, the second oldest Egyptian
newspaper which was established in 1875, didn’t actually follow in the footsteps of the
aforementioned American and British newspapers, but it mentioned the pre-organized 25-
January rally only in a few lines of a long interview with the ex-Minister of Interior, Habib Al-
Adly, published on the front page of the first edition on January 25, 2011.
In this ephemeral context, Habib Al-Adly said:
“They are a group of unaware youth with no effect. The security (apparatus) is capable of
deterrent any unlawful attempt or actions that may threaten citizens’ security. It (the security apparatus)
will never hesitate to take action in case of vandalism and rioting. But, the police will protect them, as
long as these protests are for expressing opinions.” (Al-Ahram, 2011)
Conversely, the privately-owned Egyptian daily Al-Masry Al-Youm was keen to report on the
same day protests on January 25, 2011, taking into account that Al-Masry Al-Youm’s news
report which entitled “Early Rehearsal for ‘Day of Rage’” came first on its front page. The
size of the news item, along with the typeface of the headline and its different colour compared
to its counterparts on the same front page, may indicate the significance of such marches as
being newsworthy, at the very least for Al-Masry Al-Youm and its editorial policy.
Elicited from Al-Masry Al-youm’s early news story, the potential actors in January 25
demonstrations were some of the opposition groups, including April 6 Youth Movement9
, Free
Front for Peaceful Change10
, and Muslim Brotherhood11
. The aforesaid opposition groups
expressed their intention to partake in the early protests, but most of the Muslim Brotherhood
members joined later; not in the first days of the revolution. We will come to this part later
during the analysis process. From the derived samples at issue and the different coverage of
Egypt’s protests, the main actors could be confined to the following: Anti-Mubarak and pro-

8
I mean here the paper edition of The Telegraph, not the online edition which I derived my samples from in this
study, as the online edition used to update its website with the current events around the clock.
9
Since its foundation in spring 2008, the opposition Egyptian Facebook group attracted many young and
education members. Their overriding concerns are freedom of speech, nepotism (in government), and Egypt’s
sluggish economy.
10
Another opposition group
11
The most organized and influential opposition group in Egypt was founded in 1928. Under the rule of
Mubarak, it was referred to as a banned and restricted group. However, in the wake of Egypt’s Revolution, it was
legalized and their members secured a stable parliamentary majority.

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democracy protesters, the police, President Mubarak, pro-Mubarak supporters, the military,
Vice President Omar Suleiman, and Muslim Brotherhood.
- In the following lines, I will try to present and spout off on some frames derived from
the media samples in hand, related to the protest paradigm
4.1.3 Protest as being disregarded and neglected
According to Ashley and Olson’s (1998), news media can frame any protest group “by ignoring
it (or) burying the article in the back section” (Ashley & Olson, 1998: 264). However, McLeod
(2007) posits that the journalists have to cover the large-sized protests even if they fell out of
the newsworthiness favour; notably, not resorting to violence, evading any clashes with the
police, and the like (McLeod, 2007: 191). But, the previously-mentioned claim may not be
applicable to all cases of protest groups. In the same vein, Al-Ahram covered the events of the
“day of rage” in a considerable small place on its front page on January 26, 2011. The
coverage of the story’s title “Thousands Participate in Peaceful Demonstrations in Cairo,
Governorates” tried to imbue the events with a sense of naturalness. In other words,
“ephemeral” demonstrations inspired by the Tunisian Revolution are doomed to fade out. To
clarify, the news item depicts the demonstrators in a semi-mechanical way; first they chanted
slogans call for generating job opportunities, curbing price rise, and more freedom and
democracy. Then, they were “walking around” some Cairo downtown streets before hurling
rocks on security forces, which responded with water cannons and firing tear gas. One can
elicit that nothing happened out of the ordinary, or different from other demonstrations in the
past. The intransitive verb of “walking around” Cairo downtown streets may also connotes their
aimless, thoughtless, and desultory nature. Ironically enough, the main story on the same front
page was titled: “Widespread Protests in Lebanon”. Ignoring or neglecting the Egyptian
protests here doesn’t mean to overlook covering the event entirely, albeit trivializing the impact
of the protests as being unimportant or insignificant, compared to the protests in Lebanon
which had been given primacy on the same front page.
To cement the aforementioned viewpoint, The Washington Post published a news item titled:
“State-Run Media Changing Tune” on February 10, 2011, in an attempt to highlight the
changing course in the government-owned mediums – from the vilification of the protestors

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and their “chaotic uprising” to acknowledging the demands of the pro-democracy
demonstrators and criticizing the government. This drastic shift in Al-Ahram’s coverage
happened during the course of unfolding events. We will return to this point later. To illustrate:
“State-run television and newspaper such as the iconic al-Ahram initially dismissed the mass
demonstration against President Hosni Mubarak as nonevents. As the crisis has unfolded since Jan. 25,
most people have relied on Arabic satellite channels such as al-Jazeera and news accounts from
independent Egyptian dailies and social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook to keep up with
the events.” (The Washington Post, 2011)
4.1.4 Who started the violence? Who is to blame? (Protesters vs. Police)
One of the most frequently reiterated frames in the journalistic samples at issue was protesters
vs. police. The aforesaid frame is mainly reliant on portraying the demonstrators as generally
involved in violent clashes with the police, rather than their intended opposition, such as the
government or the regime headed by the President Hosni Mubarak. The deviance within
protesters vs. police frame is spotlighted through shedding the light on which group is initiating
violence, and which group is merely responding to the confrontations, in addition to relying on
official and elite representatives, like police officers, to the disadvantage of the protesters
(McLeod & Hertog, 1992).
Al-Ahram in the previously mentioned story, titled “Thousands Participate in Peaceful
Demonstrations in Cairo, Governorates”, the writer noted that the protesters started the
violence by hurling rocks on security forces, whereas the latter responded back by unleashing
water cannons and firing tear gas to disperse the protesters. The same news item that published
on January 26 resorted to unnamed security sources which accused some Muslim Brotherhood
elements of trying to instigate the protesters against the police.
By the same token, in another story of Al-Ahram, entitled “Death of 4, 118 Citizens and 162
Police Officers Injured, and 100 arrested in Cairo, Governorates”, and published on January
27, the police not only tried to respond to “troublemakers” by hurling rocks on them and set
fire on tires, but they also got injured as well. In other words, the police officers were victims
of the “radical protesters”. All sources in this news article were confined to security and official
representatives, with overlooking the voice of protesters.

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Furthermore, in a news story for Al-Ahram entitled “(Is this) Happening in Cairo?! Violent
Acts, Vandalism, and Intimidating Citizens in Streets”, protesters vs. police and protesters as
anarchists frames were entwined together. To put it more pointedly, the metaphor that “the
peaceful marches turned into unfortunate riot events adopted by criminals and targeted
Egyptian police troops and stations”, not only reflects the aberration of the peaceful
demonstrations into tumultuous and shambolic unrests, but it depicts the brutality of the
protesters, or at the very least, the “hired infiltrators” from Muslim Brotherhood and some
opposition groups as well. To expatiate, the Egyptian police troops fall prey to target killing
and violence. The animal imagery and metaphor of the hunt extended in the subhead “Moment
of Security Target” in the same news article to portray the police as being victims to some
dangerous and bellicose elements, whether they are the protesters themselves or some hired
infiltrators among them. Moreover, the overall tone of the news article was vividly anti-rally
and against Muslim Brotherhood group. The story radiated an aura of fear and consternation.
Other negative attributes emanated from the use of loaded verbs and phrases such as “burning
out”, “Molotov cocktails”, “raiding”, “thieves and criminal uprising”, “stealing weapons” and
“breakouts from jails”. Again, the employing of unnamed security sources and visual
photographs showing only armoured police vehicles set on fire, cement protesters vs. police
frame, not to mention to marginalise and delegitimize protestors’ actions by shifting any focus
on protestors’ political injustice and the reasons behind getting them out on the streets.
Steering the discussion more toward Al-Masry Al-Youm, it used sometimes protesters vs. police
frame, as this ready-made narrative approach was pictorial in news items such as that entitled
“The Ultimatum: Save Egypt” which was published on January 29, 2011, on the front page. In
this news article, the violent clashes between the police who unleashed tear gases, used rubber
bullets and fired live bullets in the air, on one hand, and the protesters on the other, resulted in
killing 26 and injuring 1700 all over the country. However, no further explanation was given
about how those victims were killed and injured, despite the fact that the previously mentioned
way the police dealt with the demonstrations shouldn’t be fatal. Likewise, the confrontation
between the police and thousands of protesters in Suez12
resulted in the killing of a citizen by a
bullet in his head. Then, the angry protesters took over the city and set aflame to the main
police station there. Moreover, in Cairo, things got more convoluted as following:

12 Suez is one of the governorates of Egypt and it is the city that ignited the January 25 Revolution. During the
course of the Revolution’s 18 days, more than 25 protesters were killed in Suez alone.

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“The major squares turned into something like guerrilla war. The sound of bullets was salient in
Cairo. Smoke columns of the tear gases rose everywhere. The protesters responded by set fire to police
cars in some areas, including Shubra, in addition to setting fire to some police stations in Cairo and
governorates.”
Though the police was the initiator of the events according to Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage,
but it unleashed only tear gas, whereas the protesters responded back by burning out police
vehicle and police stations. In other words, the reaction of the protesters wasn’t equal to the
preceding action of the police. As for the sources in this news item, a statement of the President
Mubarak was quoted, in addition to eye witnesses. None of the protesters was sourced in this
news article. To substantiate the previous claim, an expressive photograph of a police conscript
was assigned to the news story. The conscript was weeping and leaning on a stick, while the
caption of the photograph was: “A conscript in a moment of withdrawal after the protesters
took over Alexandria”. Again, Al-Masry Al-Youm in this specific story tried to renounce any
consistent form of contextualization for protesters actions. Additionally, as in the above-
mentioned news story of Al-Ahram, in Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage both protesters vs. police
and protesters as anarchists frames were interwoven.
On the other hand, a story from The Telegraph, entitled “Egyptian Police Fire Tear Gas at
Demonstrators in Cairo on ‘Day of Wrath’”, published on January 25, 2011, mentioned that
thousands of protesters started hurling rocks on police forces and “climbing on top of an
armoured police truck”, while the latter responded back with water cannons and tear gas.
Remarkably, most if not all of the sources were from the protesters. Even one of the sources
said:
“I am not protesting the police...They are citizens like me. I am protesting corruption,
unemployment and high prices. We are just asking for the smallest dreams.”
Moreover, a good background about the reason behind the protesters’ grievances and a link
between the Tunisian Revolution and the Egyptian upheaval was provided clearly in this news
item. However, another story for The Telegraph, entitled “Egypt Protests: troops and tanks
ordered out in bid to quell protests” published on January 28, the writer adopted a different
approach. It’s difficult from the coverage to ascertain which party initiated violence first – the

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police or the protesters – albeit the first paragraph tried to depict the injurious effects of
protesting. The demonstrators set fire to tires, police cars and the ruling party’s headquarters,
not to mention to attempt to “storm the state TV building and Foreign Ministry, while looting
broke out in some areas.” Furthermore, the metaphor of “darkness fell over Cairo” seems to
extend over the text, creating a sense of helplessness and devastation. Regarding the sources in
the text, there was a certain bias towards the official sources, including government, authority
figures and experts. In this, the journalist mentioned unnamed analysts, senior ruling party
figures, a chairman of the Egyptian parliament’s foreign affairs committee and the US
Secretary of State. On the other hand, there were very few citizens voiced; namely, unnamed
witnesses and a protester in Cairo.
The Washington Post’s news story “Protests Spread against Mubarak” which published on
January 26, on the front page, not only tried to cover the clashes between the protesters and
police, where the former began the violence by “throwing rocks and bringing down a police
kiosk before backing away with appeals for nonviolence”, but it tried to imbue the coverage
with a sense of naturalness to support the status quo in Egypt as well. Put another way, through
mentioning the countries whose citizens tried to replicate the Tunisian Revolution, and quoting
Hillary Clinton, Secretary of State, who expressed the same viewpoint, the American reader
may elicit that what is going on in Egypt is just an attempt to replicate a successful protest
movement, and most probably will doom to failure. Even the only source of protesters or
organizers quoted, apart from a slogan the demonstrators used to chant during the rallies,
confines the demands of the protesters to a mere emulation to the Tunisian popular revolt.
In the same vein, Clinton said:
“(Egypt), like many countries in the region”, has been experiencing demonstrations. “Our
assessment is that the Egyptian government is stable and is looking for ways to respond to the legitimate
needs and interests of the Egyptian people.”
After three days, to be more precisely, on January 29, the tone of The Washington Post has
dramatically changed. In a news story, entitled “Cairo Falls into Near-Anarchy” which
appeared on the front page, the protesters didn’t initiate the violence; rather, they were mere
respondents to the units of police troops that “fired hundreds of tear gas shells, shot unarmed
protesters and beat them with clubs.” In an act of response, the protesters “began” -

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presupposes that they didn’t resort to this before - to set fire to police vehicles and government
buildings. Unlike Al-Masry Al-Youm’s news story mentioned earlier, entitled “The Ultimatum:
Save Egypt”, in The Washington Post’s story the reaction is proportionate and equal to the first
action. Death can be connoted and insinuated from the meaning of the phrase “shot unarmed
protesters”. Then, to avenge death of their comrades, the protesters turned to violence. The
following passage enunciates the previous viewpoint:
“Until then, the protesters had largely refrained from initiating violence, choosing instead to
chant slogans and wave the Egyptian flag. When tear gas canisters sailed toward them, protesters
swooped in and tried to whether throw them back or to cast them into the waters of the Nile.”
From the prior passage, one can infer that the jingoistic protesters whom “had largely refrained
from initiating violence”, their only act of response was either passive; by flinging tear gas
canisters into the Nile, or semi-equal through casting them back to the soldiers, bearing in mind
that, most probably, the riot police forces would be wearing gas masks. Besides, most of the
sources quoted, if not all, were from the protesters, with the exception of President Obama,
who also urged the Egyptian President to “take concrete steps to advance the rights of the
Egyptian people.”
4.1.5 Protesters as anarchists
As mentioned earlier, the protesters as anarchists frame is usually concurrent with protesters
vs. police frame. The anterior narrative structure is contingent on the focus on the protesters’
acts of violence, property destruction, lawlessness and chaotic behaviours.
In Al-Ahram’s story, entitled “Omar Suleiman Named Vice President, Ahmed Shafiq as Prime
Minister”, which appeared on the front page on January 30, 2011, it isn’t hard to extrapolate
how protests and their follow-ups plunged the entire country into chaos. Though it wasn’t
spelled out that the protests resulted in the shambolic aura and all the lawless acts depicted in
the story, but most of the insinuations, cohesive ties and even metaphors, leave the readers’
conjecture to connect the dots and blame the protests for the disorder. The subhead
“Continuance of Protests, Chaos all over the Country and Looting in the Absence of Security”
draws a link between the protests and the chaotic atmosphere spreading throughout the country.
Apart from the excessive use of words and adjectives laden with negative attributes such as

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“bloody protests”, “violent and chaotic events”, “vandals”, “thugs”, “prevailing chaos” and
“tragic picture”, the writer in this story resorted to an exemplar to visualize the impact of the
tumultuous and anarchic demonstrations, in the following description:
“The Egyptian cities and the capital Cairo, witnessed the worst looting acts the country has
passed through, since the Cairo Fire13 more than half a century ago.”
On the whole, this exemplar not only points out the flagrancy of the harrowing situation where
the streets of Egypt became a playground of anarchists, but also it cements the ideology and
viewpoint of Al-Ahram toward the protests, and consequently, reinforces protesters as
anarchists frame. To expound, there are some denominators between Cairo Fire and Egypt’s
protests in 2011. Both events witnessed “unexplained absence of security forces” and both were
accompanied by looting, vandalism, and burning out buildings. However, those lawless acts
were in a large scale half a century ago as more than 700 buildings set aflame during Cairo Fire
(Al-Ahram, 2010). Conversely, most of the limited arsons and property damages during the
Egyptian Revolution were confined to the ruling party headquarters, police stations and police
trucks, not to mention that there were massive breakouts from jails during January-25
Revolution (Al-Jazeera English, 2011). Nevertheless, despite the fact that the perpetrators of
Cairo Fire remain unknown, eyewitnesses and official sources accused some organized
elements of infiltrating among the crowds and igniting the fires. This was inferred from the
speed and precision of setting the egregious fires. Interestingly enough, Muslim Brotherhood
group appeared in the long accusation list of those who were responsible for the Cairo fires, but
with no concrete evidence (Al-Ahram, 2010). Likewise, Al-Ahram adopted the same trajectory
after almost 50 years; it accused the “restricted” Muslim Brotherhood group of jumping on
Egypt’s protests and tried to instigate the demonstrators against the police. More elaboration on
this part will be followed later.
By and large, the same news story tried to depict how Egypt was fallen victim to scenes of
scattered violence, in addition to highlight a scene of “shattered peace” in order to demonize

13 Cairo Fire was an array of riots took place on January 26, 1952, marked by the burning and looting of some
750 buildings, including cinemas, hotel, restaurants, theatres, hotels and Egypt’s Opera House. The spark that
ignited the events was the killing of 50 Egyptian auxiliary policemen in the city of Ismailia, by the British
occupation troops, in a one‐sided confrontation a day earlier. As a result, anti‐British protests broke out, albeit
some organized elements infiltrated the crowd and burned large areas of Cairo in the midst of unexplained
absence of security forces. To date, the miscreants of Cairo Fire remain unknown (Al‐Ahram Weekly, 2002)

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protesters and portray them as isolated minority, by turning public opinion stridently against
them (McFarlane, 2001). This was patently obvious in the following description:
“In Al-Minya14, the protesters set fire to the ruling party’s building in centre Samalot, and
destroyed everything inside. Also, some people got killed in North Sinai governorate as a result of the
confrontations between citizens and security forces after some armed groups attacked a police station in
El-Risa district in northern Al-Arish city. They were shooting excessively, thence resulted in the killing
of 4 police officers; in addition, two personnel working in the state security investigation bureau in
Rafah got killed, as the bureau has been stormed and set ablaze by the protesters.”
Interestingly, no source had been quoted in this news story, which may put the veracity and
credibility of this story at stake.
Angling the analysis toward Al-Masry Al-Youm, a news story entitled “The Horror Night in
Egypt: Thugs Besieging Streets, Nation-Wide Lootings to ‘Banks, Companies, Posts, and
Hotels’”, tried to visualize how Egypt fell prey to marauding acts. The chaotic atmosphere was
prevailing throughout the coverage, either by using negatively loaded words, adjectives and
verbs such as “nation-wide lootings”, “hours of horror”, “ransacking”, “spoils”, “melees”,
“thugs” , “burning-out”, “bandits”, “vandals”, “troublemakers”, “besieging”,...etc, or by
resorting to metaphors like “Egypt has lived a horror night” which extended all over the news
item. The writers ascribed blame to the protesters for the horrendous events more than once
throughout the coverage. This was discerned in the following passage:
“Some protesters ransacked housing units located up to a shopping mall... some commercial
banks witnessed looting attempts, after they had been stormed by protesters whom were able to loot
ATM machines and tried to broke into the Egyptian Museum, albeit the military forces deterred them.”
Aside from portraying melees which broke out among the protesters over looted “spoils”, the
writers resorted to scare quotes like in “‘Thugs’ and outlaws took over many separate areas in
Cairo” either to disavow from the usage of this word as being misnomer used by the sources,
or to show that the use of this word is potentially ironic. The same scare quote reiterated in “the
‘thugs’ tightened their grip on the Ring Road”, which may indicate that the usage of this scare
quote wasn’t haphazardly chosen. However, eyewitnesses from protesters, security source, one

14
Al‐Minya is the capital of Minya Governorate in Upper Egypt.

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of the governmental employees, and Egypt deputy central bank governor, were all cited.
Although there was a balance in using official sources and those from protesters, the
photographs assigned for this news articles were focusing on visualizing the anarchic
atmosphere, as two photographs tried to reflect the tragedy emanated from the destruction
properties. Those two photographs were captioned with “gas station has been destroyed in
downtown Cairo”, and “an ATM machine has been snatched completely”.
On the other hand, a story from The Telegraph entitled “Egypt in Crisis: Vigilantes and
Prisoners on the Streets”, published on January 30, 2011, didn’t resort to a clear-cut technique
of putting the protests in bad light or blaming them for the violence and the prevailing anarchy.
To put it more pointedly, the editors substituted the compound noun “Egypt Protests” or
sometimes “Egypt Crisis”, followed by a colon which appeared in the headlines of many
samples of the British newspaper at issue, for the phrase “Egypt in Crisis”. The significance of
using the preposition “in” may accentuate how Egypt was descended into darkness and
disorder. Similarly, the lead “Egypt’s anti government uprising showed signs of fraying into
lawlessness on Sunday as a series of mass jail breaks saw thousands of prisoners released on
to the streets”, may convey the same meaning. By the same token, the writers relied on verbs
like “claimed” more than once after the sources quoted; in addition to adjectives like in
“alleged looters”, which again may cast a doubt on the credibility of the information derived
from these sources. Also, the phrase “most Egyptians were at pains to dissociate the protests
from any criminal acts” entails that although there are no links between the protests and
lawlessness, but, still, without incontrovertible evidences. Notwithstanding, most of the sources
were taking the side of the protesters, with no single official source quoted.
Interestingly, in The Washington Post’s samples at issue, the protesters as anarchists frame
wasn’t pictorial, though it resorted, as mentioned earlier, to the protesters vs. police frame once
before.
4.1.6 Protest as economic threat
Protest as economic threat narrative frame was very common in the samples in hand, and to be
more precise, it was the most recurrent frame which appeared in all the four newspapers
without exception, either discretely or interchangeably with other frames. The essential purpose

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of this narrative structure was to amplify and heighten the risks of such protests on Egypt’s
fragile economy, and consequently, instigating the public against the protesters and blaming
them for the disorder, in an attempt to support the status quo.
Al-Ahram’s story “Stock Market Loses LE40.25 Billion, the Pound’s Fall Continues”, which
published on the front page on January 28, 2011, was dominated by protest as economic threat
frame. Along with the negative adjectives such as “the lowest” point and verbs like “lost” and
“declined” which were attributed to Egypt’s stock market that “lost on Wednesday (27
January) and Thursday (26 January) around LE70 Billion”, the writer used an exemplar to
depict the frailty of Egypt’s economic conditions as following:
“Stock Market fell to its lowest point in 18 months, during the trading yesterday, in a worst
wave of decline since the Black Tuesday15
on October 7, 2008.”
To those who usually trade in the Egyptian Stock Market, conjuring up the memory of the
“Black Tuesday” means an economic crisis is underway, whereas metaphors like “a worst
wave of decline” and “Euro leaped against the Egyptian Pound” helped in creating a scene of
“shattered economy”. Besides, the only source cited in this news item was Reuters.
In another story for Al-Ahram, entitled “No Returning Back to Pre-January 25 Era: Tough
Economic Situations, Ongoing Losses May lead to Collapse”, which published on the front
page on February 16, 2011, one can easily discern protest as economic threat frame. The writer
of this news article, Osama Saraya, who is the editor-in-chief of Al-Ahram, cited the members
of the Supreme Council of Egyptian Armed Forces (SCAF) - being the only source throughout
the news article. Although at that time President Mubarak resigned and ceded power to the
SCAF, but it seems that no radical change had been noticed in the Egyptian hierarchical state of
power. To elucidate, the same strategy of supporting the status quo had been applied by the
SCAF; the members of Egypt’s ruling military warned against the perpetuation of sit-ins as
being a major threat to the economy. The following passage conveys this meaning:

15
Egypt’s Stock Market fell to its lowest point on October 7, 2008, after its main index recorded a decline by 16.4
at closing. Egyptian officials intervened to stop trading on more than 30 company stocks, after exceeding the
limits of permitted drop (Al‐Ahram Weekly, 2006).

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“They (SCAF) said that the economic situation is tough, and the daily losses from paralyzing
business and sit-ins, dissipate our energy. And, their continuance will lead to an economic collapse.
Hence, we will be unable to fulfil people’s demands which they consider their own rights.”
The subhead “Sit-ins Create a State of Chaos...And Make Us Unable to Fulfil Protesters’
Demands”, conjointly with adjectives like “tough” and loaded words such as “daily losses”,
“paralyzing business” and “economic collapse”, were aiming at intensifying the deviance of the
protesters, not to mention to portray them as an “isolated minority”, by directing the public
opinion strongly against them (McFarlane, 2001). Even the caption of the photograph allocated
to the same news article “Life Returns Back to Tahrir Square”, subsumes a metaphor which
suggests that Tahrir Square was “lifeless” during the 18-day protests, but now after ousting
President Mubarak and the departure of the pro-democracy demonstrators, life returns back to
normalcy in it; now we can see cars driving through Tahrir Square for the first time since the
beginning of the events.
By the same token, the protest as economic threat frame can be vividly ascertained in other
stories for Al-Ahram, such as the one entitled “(Is this) Happening in Cairo?! Violent Acts,
Vandalism, and Intimidating Citizens in Streets”. This was happened through the use of the
catchphrase “we moved one democratic step ahead and receded 1000 economic steps back”,
though it was intermixed with another frame; notably, protesters vs. police frame.
As for Al-Masry Al-Youm, a story entitled “Crisis Follow-Ups: ‘Transportation’ (Sectors)
Daily Losses LE15 Million, Remittances Ceased...Stock Market, Banks Remain Closed for the
Fifth Day”, which published on February 3, 2011, followed in the footsteps of Al-Ahram’s
preceding stories. The writers of this story used many negative loaded words such as “crisis”,
“daily losses” and “repercussions”, along with transitive verbs such as “warned”, “deprive” and
“halt”, to depict the harrowing economic situation. Even the compound noun “crisis follow-
ups” insinuates that there is an ongoing sequence of repercussions related to Egypt’s protests.
Moreover, all the sources cited were either official representatives from the government or
economists who tried to describe how the country was plunging into a serious economic crisis.
To elaborate:

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“The repercussions on the national economy continued as the Swiss companies ‘APS’ and
‘Nestle’, with 3000 working for them, announced the suspension of their activities in Egypt, under the
current situations.”
Furthermore, there is no big difference between Al-Ahram’s story analyzed earlier, entitled “No
Returning Back to Pre-January 25 Era: Tough Economic Situations, Ongoing Losses May lead
to Collapse”, and Al-Masry Al-Youm’s story “The Military: Workers’ Strikes Threaten Egypt”,
published on the front page on February 15, 2011. In the latter story, the SCAF warned against
the continuance of workers’ strikes and sit-ins on the national economy, citing SCAF’s 5th
communiqué posted on the military's official Facebook page. In this news item, a subhead
entitled “Calm Returns to Tahrir (Square)... SCAF: Sectors in State Paralyze Wheel of
Production”, reiterates the threat of protests on the country’s economy. This can be discerned
through the choice of the negative verb “paralyze”, along with the metaphor “calm returns to
Tahrir square” after the departure of anti-Mubarak protesters, which presupposes that
restlessness and turbulence dominated Tahrir Square during the 18 days of protests. Moreover,
a long list of phrases such as “the risk of growing sit-ins and strikes on the national economy”,
“repercussions”, “ruin the country’s security”, “destabilization of the country’s organizations”
and “paralyzing people’s interests”, may contribute to highlighting the threat of protests on the
economy in general.
For The Telegraph, a news item entitled “Protests Force Egypt Bank and Market Shutdown”,
published on January 29, 2011, blended protests as economic threat frame with protesters as
anarchists one together. The writer resorted to verbs laden with negative meanings, such as
“spook”, “force”, “scramble”, close”, tumbled” and “fell”, though the chosen sources were
balancing each other; the deputy central bank governor was quoted to support a governmental
viewpoint that could be summarized in: everything is under control. On the other hand, an
economist at Banque Saudi Fransi-Credit Agricole had been cited to convey a complete
different viewpoint condensed in the phrase “there is a near paralysis”. However, the
background given backs up the latter trend, which had been illustrated in the following
description:
“Egypt’s stock market, which tumbled 16pc in two days after the unrest erupted, will
also be closed on Sunday. The Egyptian pound fell to six-year lows.”

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The photograph attached to the news article with some protesters and a tractor set ablaze, was
captioned with a phrase extracted from the text itself. The caption “Egypt has endured five days
of often violent protests with people on the streets calling for the resignation of President Hosni
Mubarak”, along with the photograph cement the protesters as anarchists frame.
The predilection toward delineating Egypt’s protests as posing an economic threat to the
country and its citizens was pictorial in some of The Washington Post’s stories. In the news
story entitled “U.S. Stock Market Falls as Egypt Unrest Continues”, which published on
January 29, 2011, the writer managed to show how Egypt’s “unrests” militated against the U.S.
stock market in specific. Phrases like “violent clashes in Egypt injected a jolt of anxiety into
global financial markets”, “investors increased their purchases of U.S. Treasuries”, “Dow
was on the verge of closing above 12.000 for the first time since June 2008”, and “returning to
its pre-recession level”, married with verbs such as “declined”, “slid” and “fell”, may help in
nourishing a state of panic among the international investors. Even the catchphrase “the
mentality is just take the profits that you’ve got and sell”, may subliminally designate to the
only way out for the U.S. investors from the daunting economic situation, especially when it
came from an expert like a chief executive of one of the U.S. stock market companies.
Needless to say, most of the sources quoted in this news item were economists and experts,
with the exception of President Obama.
Notwithstanding, The Post tried to probe upon the impact of Egypt’s protests from an economic
perspective on the Egyptians themselves. In the story entitled “In Cairo’s Gas and Bread lines,
Divergent Outlooks”, which published on February 1, 2011, the reporter investigated upon the
shortages in everyday staples ensuing from Egypt’s protests. He interviewed Egyptians who
used to queue in Cairo’s gas and bread lines. Surprisingly enough, the poorer classes which
used to wait at bakeries for government-subsidized bread, expressed their sympathy and
support for the Egyptian President, whereas the middle-class Egyptians, who suffered from
gasoline shortages and used to stay in gas lines for “an hour” to fill up their cars, blamed the
government, Interior Ministry and Mubarak for the current crisis.
Jettisoning the dilemma of who is to be blamed for plunging the country into trouble, this story
is different from the above stories. In the same vein, one can elicit from the coverage that there
was a serious economic problem in Egypt. This was evidently portrayed in the following
passage:

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“But with the banks closed and the Internet shut down after a week of demonstrations, Egypt is
also a country where business is beginning to shutter a bit.”
Moreover, other phrases like “there were no lines because there was no gas”, “our source of
livelihood has been cut off”, and “(a market) hasn’t had any chicken for a week”, accentuate
the seriousness of the fragile economy after one week of protesting, but the coverage didn’t
blame the protests for causing the ongoing trouble; unlike the many sources who ascribed
blame to the regime in general, the very few pro-Mubarak sources quoted in the news item
didn’t avowedly put the onus of the “disaster” on the protesters. Even the conclusion tried to
sum up the approach as if it was a summer cloud and will be passed soon, in the following
description:
“There’s no problem,” said Mohamed Maharan. “But people are worried.”
4.1.7 Protest as Carnival
Usually, the mass media resort to frame protest groups as a part of a theatre or performance
narrative structure, in order to “empty the protest of its radical political content” (McFarlane,
2001). Put another way, by portraying the protests as mere “performance” and protesters as
“actors”, the frame distracts readers’ attention away from the reason behind why the protesters
taking over the streets of Egypt. Conspicuously, the protest as carnival frame merges with
protesters’ appearance, behaviour and identity frame. Again, the latter frame turns a blind eye
on the protesters’ foremost political context, via pinning down the description of the
demonstrators, their dress, language, age and identity.
In the same vein, Al-Ahram’s story entitled “People Brought Down the Regime: The Egyptians
Celebrate the Fall of the Regime”, which published on February 12, 2011, tried to depict the
“overwhelming jubilation” that reigned throughout Egypt after ousting President Mubarak.
Although the tone of the coverage was taking the side of the protesters, but veneers of
exultation and celebration were vividly pictorial by using of words, adjectives and verbs like
“celebrate”, “waving”, “chanting”, “overwhelming jubilation”, “happiness”, and “celebration
demonstration”. Similarly, the protest as carnival frame was disguised in a culture frame suit,
as in the following description:

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“Alexandrian women were keen to take part in the celebrations. Zaghareet16 (ululations) heard
clearly from balconies as women stood waving Egypt’s flags in a way to salute the protesters.”
Zaghareet (ululations) which are veneers of celebration for the women in the Arab world may
imbue the story with an act of performance. Al-Ahram’s editors chose to assign a photograph to
this news article of a woman performing Zaghareet by her mouth and right hand gesture, which
again may point out the protest as carnival frame. Only the people from Middle East or those
who have a considerable knowledge of the Arab culture are able to decode the meaning of this
photograph.
Nevertheless, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s story “Wedding Ceremony in Tahrir Square on the Rhythm:
“Down with the Regime”, published on the front page on February 7, 2011, tried to record
another moment of happiness and celebration, where a couple held their wedding amidst
protesters in Tahrir Square. However, although the couple and protesters “chanted”, “cheered”,
and “ululated”, but without overlooking their main demand for protesting; namely, to
overthrow President Mubarak and his regime. In this, the protesters and the couple chanted
“Down with the Regime” as an indication of one of their major-league demands; in addition the
sources for the news item were the newly-married couple and protesters only.
By the same token, in another story of Al-Masry Al-Youm, entitled “Rebels’ Signs and Posters:
Hardboards, Cloth and Umbrellas...Flag’s Colours, Martyrs’ Pictures Fill the Square”,
published on February 11, 2011, the focus was mainly on the signs and posters the protesters
used to garner support of the media and other Egyptians, as if they acting in a theatrical
performance to invoke a “carnival atmosphere”. However, this trend didn’t ignore,
oversimplify or bury the protesters’ demands in the background, and consequently, divert the
attention of the readers from the analysis of the demonstrators’ political context; rather, the
protesters used the posters and signs as messages to express their demands and the reason
behind their rallies. This was patently obvious in the following description:

16
Zaghareet or ululations are commonly used in the Arab world by women to express celebration, specifically in
weddings. An ululation is a high‐pitched vocal sound, which is produced by a rapid movement of the tongue
from left to right relentlessly in the mouth while getting out the sharp sound.

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“The signs not only aimed at expressing the demands of the protesters, but also some of the
demonstrators were keen to carry them to reflect the down-to-earth reality of the Egyptians that pushed
the latter to revolt. A sign was carried by a child seating on his father’s shoulder, these words were
written on it: “9 Million Egyptians Suffer from Hepatitis C in Egypt.”
Also, the simile “Tahrir’s signs were like stimulus remind them, even when they are at rest,
with the reason they came to”, reinforces the fact that the theatrical performance frame to
confine the protestors actions to mere “acting” in order to urge the readers to discern
“protesters’ objectives as akin to dressing up, some fun and a good day out” (McFarlane, 2001),
wasn’t applicable here. In other words, the writer instantiated the fact that describing the
“performance” mode of the protesters, their way of dressing-up, personal life and having fun,
can work in tandem with highlighting their legitimate political context and the reason of being
on the streets of Egypt.
Steering the discussion toward The Washington Post’s stories, a news article entitled “Mubarak
Steps Down, Prompting Jubilation in Cairo Streets”, tried to trace the moment of happiness
and celebration the Egyptians enjoyed after the resignation of President Mubarak. Although the
news article that published on February 12, 2011, used many verbs reflect the mode of
celebrations such as “celebrated”, “jumped up and down”, “pumped their fists”, “hugged” and
“cried”. Also, this was discerned in the following phrase: “Egyptians celebrated with
fireworks, a cacophony of horns and a sea of red-white-and-black national flags”.
Nevertheless, the writer adopted the same trajectory of Al-Masry Al-Youm’s previously-
mentioned story; mixing celebration mode with a legitimate political context of the protesters
and their demands. This was pictorial in reiterating phrases like “for the moment”, “for at least
one day”, and “If the people were nervous about their nation’s uncertain future, they submerged
their anxieties for the moment.” All the previously-mentioned phrases were focusing on the fact
that the Egyptians were celebrating mainly for the moment or for one day, as their demands
hadn’t been fulfilled yet. Still, it is the beginning for the Egyptians, not an end; Egypt has a
long way to go before achieving a real democracy. By the same token, the writer questioned the
role of the military in the “new” Egypt and the situation of the toppled President Mubarak and
his “notorious brutal security services”. The reiteration of the adjective “unclear” completes the
state of doubtfulness, vagueness and obscurity that interrupt the mode of celebrating the event.

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Another news article of The Telegraph followed in the footsteps of the previous news item of
The Washington Post. The news article, entitled “Egypt: Cairo Protesters Tell of their Fight for
Freedom” – published on February 12, 2011 – depicted the euphoric feelings of the Egyptians
at this moment. An amalgam of verbs like “whooped”, “chanted”, “crushed” and “celebrate”
along with adjectives like “jubilant”, “happy”, and “positive”, in addition to adverbs like
“incredibly” and “euphorically”, contributed to the celebration mood. But, the reason behind
the protesters’ taking over the streets wasn’t overlooked or ignored in the coverage. This was
pictorial through the sources from the protesters themselves like in the following citation:
“Yesterday Miss Esmat said the people’s revolution was just the beginning.” Similarly, another
phrase highlights the next step some protesters have to make on the path toward genuine
democracy in Egypt, as follows: “some protesters were determined to stay, to put pressure on
the army which is now in power until real democracy can take root”. In other words, the
juxtaposing of celebration mode and the political context of the protesters may attenuate the
carnival frame, since the latter depends mainly on empting the demonstrations of their political
content (McFarlane, 2001).
4.1.8 Missing or providing the context? (Episodic vs. Thematic)
In the Theoretical Framework and Previous Research chapter, I raised a hypothetical claim that
the news sample in hand, most probably that derived from the national newspapers, may have a
propensity toward presenting news from an episodic perspective rather than thematic one;
instead of presenting the social and historical backgrounds of Egypt’s protests, there is a more
focus on protesters’ acts of violence and attributing responsibility to them. In other words,
putative questions like, who organized the protests, what impact may they have, and what was
the motive (s) behind the rallies, may be left out.
By and large, the stories of the state-run Al-Ahram were concerned with, at the very least in the
first days of the revolution, accentuating the confrontations between the police and protesters,
then between the pro-democracy protesters and Mubarak’s supporters, instead of highlighting
the motives behind the rallies. Even when there was a “tactical” shift in their coverage as the
protests gained ascendancy over the regime, the journalists weren’t able to spell out the main
demand of the demonstrators; namely, the abdication of President Mubarak. This was the case
in all government-owned media, not only in Al-Ahram. The Washington Post’s story “State-

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Run Media Changing Tune”, highlighted this trend through citing one of the anchorwomen
who resigned as a result of the “shameful” coverage of the national TV.
“She had not been allowed to portray the protests honestly and could not tell her viewers that
the demonstrators’ top demand was the resignation of Mubarak.”
Additionally, Al-Ahram’s coverage extensively made use of official sources like unnamed
security sources, the military and governmental representatives in its coverage, to ascribe guilt
to the “troublemakers”, vandals, “restricted Muslim Brotherhood group”, and even the pro-
democracy protesters, of leading to deaths and injuries of both citizens and police officers alike.
Interestingly enough, some stories were written without quoting or citing any source at all,
which again may cast a doubt on the credibility of the stories in the first place. Information
about the organizers of the rallies were given only to “demonize” them, such as in the case of
Muslim Brotherhood group which had been accused of turning the “peaceful protests” into
“bloody” and “violent” rallies to “destabilize” and “destroy” the country. Besides, a
considerable background could be given only to officials and governmental representatives. To
put it more crudely, in the story “Omar Suleiman Named Vice President, Ahmed Shafiq as
Prime Minister”, a general background information was given to the newly-appointed Vice
President Omar Suleiman in the top of the story, at the expense of the protesters’ demands,
social and historical backgrounds.
Contrariwise, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was prone to present the reasons behind Egypt’s
protests from the beginning. In the story “Warning” published on January 26, 2011, the
subhead “Thousands Protest Poverty, Unemployment, Rising Prices, Corruption... And
Demand Sacking the Government”, summarized the motives behind the rallies. The same news
article disclosed the organizers of the demonstrations as in the following:
“The call for ‘Day of Rage’ started with an initiative by some of the opposition groups after the
Tunisian Revolution. The organizers chose ‘January 25’ day which coincided with the National Police
Day, to express their anger from the deteriorating of economic and political situations in Egypt. Muslim
Brotherhood group, Kefaya movement, April 6 Youth Movement, Revolutionary Socialists
organization, and some of the parties, reacted to the initiative.”

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Notwithstanding, the same news articles of Al-Masry Al-Youm which confined the demands of
the protesters to mainly sack the government, didn’t mention anything about the departure of
President Mubarak from the political scene, which contrasts with other news articles of the
same day derived from The Telegraph, for example. The latter newspaper mentioned that the
protesters demanded the abdication of Mubarak. This was discerned in the news item, entitled
“Egyptian Police Fire Tear Gas at Demonstrators in Cairo on ‘Day of Wrath’”, through the
choice of sources. Some sources “sprayed graffiti reading ‘Down with Hosni Mubarak’”, others
expressed their wish to have a change “just like in Tunisia”; an insinuation of getting rid of
Mubarak by fleeing to Saudi Arabia, the same as the Tunisian President did few days before.
Similarly, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s article, entitled “Human Scenes in the Heart of Tahrir
Protests” was dedicated entirely to probe the reasons behind Egypt’s protests, with quoting
only protesters to shed the light on the demonstrators’ legitimate demands and their social
backgrounds. In other words, the detailed information about the protesters’ work, salaries, and
the motives behind their rallies is an acknowledgement from the privately-owned newspaper of
the protesters’ political legitimacy. To expound, the subhead “‘Romani’ Gets LE.700 Monthly,
Cuts LE.300 for his Rent Payment... ‘Gaffar’ Company Owner, but Living Destitute... ‘Ali”
Threatens to Set Himself and Family on Fire”, sums up some examples of Egyptians that are
suffering from many social ills, such as poverty, unemployment, corruption, rising price, and
the like. Some of those sources were living destitute because of their insufficient salaries. This
was vivid through the choice of adjectives in phrases like “he is miserable because of his
salary”, “incapable of paying the expenses of 8 of his family members after the death of his
father”, and “can’t have a decent life like all the Egyptians”. Even the synecdoche in the latter
phrase “all the Egyptians” may elicit that a large sector of the Egyptians can’t have a decent life
because of the rampant poverty, ever-rising rates of unemployment and insufficient salaries.
The amalgam of all those social ills may be one of the reasons behind protesting as the news
coverage of Al-Masry Al-Youm tries to depict through their sources.
Equivalently, The Telegraph’s coverage of Egypt’s Revolution paid heed to provide the
context. In the same vein, the news article entitled “Egypt Protests: Q and A ... Why are
Egyptians Protesting? Who is Behind the Protests? Will Egypt be the Next Tunisia?” tried to
give background information about the context of Egypt’s demonstrations. Again, this
untraditional news item in terms of the structure as it is adopted a question and answer design,
not only summed up the reasons of protesting and the main actors behind Egypt’s protests, but

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it tackled the role of the military as well. To elucidate, according to the British newspaper, the
Egyptians protested because of the following:
“(They protested) mainly for financial reasons... But, there is also anger at political repression,
suspected rigging in recent elections and at possible plans by Hosni Mubarak to have his son Gamal
succeed him later this year.”
The confining of the main actor behind the protesting to only the April 6 Youth Movement
entails that this is a “Facebook Revolution” according to The Telegraph, since April 6 Youth
Movement uses mainly Facebook and Twitter to attract young and educated members opposing
to President Mubarak.
Even in The Telegraph’s editorial “Egypt Needs Reform, But not Revolution”, published on
January 27, 2011, protesters’ legitimate concerns were avowedly addressed in the following
passage:
“High unemployment, rising food prices and mounting resentment at Mr Mubarak’s repressive
rule are among the many grievances that have seen thousands of Egyptians take to the streets to vent
their anger. Many of those responsible for organising the protests are young, educated, middle-class and
frustrated at the lack of opportunities available to them in a country that has been run under a state of
emergency since 1981, when former president Anwar Sadat was assassinated by Islamic fanatics for
signing a peace treaty with Israel.”
Again, from the previous passage, The Telegraph reiterates that the organizers of Egypt’s
protests were young, educated and from the middle-class. This conclusion goes in consonance
with the preceding news article of The Telegraph analyzed earlier.
The Washington Post’s coverage followed in the footsteps of Al-Masry Al-Youm’s and The
Telegraph’s. Emphasis on the dreadful circumstances that lead to “Egyptians’ anger”, such as
the ever-yawning gap between the poor and small elite, police state, “repressive regime, food
prices and an emergency law”, had been given to investigate upon the reasons behind the
protests. This was discerned in the news article, entitled “Protests Spread Against Mubarak”, as
follows:

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“Similar discontent has long pervaded Egypt, a country of about 86 million, where a small, wealthy elite
has thrived under the autocratic government headed by Mubarak since 1981, but where nearly half the
population lives at or under the U.N. poverty line”
The same news article that published on January 26, 2011, enunciated the main demand of the
protesters, namely, “Mubarak’s immediate abdication of power”.
Nevertheless, the inclination toward quoting the pro-democracy protesters, at the expense to the
official sources, was in the interest of the demonstrators, though it affects the neutrality of the
stories.
4.1.9 Counter-protest
One of the traditional techniques used to trivialize and marginalize a protest group is to
emphasize on a counter protest to create a sense of polarization. Usually, mass media apply this
frame to voice opposition to the objectives of the main protest, thence create a sense of
obfuscation on the matter and to ward off more citizens from paying heed to the original
protest.
In the very first days of Egypt’s tragic events, Al-Ahram applied the counter-protest frame by
over-counting the number of pro-Mubarak supporters. To put it more pointedly, in Al-Ahram’s
story entitled “March of a Million for the President’s Love in Mohandiseen and Mostafa
Mahmoud Square”, the headline mentioned “march of a million” of pro-Mubarak protesters
who took over the streets of Egypt as a token of love, gratitude and appreciation for President
Mubarak. However, the text of the same story was void of any references to the “millions” of
supporters, if any. Instead, there was only a reference to “hundreds of thousands”; neither
millions nor even an insinuation of reaching one million protesters information was provided,
as follows:
“Hundreds of thousands of Citizens rallied in no time. Nobody ever imagined reaching that
number without prior organization or using ways of communication through Internet, as they came out
spontaneously to support the president Mubarak and to refuse the wide-spread chaos plunged Egypt into
disorder by those who infiltrated among the protesters in Tahrir Square”.

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Congruent with catchphrases like “Yes for Stability, No for Vandalism”, which bring about
protesters as anarchists frame to the fore, the writers tried to depict how Egyptian key figures
and celebrities like well-known and respected football players, in addition to some Coptic
priests support Mubarak. This may be an indication that a broad spectrum of Egyptians shores
up the 82-year president.
Al-Masry Al-Youm covered the same counter-protests, but from a different perspective. In the
news story “Marches Support the President in Governorates... Thousands Chant: ‘Oh
Mubarak the Pilot, Don’t Leave it (Egypt) Burning’”, there was only a reference to some
“thousands” of pro-Mubarak supporters. Meanwhile, the writer started counting the number of
protesters in each and every rally in the following manner:
“In Beni Sweif, around 5000 participated in protests supporting Mubarak... In Asyut, thousands
came out from different cities, along with leaders and members of the ruling party... In Gharbia,
approximately 7000 workers from Ghazl Al Mahala Company came out... In Alexandria; tens came out
in marches... In Qalyubia, hundreds joined... In Ismailia, hundreds partook in... In Damietta, the
numbers of pro-Mubarak protesters was amounted to 8000... In Qena, around 8000 protesters came
out... In Dakahlia, thousands came out... In Kafr el-Sheikh, 7000 protesters ... In Sohag, thousands took
part... In Red Sea, hundreds supported... In Luxor, around 1000 engaged... In Beheira, around 50 came
out...”
One can extrapolate from counting these numbers that the overall number of pro-Mubarak
supporters will not exceed one hundred thousand, which may rebut Al-Ahram’s previous claim.
Likewise, The Washington Post’s story “State-Run Media Changing Tune” also tackled how
Al-Ahram exaggerated the number of Mubarak’s supporters in the following description:
“Al- Ahram reported on its front page that millions of government supporters had flooded the
streets, grossly exaggerating their numbers.”
In simplified terms, Al-Ahram’s coverage of counter-protests was mainly a part of propaganda
to buoy up a regime which it used to be, for a long time, its mouthpiece. On the other hand, Al-
Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was more neutral by trying objectively to report on the event from a
less one-sided perspective.

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4.1.10 Summary and Discussion of the findings
Some findings were ensuing from the frame analysis and could be summarized as follows:
1. Finding: Al-Ahram was the only newspaper that applied protest as being
disregarded and neglected, and counter-protest frames, where its coverage
gave primacy to protests in Lebanon, and relatively ignored the spark of events
as being unimportant or insignificant. Similarly, it tried to over-count the
numbers of pro-Mubarak protests to voice opposition to the objectives of the
main pro-democracy protests.
2. Finding: All the four newspapers at issue resorted to the protesters vs. police
frame, at least once. However, Al-Ahram showed a tendency to frame its stories
more through this narrative structure, compared to Al-Masry Al-Youm, The
Telegraph and The Washington Post. This was clear through focusing on the
violent clashes between the police and protesters, rather than the latter intended
opposition, such as the government or the regime. Also, this frame highlights
which group is initiating violence and which group is merely responding to it.
3. Finding: The two national newspapers Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm
showed a propensity toward accentuating the protesters’ acts of violence,
property destruction and chaotic behaviours, through adopting protesters as
anarchists frame, more than The Telegraph and The Washington Post.
4. Finding: Protest as economic threat frame was the most recurrent one in all
the four newspapers without any exception. The cardinal purpose of this
narrative structure is to magnify the risks of Egypt’s protests on the national
economy, and sometimes on the global economy.
5. Finding: Protest as carnival narrative frame which meant to portray the
protesters as actors in a theatrical performance, and consequently, turn a blind
eye on the reason behind the protesters’ rallies and their political context,

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wasn’t vividly applied by the samples in hand. The rational for this finding
rests on the fact that there was an inextricable link between celebration modes
and highlighting the legitimate political context of the protesters.
6. Finding: In accordance with the hypothetical claim raised earlier in the Theory
Framework and Previous Research chapter, only Al-Ahram missed the context
of who organized the protests and the reason behind the rallies, in its coverage,
and tended more toward episodic than thematic frames in lieu of presenting the
social and historical backgrounds of Egypt’s protests. The other newspapers
were keen to emphasis on the social and political circumstances that lead to
Egypt’s revolt, means to lean toward thematic frames. However, Al-Masry Al-
Youm, in its very first days of coverage, didn’t mention the main demand of the
protesters, mainly the abdication of Mubarak, and substituted it for sacking the
government.
7. Finding: The Telegraph and The Washington Post were keen to voicing the
protests more than the official sources and representatives, unlike Al-Ahram
which used extensively official and elite sources, at the expenses of voicing
protesters. Surprisingly enough, in some articles of Al-Ahram there was no sign
of any source quoted throughout the texts. Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was
trying to be neutral in using both sources.
4.2 CDA: Ideological slants of national, British and American news coverage
Extensively summarized in the Methods and Material chapter, this study makes use of
Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis (CDA) method to pin down the ideological tendencies
of the national, British and American newspapers at issue via analysing texts to examine their
“interpretations, reception, and social effects.” (Richardson, 2007: 26). In other words, I am
trying to highlight how “texts” are used to uphold and foster particular ideologies to maintain
power. Moreover, by using CDA, I intend to test the hypothesis introduced earlier in the
Theoretical Framework and Previous Research chapter that the national newspapers in hand
may adhere to war-reporting in covering Egypt’s protests, more than the British and American

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newspapers, in light of Galtung’s typology of peace and war journalism. To do so, I will bog
down onto examining the signs of good and bad dichotomy or the theme of “Us” vs. “Them”,
besides tracing indications of demonization language, and the bias toward any party (s)
involved in the samples at issue, not to mention to trace how the four newspapers in question
tried to depict the protesters, according to their ideology and affiliation.
4.2.1 To What Degree Egypt’s Protests Deemed Newsworthy?
In this section, I made use of the discursive practices feature in Fairclough’s critical discourse
analysis (CDA) method, in trawling for the reasons behind why specific stories were given that
space they are allocated in the newspapers at issue.
As mentioned earlier in protest as being disregarded and neglected section, Al-Ahram started
its coverage of the events through publishing a small article on the front page on January 26,
whereas the masthead of the issue was “Widespread Protests in Lebanon”. First, Al-Ahram, as
a mouthpiece of the regime, was trying to support the status quo by ignoring the vehemence of
the protests and confining the coverage to a rather small article on the front page, whilst the
main attention was given to the protests in Lebanon.
Exponentially, Al-Ahram’s coverage gained in-depth, yet one-sided perspective, at the very
least in the first days of the protests. The unfolding events forced Al-Ahram’s editorial staff to
dedicate all the space on front page to the coverage of Egypt’s protests and their follow-ups. It
was quite often during the first 18 days of Egypt’s protests to find only one page in Al-Ahram,
related to some special pages17
in the entire issue that veering off onto another topic other than
the unfolding events. This happened, for example, on February 12.
As for Al-Masry Al-Youm, since the “eruption” of the revolution, it consecrated all its efforts to
allot most of its newspaper’s spaces to the revolution. Sometimes, for example, on January 26,
the main headline on the front page was one word: “Warning”, with special, yet huge typeface,
which topped a photograph, occupying half of the page, showed thousands of protesters
rallying in Tahrir Square. Similarly, on February 12, the entire front page was dedicated to one

17
The special page was for the Television and Radio guide.

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headline: “People Demanded and Brought Down the Regime” along with a photograph
extended to fill more than half of the page. Again, it was about Tahrir Square which crammed
with demonstrators celebrating the fall of Mubarak.
By the same token, the coverage of The Telegraph was in-depth and showed an intense interest
in covering the unfolding events form the very first days. For example, on January 25, 2011, a
story entitled “Egyptian Police Fire Tear Gas at Demonstrators in Cairo on ‘Day of Wrath’”,
tried to describe the spark of the events not only from protesters vs. police frame, but also with
presenting the demands of those demonstrators and relying on non-official sources; notably, the
protesters themselves. Another story, entitled “Egypt Protests: Q and A ...Why Are Egyptians
Protesting? Who is Behind the Protests? Will Egypt Be the Next Tunisia?” which published on
January 27, 2011, tried to bog down into the rationale behind Egypt’s protests, the main actors
in the events, and the link between the Tunisian Revolution and the Egyptian demonstrations.
The significance of the colon after the compound noun “Egypt Protests” which appeared in
many samples of the British newspaper in question, rests on giving a hint to the reader that The
Telegraph started a series of articles about Egypt’s events and their follow-ups, so the reader
could infer automatically from seeing “Egypt’s Protests:” in the headline, that this article is just
another one talking about Egypt’s events.
The Washington Post’s coverage wasn’t less flippantly. Many news articles about Egypt’s
protests published on the front page of The Washington Post. A 1261-word story entitled
“Mubarak Pledges to Cede Power” appeared on the front page on February 2, 2011; a day
after Mubarak delivered a televised speech to his people promising to relinquish power after the
presupposed elections in September 2011. Likewise, another 1210-word story published on the
front page on February 12, 2011. The news item, entitled “Mubarak Steps Down, Prompting
Jubilation in Cairo Streets” reflects the historical moment when Mubarak succumbed to the
will of the protesters and stepped down after 30 years of autocratic rule.
Even the editorial pieces which represent the point of views of both The Telegraph and The
Washington Post, paid heed to Egypt’s events. The Telegraph’s editorial pieces entitled:
“Egypt Needs Reform, But not Revolution” and “Egypt Protests: Hosni Mubarak Must Step
Aside to Save Egypt”, were trying to diminish the unwarranted claims that radical Islamists
may hijack Egypt’s Revolution. The Washington Post’s editorial pieces such as “A Tougher
Line on Dictators?”, “Warnings Obama Ignored”, and “Rewards to Reap in Egypt”, not only

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tried to attenuate such previous claims, but also harshly criticized Obama’s administration
policy of “coddling” President Mubarak, under the alibi that Egypt’s status quo was mainly in
the interests of the U.S. and Israel. A more elaboration on this claim will be followed later.
4.2.2 Venerating “Us” and Denigrating “Them” (Us vs. Them)
With the help of the social practices feature in Fairclough’s CDA method, I managed to trace
the relationship between the actors and social-practice dimensions. To explicate, I made use of
Teun Van Dijk’s “ideological square” which he developed as a conceptual tool to trace a
Positive Self-Presentation and a Negative Other-Presentation in the main actors of the samples
at issue (Richardson, 2007: 51).
For Al-Ahram, the main actors in Egypt’s events were Muslim Brotherhood, the anti-
government protesters, pro-Mubarak demonstrators, the police, government and the military.
However, “Us” in Al-Ahram’s coverage were confined to the police and pro-Mubarak
protesters, whereas “Them” were referred to as Muslim Brotherhood and anti-Mubarak
demonstrators. This trend highlights the power relation as Al-Ahram is considered to be the
mouthpiece of the regime. In other words, Al-Ahram was keen from the beginning to
foreground the regime’s positive characteristics and background the negative ones. Conversely,
it was eager to foreground the negative characteristics of Muslim Brotherhood, the pro-
democracy protesters, and whoever or whatever may support Egypt’s protests, and at the same
time, it backgrounds their positive attributes.
To expatiate, in the story entitled “(Is this) Happening in Cairo?! Violent Acts, Vandalism, and
Intimidating Citizens in Streets”, and apart from the relentless ways of “demonizing” Muslim
Brotherhood’s members from the beginning till the end of the news item -we will return to this
point later on - the writer created a set of dichotomous, yet opposite depictions. In this regard,
the police forces “never” resort to using weapons against “rioters” in protests, even after the
death of one officer and 8 conscripts, in addition to the injury of 250 officers and 50 conscripts
of the Central Security Forces (CSF). Moreover, when the Muslim Brotherhood’s members
used women and children in “their” acts of vandalism, the police forces found themselves

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“embarrassed” to use violent against such vulnerable creatures. Contrarily, the “restricted
group” didn’t hesitate to use violence as follows:
“They throw Molotov cocktails on police stations targeting the small forces inside, which didn’t
exceed the 10 officers and conscripts, inasmuch most of the usual forces are concerned with dispersing
the protesters in the main streets and squares.”
Another news story of Al-Ahram published on February 3, 2011, entitled: “March of a Million
for the President’s Love in Mohandiseen and Mostafa Mahmoud Square” followed suit. In the
news article, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians gathered in no time, without prior
organization or using ways of communication through Internet, as they came out spontaneously
to support President Mubarak. The previous insinuation presupposes and conjures up the
opposite model of the pro-democracy demonstrators who used social networking sites like
Facebook and Twitter to call for their early marches on January 25, 2011. According to the
same news story, the majority of the anti-government protesters left Tahrir Square, as an
epicentre of their revolution, after being “reassured” by “Mubarak’s recent decisions and his
important steps towards reform”. But, a very small group showed defiance and insisted on
staying in Tahrir Square. The metaphor of depicting those pro-democracy protesters as being
unaware of the fact that “their” sound of reason must vanquish their thoughts at the end,
deepens the portrayal of Mubarak’s supporters as rational, spontaneous, loyal and keen to
stability as opposite to chaos. On the other hand, those few anti-Mubarak supporters in Tahrir
Square were irrational, rioters and lacking the spontaneity in gathering and marching. The same
metaphor reiterated verbatim when some of pro-Mubarak supporters tried to attack Al-
Jazeera’s female reporter, but some “wise” persons “saved her”, to confirm that:
“They don’t want anything to ruin their protest. And, even if Al-Jazeera used to spit its venom
out among the citizens, but, at the end, the sound of reason would prevail.”
Furthermore, in an editorial piece for Al-Ahram, entitled “One Revolution...!” and bylined by
Abdel Monem Saeed, the Chairman of the Board of Al-Ahram Newspaper and Publishing
House, the writer was talking about “two revolutions” at the same time: the first revolution or
the “police national day revolution” erupted on January 25 by the Egyptian youth. But, because
of their inexperience and “incapability to set an organizational framework enables them to turn
their revolutionary ideas into reality”, some other opposition groups with different agendas

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had to jump on their revolution to make use of the youth and the benefits of the revolution. As a
result, a second revolution was born on February 2, 2011, by Mubarak’s supporters in Mostafa
Mahmoud Square to show corroboration to the “full democracy” and “complete legitimacy”. In
other words, the editorial piece which appeared on the front page on February 5, 2011, tried to
show that the supporters of the second revolution were keen to believe in “the peaceful
transition of power according to clear-cut constitutional rules” as Mr. Mubarak promised in a
televised statement that he will not renew his current presidential term and will hand over
power by September 2011. Jettisoning the fact that there was no “march of millions” to support
the ex-President as Al-Ahram claimed to be, the writer tries to stratify the Egyptians into two
camps or two revolutions: the pro-democracy protesters who were behind 25-January
Revolution, albeit they lack experience and organization, in addition to the fact that they were
naive enough to let their revolution be hijacked by opportunists from different opposition
groups. On the contrary, the “other” revolution backed by pro-Mubarak protesters, proved to be
a revolution of rationality; they see that complete legitimacy is part and parcel of full
democracy. At the end, the Egyptians have to choose the revolution they want to join in.
Then the writer aired his opinion as follows:
“Now, we have a golden opportunity to make the two revolutions become one by combining
both democracy and legitimacy, otherwise divisions and huge rifts will prevail for many decades to
come. It has never happened before to find the choice as clear to Egyptians as it’s the case today:
between a great opportunity of democratic transition and implement all-encompassing progress which
underwrites democracy in a legitimate frame, or choosing different path which may lead to chaos or
pave the way to different kinds of fascism or dictatorships. This is the whole matter.”
Actually, this trend is not unexpected from Al-Ahram’s senior editors, editors-in chief and its
board members. It’s a state-owned, government-funded institution, and above all, “the board of
the al-Ahram, as well as of many other papers in Egypt, is appointed by the editors-in-chief
who, in return, are directly appointed by the Egyptian President.” (Pasha, 2011: 65).
Steering the debate more toward Al-Masry Al-Youm, one can say that the privately-owned
newspaper was leaning toward some powerful actors in Egypt’s events; namely the military. In
other words, unlike Al-Ahram, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage ascribed blame to the police for
the “security vacuum” that hit the country. “Them” for Al-Masry Al-youm were the police,

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sometimes anti-Mubarak protesters, Muslim Brotherhood, and some opposition groups,
whereas “Us” were mainly the military and ordinary citizens. There was a blurring line
between the pro-democracy protesters and ordinary citizens in Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage.
To put it more pointedly, in a news article, entitled “The Horror Night in Egypt: Thugs
Besieging Streets, Nation-Wide Lootings to ‘Banks, Companies, Posts, and Hotels’”,
sometimes the protesters were tarnished by putting the onus of the chaos on them, by using
verbs with negative connotations like in “protesters ransacked housing units” and then the
writers shifted into ascribing guilt or blame to the ordinary citizens like in “a huge group of
citizens ransacked and looted a mall”. But the question here to the writers: how could they
differentiate between the ordinary citizens and the protesters? Anyway, the protesters more
than once were “othered” in this news article, along with the security forces whose absence
from the streets created a “security vacuum”. On the other hand, the military was there to
protect the citizens. This was discerned through the choice of photographs, such as the one
showed a stick and a police beret hanging on it whereas in the background there were army
tanks and military soldiers. This photograph assigned to the news article was captioned by:
“Police absence created a security vacuum.”
Moreover, in another news article for Al-Masry Al-Youm, entitled “Conspiracy by “Security”
to Support the Scenario of Chaos”, the dichotomous language of “Us” vs. “Them” was
pictorial. Police and security officers were “othered” in this news item and were portrayed
negatively through the choice of words like “conspiracy”, “chaos scenario”, “suspicious
withdrawal”, “security chaos”, and “vengeance spirit”. Here, there was a clear demarcation
between the ordinary citizens and the demonstrators. This was discerned when the writer used
the word “protesters” to refer to the gathered demonstrators in Tahrir Square, whilst using the
word “citizens” to refer to the people who created the so-called "Citizens' Committees". The
catchphrase “People and Army One Hand”, along with the main photograph assigned to this
news article; showing an army officer who preferred to join the protesters; hence carried by
them as a hero in Tahrir Square, may exemplify the approach of Al-Masry Al-Youm toward
venerating the military, and at the same time, despising the police.
Also, Muslim Brotherhood and opposition groups were “othered” in a denigrated way in an
editorial piece of Al-Masry Al-Youm, entitled “An Appeal to Whoever Loves Egypt”. In this
editorial piece, the writer described the “restricted” group and the opposition parties as follows:

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“You Muslim Brotherhood don’t jump on the youth’s victory... This is not the time of settling old
scores. You cartoonist parties, shut up... Don’t jump on the youth’s achievement and don’t search for
benefits you didn’t have a right for claiming them.”
On the other hand, another editorial of Al-Masry Al-Youm, entitled “The Beginning”, tried to
venerate the role of the military vividly by mentioning that:
“Al-Masry Al-Youm salutes the position of the military institution which proves every day that it is the
most trustworthy to fulfil people’s dreams... Long live our army and long live our people’s struggle.”
The dichotomous language of venerating the military and referring to them as “Us”, while
denigrating some of the main actors in Egypt’s protests like Muslim Brotherhood and
opposition parties as being “Them”, were pictorial in the previously-mentioned examples
through the choice of loaded words and adjectives.
As for The Telegraph and The Washington Post, they were addressing the pro-democracy
protesters as “Us”, while the military, government, President Mubarak, pro-Mubarak protesters,
and sometimes the Muslim Brotherhood group as “Them”. To elucidate, in a news article for
The Telegraph, entitled: “Egypt: Cairo Protesters Tell of their Fight for Freedom”, the writer
tried to choose words to glorify the protests as being “heroes”, “fighters for freedom”, and
“sacrificing their lives for freedom”. On the other hands, there were “regime thugs”,
“(Mubarak) the dictator who had misruled their nation for thirty years”, “Islamic extremists”,
and “the (military) generals who may be tempted to become new dictators themselves”. Only
the pro-democracy protesters were extolled, while the other main actors were “othered”. The
image of the protesters’ “victory” was vivid in this coverage through the reiteration of words of
“victory” and verbs like “won” to show how the protesters won their struggle for freedom.
Similarly, in The Washington Post’s article, entitled: “Mubarak Steps Down, Prompting
Jubilation in Cairo Streets”, the image of “victory” was presented through the use of verbs like
“triumph” and surrender” in the phrase: “Egypt triumphed Friday as President Hosni Mubarak
surrendered to the will of a leaderless movement”. The image of “victory” showed how
Mubarak “succumbed” to the will of the “leaderless revolution” and “his people’s powerful
thirst for freedom”. In this news piece, the protesters were introduced again as fighters for their
freedom. However, the comparison between what had happened in Egypt on one hand, and “the

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fall of Berlin wall and the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe”, on the other, evinces not
only the fact that the protesters were glorified and venerated, but also shows how the writer
tried to say that there was no difference between Egypt’s protests and the past revolutions in the
West. The barriers between the East and the West seem to be dissolved in this news article. The
Eastern people are no more depicted as barbaric or uncivilized according to the Orient vs.
Occident paradigm, but they are more like “Us”; the civilized and enlightened people of the
West.
4.2.3 Worthy and Unworthy Victims
In consonance with Herman and Chomsky’s (1988) propaganda model, some news coverage of
conflicts may lean toward constructing dichotomized choices in relation to victims. In other
words, there would be worthy, humanized victims that will receive detailed attention
throughout the news coverage to generate reader interest and sympathy. On the other hand,
there would be unworthy, unknown, unseen, and nameless victims that will receive only slight
detail and context in story construction (Herman & Chomsky, 1988).
In this part, I found succour in analysing lexical choices, in addition to tracing the role of
nominalization in dissecting ideologies in the samples at issue.
Taken in this light, in Al-Ahram’s story “Death of 4, 118 Citizens and 162 Police Officers
Injured, and 100 arrested in Cairo, Governorates”, which published on January 27, the
resorting to nominalization and the noun “death” instead of “killing”, grabs the reader’s
attention away from asking: who killed those people? And how did they get killed? The same
news article not only counts the number of police officers among the victims, but it mentions
their ranks as well:
“In the clashes that resulted from dispersing the demonstration, 85 police officers and 18
conscripts were injured. Later on, one of the conscripts died of his injury. However, in Alexandria, 28
police officers were injured, among them deputy head of security and 10 conscripts. In Suez, security
forces arrested 21 rioters after violent clashes between protesters and the police. As a result, there were
134 injuries of protesters and police, among them 4 major generals and investigation director in Suez.”

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Moreover, in another story for Al-Ahram, entitled “Clashes between Supporters and
Opponents in Tahrir Square: Ceasing Egyptians’ Bloodshed Top Priority,” published on
February 3, 2011, the writer again resorted to nominalization in the subhead “Death of 3
Including Conscript, Injury of 639 in Clashes between Supporters and Opponents”.
Additionally, the full name of the military conscript who got killed was given in the text, with a
description of the way he was killed by “falling over October 6 Bridge into the ground”.
Contrarily, the other two victims from ordinary citizens were nameless without giving any
slight detail and context throughout the story, except for they got killed.
As for Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage, it resorted to this approach once in a story entitled
“Warning” published on January 26, 2011. In this news item, detailed information of the
killing of one conscript was given in the text, in addition to unveiling his full name. On the
other hand, no information was given about the “death” of other two citizens in clashes
between protesters and police. The writer even resorted to nominalization and the noun “death”
in lieu of “killing” in describing the two dead victims, whereas using the passive voice with the
conscript who “was killed” to make the readers start wondering who killed the conscript, and at
the same time, turn a blind eye on how the other two dead victims fell prey of violence and who
was (were) behind their dreadful endings. This was palpable as follows:
“Clinical Head of Emergency Department at Suez Hospital, dr. Hazem Shawqi, confirmed the
death of two citizens and the injury of other 200 citizens in Suez city during clashes with police forces
yesterday. A conscript called Ahmed Aziz was killed in Cairo, after he had been hit by a rock on his
head, besides the injury of other 36 conscripts, according to security source.”
4.2.4 Demonizing the Islamists (Muslim Brotherhood)
One of the perennial interests of Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace and war journalism
paradigm is to scrutinize upon attempts to demonize or dehumanize any party (ies) in the
conflict within the coverage at issue. In other words, demonizing the enemy theme is pictorial in
war-reporting and conjures up another nexus between war journalism and protest paradigm as
shown in the Theoretical Framework and Previous Research chapter, where the latter used to
demonize the protesters and depict them as “deviants” from social norms.

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Again, in this section, I tried to dissect the relationship between actors and social-practice
dimensions proffered in Fairclough’s CDA method, in addition to referential, nomination,
metaphors, presupposition and hyperboles in the textual analysis level.
Before analyzing this part, it is of paramount importance to highlight the findings of a recent
dissertation entitled “Islamists in the Headlines: Critical Discourse Analysis of the
Presentations of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egyptian Newspapers”, which lead to a conclusion
that the Egyptian regime adopted a systematic strategy of “exclusionary nature towards the
Muslim Brotherhood” (Pasha, 2011). This expulsion used through by meanings of precipitate,
sheer power and soft power as well. The soft power has been practiced through the media
negative portrayal.
Poignantly to the aforementioned conclusion, Al-Ahram tried from the very beginning to
demonize and give a detrimental portrayal to the Muslim Brotherhood group, as one of the
parties involved in Egypt’s protests. In its first article published on January 26, 2011, entitled
“Thousands Participate in Peaceful Demonstrations in Cairo, Governorates”, the Islamist
group members were portrayed as opportunists who tried to seize the moment of unrests and
instigate protesters against the police, according to a security source cited in the story.
Exponentially, Al-Ahram’s negative coverage of Muslim Brotherhood group reached its
crescendo on January 30, 2011, through an article entitled “(Is this) Happening in Cairo?!
Violent Acts, Vandalism, and Intimidating Citizens in Streets”. In this news item, names and
references were given to Muslim Brotherhood aiming at depicting them in a bad light such as
“the restricted group”, “dissolved Muslim Brotherhood”, and “Brotherhood elements”. Adverb
like “as usual” in the below-mentioned phrase presupposes that the Islamist group resorted to
this demonic behaviour before in the past, as follows:
“As usual, the restricted group invested the magnitude of security forces to face the
troublemakers from protesters, for its benefit by setting fire to police stations, stealing weapons and
documents, and preventing fire-fighters from putting their fires out.”
Also, the writer tried to stress on that the protests began peacefully, till the Islamist group
decided to interfere in “specific time”, to turn the protests into chaos, anarchy and lawlessness.
Hyperboles and metaphors such as “the fall of Egypt’s interior armour to take over the

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Egyptian streets”, and “for occupying Egypt with its ideas and policies after it had succeeded
in other countries”, were introduced to exaggerate the risks of such groups, and consequently,
supporting the status quo. Furthermore, members from Muslim Brotherhood group were
depicted as perverts who were trying to distribute food and drinks among the protesters as
bribes to help their comrades escape from jails. This was patently explicated through the
following description:
“Muslim Brotherhood elements wanted to benefit from the protesters’ spirit; hence they
distributed juice cans and snacks among the youth in Tahrir Square to colonize Tahrir Square, in order
to help their comrades escape from jails yesterday morning. Then, the group will re-organize for
occupying Egypt with its ideas and policies after it had succeeded in other countries”
The fierce attack on Muslim Brotherhood group was systematic also through Al-Ahram’s
editorials. In an editorial piece entitled “25 January Events... Meaning and Significance”
appeared on January 28, 2011, the writer Osama Saraya, the editor-in-chief, tried to demonize
Muslim Brotherhood group by many ways. In the same vein, he named the Islamist group
indirectly as “restricted religious groups”, and then he elaborated how these groups which were
“lacking the ingredients of success” and “captured by outdated ideas and values” tried to turn
youths’ opinions into “vengeance”. Words and phrases like “idea thieves” “ideological
perspectives”, “old faces”, “hope and dream thieves and “jumpers” (on the benefits of Egypt’s
protests) were used to depict the Islamist group negatively.
Concomitantly with the “demonization” theme, there were also signs of exaggerating the fear
of Islamists some samples at issue tried to highlight. In this regard, The Washington Post’s
story “Coptic Christians Fear Persecutions If Extremists Take Power in Egypt”, published on
February 4, 2011, brought attention to the fear from Islamic extremists among Egyptian Coptic
Christians and Copt leaders in the U.S. during the ongoing “populist uprising in Egypt”. To
elucidate, transitive verbs like “fear”, “take power”, “persecute”, and “terrified”, along with
words such as “persecution”, “extremists”, and “trepidation” may lead to the fear of Islamists
theme. Even one of the Copts quoted expected “extreme persecution” and “genocides” against
Christians if this “uprising” managed to overthrow Mubarak. Moreover, the background
information presented the findings of a survey conducted by the non-profit “Pew Forum”,
which included Egypt as one of the world’s least tolerant countries. The bias toward the use of
sources that showed signs of pessimism and fear from Islamic take over was palpable in the

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story, besides the use of words, adjectives and verbs. The following exemplar cements the
putative theme in this description:
“So far, the protests have focused on jobs, free speech and democratic elections, not religion, so
it is unclear what the end of Mubarak’s rule would mean for religious minorities. But in recent years,
Iraq has lost about half its historical Christian population because of persecution, and Christians have
been leaving Iran and Lebanon in lesser numbers.”
However, The Washington Post’s editorial “Rewards to Reap in Egypt”, published on February
14, 2011, tried to debilitate the previous claim by conjuring up many examples of countries like
“Brazil”, “Indonesia”, “South Korea” and “Turkey” which shifted from dictatorships to follow
the democratic path, and most probably Egypt will follow suit. The writer attenuated also the
notion that Egypt will follow the Iranian course, so the U.S. administration shouldn’t be worry
about the future of Egypt. This was discerned through the following:
“Some in Washington worry that Egypt will follow the course of revolutionary Iran. There is
some chance of that; sometimes revolutions are hijacked. Regression to authoritarianism is possible,
too: witness Ukraine seven years after its Orange Revolution. But the history of the Middle East, and the
world, suggests that the tide will run the other way; democratic Egypt will sooner or later transform its
region-and the United States will be a beneficiary.”
In trawling for the real role of Muslim Brotherhood group in Egypt’s protests, many sources
quoted in the news samples at issue confirmed that the Muslim Brotherhood group joined the
“angry” crowds later, albeit some of their members participated in the very first days of Egypt’s
momentous events individually without given the green light from the groups’ leaders. The
hypothetical claim was supported in the following passage taken from The Washington Post’s
“Mubarak Pledges to Cede Power” article:
“Fears of Islamist takeover of Egypt, the protesters say, are vastly overblown, and
demonstrators have emphasized that the nation’s minority Christian community has been heavily
involved in their movement. Although members of the Muslim Brotherhood- the nation’s best-
organized opposition group- have turned up at the protests in great numbers in recent days, the group is
hardly driving the demonstrations.”

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Likewise, an article from The Telegraph, entitled “Egypt Crisis: Muslim Brotherhood Blames
America for the Unrest”, which published on January 31, 2011, showed how Muslim
Brotherhood dethroned as the best-organized opposition group in the country, by the pro-
democracy protests. This was patently obvious through the phrase:
“The Brotherhood, which seeks to rebuild Egypt’s government on Islamic lines and has until
this month presented the best-organized opposition to Mr. Mubarak, says it doesn’t want to take
leadership position in any interim government.”
The conjunction “until” presupposes that its antecedence of being the best-organized opposition
group in Egypt had been changed since the “eruption” of Egypt’s protests.
4.2.5 Depicting the protesters
One of the research questions of this study is pertinent to how the newspapers in hand depicted
the protesters, congruent with their ideological perspectives and affiliation. In the same vein, I
tried to trace how the journalists provided names and references for the protesters in Egypt’s
events; bearing in mind the fact the naming process always involves choice. In other words, I
used mainly in this section the referential and nomination features derived from Fairclough’s
CDA method.
In Al-Ahram, the protesters were referred in the very beginning of Egypt’s events as “peaceful
demonstrators”, specifically on January 26. Then, they had been shifted to be part of “violent
and riot events”, “bloody protests”, “unfortunate events” and “thieves uprising” where Egypt
was plunged into “overwhelming chaos”. In other words, from January 26 till February 11, the
protesters were portrayed in negative terms. However, the negativity approach was applied
most of the time indirectly. After the fall of President Mubarak, there was a complete change in
depicting the protesters and the revolution in general positively.
To exemplify, on the face of it, Al-Ahram didn’t enunciate that the protesters were behind this
lawlessness and chaos; rather, some “infiltrated elements” from Muslim Brotherhood mainly
along with some opposition groups made use of the spark of events for their benefits. But,
subliminally, the reader can elicit links between Egypt’s protests and the events came later.

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This was discerned through the juxtaposing of protests and chaos like in the subhead
“Continuance of Protests, Chaos all over the Country and Looting in the Absence of Security”
– extensively analyzed in the protesters as anarchists section in frame analysis. Moreover, the
use of the transitive verb “spoil” in sentences like “spoiled the civilized youth protest” and
“spoiling the democratic scene” put the blame of violence mainly on some groups. But, in Al-
Ahram’s story “March of a Million for the President’s Love in Mohandiseen and Mostafa
Mahmoud Square”, there was an insinuation to protesters’ idiocy and stupidity in the following
description:
“The practical reality affirms that the majority of them (pro-democracy protesters) have left
Tahrir Square, after being reassured by President Mubarak’s recent decisions and his important steps
towards reform... But a few group insisted on staying in Tahrir Square as they are unaware of the fact
that their sound of reason must vanquish their thoughts at the end”
The pro-democracy protesters were depicted negatively in the previous example as being
irrational and lacking the cogency to think properly.
Another complete shift in depicting the protesters happened in a story, entitled: “(Tahrir)
Square Protesters Refuse to Leave, Thousands Gather in the Area”, published on February 3,
2011. There was a more inclination toward portraying the protesters positively, by depicting
how they were exhorting each other not to resort to violence with their captives from the thugs.
On the whole, one can say that Al-Ahram tried to depict the protesters in the samples at issue.
Notwithstanding, once President Mubarak was ousted, there was a tangible change in the
course. Naming and references such as “popular revolution”, “martyrs of the revolution”,
“youth revolution”, “Egypt’s honest youth”, and “sons of 25-January revolution” were clearly
spelled out. In the same vein, in Al-Ahram’s story “‘cleaning’ Egypt”, published on the first
page on February 13, 2011, a large photograph of a disabled girl in a wheel chair trying to paint
what appears to be a pavement, was extended in the front page. The news item related to this
photograph depicted the protesters positively; they were keen to volunteer to clean Tahrir
Square from the garage. The catchphrases “proud to clean Egypt” and “raise your head high,
you are Egyptian”, along with sourcing only protesters expressing their happiness by
overthrowing a dictator, were for the benefit of the protesters.

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Steering the discussion toward Al-Masry Al-Youm, one can say that in many times it used to
appreciate and acclaim the protesters, except for sometimes it used to depict the protesters
negatively.
To expound, in some articles such as “The Ultimatum: Save Egypt” and “The Horror Night in
Egypt: Thugs Besieging Streets, Nation-Wide Lootings to ‘Banks, Companies, Posts, and
Hotels’”, where Al-Masry Al-Youm ascribed the guilt of chaos and vandalism to the protesters.
Overall, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s depiction of protesters was more neutral with a tendency of
positivity sometimes. Again, this neutrality turned to be a complete positivity on February 11,
2011, the same day that Mubarak announced his resignation, by publishing a supplement titled
“Here Tahrir Square”, glorifying the protesters through naming and references such as
“Tahrir’s heroes”, and metaphors like “chants vanquish bullets, tear gas canisters and
armoured vehicles”. Then, on February 12, 2011, the same trend continued through phrases
like “great revolutionists’ victory”, “white revolution” and the like.
Both The Telegraph and The Washington Post leaned toward depicting the protesters
positively. This approach not only applied through the extensive use of sources from protesters
and presenting clearly their legitimate demands, but with naming and references given to the
demonstrators and protests as well. Nevertheless, The Telegraph’s coverage showed also some
signs of neutrality compared to The Washington Post. The propensity toward positivity was
discerned through The Telegraph’s following examples: “pro-democracy activists”,
“protesters defied bullets, curfew and tanks”, “April 6 Movement, a pro-democracy youth
group helped orchestrate last week’s protests via social networking” and “Egypt’s popular
revolution”. Furthermore, The Washington Post usually referred to the demonstrators as “pro-
democracy protesters”, contrarily to its depiction to pro-Mubarak protesters as “pro-Mubarak
mobs” and “pro-Mubarak forces”. To elucidate, in the story entitled “Tahrir Becomes Central
Battlefield of a Revolution”, the writer tried to highlight how the pro-democracy demonstrators
showed “a measure of empathy for their captives”. Even when pro-Mubarak thugs attacked the
anti-government protesters, the latter’s “weapons” were described as follows:
“They have chipped away at the sidewalks, dislodging bits of concrete that they can hurl toward
the pro-Mubarak crowd whenever a brawl breaks out. Scraps of metal have become shields, and
cardboard boxes are turned into makeshift helmets.”

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4.2.6 Exposing the untruth of all parties
According to Galtung’s dichotomous model to differentiate between peace/conflict and
war/violence journalism, peace journalism has a tendency toward offering possible solutions
for peace to the parties involved in a conflict, in addition to it is people-orientated by bringing
attention to civilian victims and not relying heavily on official or elite sources, and finally it is
truth-orientated by exposing the untruth of all sides or accentuating “the black and whites of all
parties”. Regarding the case of Egypt’s protests, the relation between the army and protesters
along with the attack of the female reporter Lara Logan amidst celebrations held on February
11, 2011, were left out in the national newspapers at issue.
In this part, I investigated upon the lexical choices to pin down the ideologies of the
newspapers in hand, besides using some rhetorical tropes in the textual analysis stage of
Fairclough’s CDA method.
On February 16, 2011, a news article, entitled “Egypt: US Reporter Sexually Assaulted in
Tahrir Square”, appeared on The Telegraph. The coverage of the story tackled how CBS News
correspondent Lara Logan was attacked in Tahrir Square on Friday, February 11, after
President Mubarak had stepped down, where she and her team “were surrounded by a
dangerous element amidst the celebration”. Although there was no direct link between the pro-
democracy protesters and the attack done by “a mob of more than 200 people,” background
information was given to indicate that Lara Logan’s sexual attack wasn’t a discrete incident,
but one of a series of attacks against females “in the final days of the anti-Mubarak protests.”,
besides the Committee to Protect Journalists organization was cited to point out that Lara’s
attack was “one of at least 140 others suffered by reporters covering the unrest in Egypt since
Jan. 30”. Some loaded words like “tumultuous events”, “unrest”, “beating”, “violent pack” and
“rowdy crowds” were bringing back to the fore the chaotic atmosphere prevailed the early days
of the revolution.
The same story was covered by The Washington Post on the same day in a news item entitled
“CBS News’s Lara Logan Attacked in Cairo”, but from a different angle. An unnamed
knowledgeable source was quoted and expressed the difficulty to know the perpetrators of such
an attack, as follows: “I doubt if we’ll ever find out who her attackers were”. Moreover, some

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CBS personnel were cited to draw a link between what had happened to Lara Logan and the
“wilding” that occurred in “New York’s Central Park in 2000, when at least seven women were
attacked and some were sexually abused by a wild, cheering mob after a parade.” . The
coverage also tried to directly draw a relationship between the attacks of reporters during the
revolution and Mubarak’s regime in the following description:
“International reporters came under attack during the protests in Egypt by assailants apparently
aligned with the Mubarak regime, but the assaults appeared to diminish with Mubarak’s departure from
power Friday.”
Apart from the differences in covering the same event by the British and American newspapers,
the national newspapers Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm (Arabic editions) didn’t cover Lara
Logan’s sexual attack, either negatively or neutrally, until months after the horrendous attack.
Above all, an opinion piece of The Atlantic Wire, titled “There Is Very Little in Arabic Media
about Lara Logan's Assault” posted on April 28, 2011, claimed that most of the pan-Arab
dailies hadn’t mentioned the incident in the first place, including Al-Ahram’s Arabic edition
(The Atlantic Wire, 2011). This claim may bring about a conclusion that the national
newspapers weren’t adhere to Galtung’s truth-orientated feature of peace journalism.
By the same token, the relation between the military and pro-democracy protesters during the
18-day revolution and a week after Egypt’s events was portrayed as “honeymoon relationship”
in the national newspapers in hand. However, The Telegraph and The Washington Post started
to probe upon the reality of this relationship. In the same vein, The Washington Post’s story
“Much Faith in Military, but many questions”, published on February 12, 2011, tried to
question the role of the military and its loyalty toward Mubarak. This was discerned through
the passage:
“The military leaders said they would soon outline details of their transition plan, but many
questions remained unanswered Friday. It was not clear how long the military will remain in charge or
what measures it would take to restore order after a bloody and tumultuous popular uprising.”
The amalgam of verbs, adjectives and words like “hope”, “unanswered”, “express” and
“concerns”, along with the background of Mubarak’s military affiliation leave out the reader
thinking negatively on how Egypt would be under the military rule. Even during the 18 days of

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revolt, The Washington Post published an article, entitled “Egypt’s Military Feints, Jabs with
Protesters”, depicting clashes between the army and the protesters with raising concerns over
the former inclination toward violence. Adjectives and verbs like “impassive”, “stopped” and
“giving way to”, used to shed a bad light on the army. This was summarized as follows:
“Early hopes that soldiers were sympathetic to the demonstrators and take their side, given way
to increasing signs that the army just want the people to go home.”
Likewise, The Telegraph’s article “Egypt: Army Clearing protesters from Tahrir Square”,
published on February 13, depicted the military’s violence toward the protesters through using
verbs like “clearing”, “shove”, “force”, “lashed out” and “remove”. This was also highlighted
through the following phrase:
“The army has taken a largely neutral role, but has detained some protesters and journalists,
often briefly.”
On the other hand, the national newspapers in question, especially Al-Masry Al-Youm, tried to
realign its compass toward the military after the absence of the police from the political scene.
The national newspapers at issue not only abstained from criticizing the military junta ruling,
but they were glorifying and heroizing Egypt's Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)
as well. To make a comparison between the two different ideologies and affiliation of Al-Masry
Al-Youm and The Telegraph, each wrote an editorial piece after the fall of President Mubarak
carried the almost the same name, but with two different approaches. To exemplify, The
Telegraph’s editorial piece, entitled “Egypt’s New Dawn”, hailed the resignation of Mubarak,
but raised many doubts about the role of the SCAF in post-revolution Egypt. This was
discerned through the following passage:
“In Egypt itself, there are hopes that President Mubarak’s resignation will lead to a smooth transition to
democracy – but even if it is smooth, it will not necessarily be speedy. Be in doubt: what is being hailed
as a triumph of people power is, in essence, a military takeover. In the absence of an opposition with
any legitimacy, the High Council of the Armed Forces, as the new government is called, represents the
only institution able to fill the vacuum. Indeed, yesterday’s events may mark the beginning of the
country’s crisis, not its end.”

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Words like “takeover”, “absence” and “crisis”, the writer used them to depict what the country
is about to face, and, it is not an optimistic view. Moreover, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s editorial,
entitled “The Beginning”, tried to venerate the army not only through the choice of words like
“long live the army”, but also by using metaphors such as “in January-25 revolution, the
country became a trust in the hands of the courageous people’s army, as it always was”. The
stark difference between the approaches of the two newspapers was discerned through this
phrase of Al-Masry Al-Youm’s editorial: “January-25 revolution didn’t end by Mubarak’s fall,
but it has just begun”. The latter phrase contrasts with another phrase mentioned earlier in The
Telegraph’s editorial, namely: “yesterday’s events may mark the beginning of the country’s
crisis, not its end”.
4.2.7 Summary and Discussion of the findings
CDA has yielded some findings which could be summarized as follows:
1. Finding: All the four newspapers considered Egypt’s protests as newsworthy,
albeit Al-Ahram on January 26 gave primacy to the protests in Lebanon than
Egypt’s spark of events. However, with the ascendancy of the protests, Al-
Ahram followed in the footsteps of the other newspapers.
2. Finding: Al-Ahram as a mouthpiece of the government was keen from the
beginning of the events to foreground the regime’s positive characteristics and
background the negative ones. However, at the same time, it was eager to
foreground the negative characteristics of the pro-democracy protesters and
Muslim Brotherhood group, in addition to background “their” positive ones.
Similarly, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was leaning toward the military and
the ordinary citizens by referring to them as “Us”, while the “Them” were the
police, Muslim Brotherhood group and sometimes the pro-democracy
protesters. As for The Telegraph and The Washington Post, they were
addressing the pro-democracy protesters as “Us”, while the military,
government, President Mubarak, pro-Mubarak protesters, and sometimes the
Muslim Brotherhood group as “Them”.

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3. Finding: Al-Ahram and to certain extent Al-Masry Al-Youm gave detailed
information about the police’s victims as worthy victims, while the civilians’
victims were given slight detail and context in the stories construction.
4. Finding: Al-Ahram tried to demonize Muslim Brotherhood group and put the
onus of the violence on their members. Similarly, The Washington Post, tried at
least once to accentuate the fear from an Islamist takeover
5. Finding: Al-Ahram’s coverage during the 18 days of the revolution, tried to
depict the protesters in a negative way. However, after Mubarak’s fall, Al-
Ahram changed its tone drastically toward venerating the protesters. On the
other hand, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s depiction of the protesters was more neutral
with a tendency of positivity sometimes. Nevertheless, both The Telegraph and
The Washington Post were prone to depict the demonstrators positively.
6. Finding: Only The Telegraph and The Washington Post tried to expose the
black and whites of all parties involved in Egypt’s events. This happened by
covering the sexual attack of Lara Logan and probing the nature of relationship
between the army and protesters, which were left out in the national
newspapers in hand.
7. Finding: Regarding the ideological dimension, Al-Ahram as a state-funded,
government-owned newspaper, gave tendentiously a full corroboration to the
regime since the spark of Egypt’s momentous events. In other words, Al-
Ahram’s inclination toward setting a dichotomous model of bad protesters or
opposition actors, and a good regime or government, in addition to relying
extensively on elite and official sources, not only proved its ideological slant,
but categorized its coverage as war-reporting. As for Al-Masry Al-Youm,
although there were signs of neutrality stemmed from the coverage of the
privately-owned newspaper, but there were other undeniable signs of
visualizing the effects of the protests and tucking away the black and whites of
all parties as well, which in turn, make its coverage falls into the category of
war-reporting to some extent. However, both The Telegraph’s and The
Washington Post’s coverage showed that they were prone to take the side of

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protesters by depicting them positively as people fighting for the democracy
other Westerns cherish. Interestingly, although The Telegraph was
conservative-bound, but its coverage showed sympathy to the pro-democracy
protesters. Nevertheless, both The Telegraph and The Washington Post were
keen to expose the untruths of all parties, which again may tell about their
predilection toward peace-reporting.
4.4 Conclusion and discussion
In this chapter, I tried to answer the research questions of this study. However, the question
pertained to the kind of frames employed in the newspapers at issue in light of the protest
paradigm, was answered through Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) frame analysis method, whereas the
question of exploring the characteristics of war and peace journalism according to Galtung’s
dichotomous model was answered by CDA, and has been cross-validated through frame
analysis. Finally, the question about the portrayal of protesters was answered through CDA.
4.4.1 National newspapers prone to protest paradigm and war-reporting
To put it more pointedly, the findings emanated from the two methods used in this study
showed that Al-Ahram tried to avowedly support the status quo of the state in general and the
regime in specific. To expound, frame analysis method showed that Al-Ahram’s coverage was
trying to accentuate protesters’ acts of violence and putting the onus of the current “crisis” on
them. This trend has been adopted through employing frames such as protesters vs. police and
protesters as anarchists. In other words, Al-Ahram’s coverage was keen to shed the light on
that the protesters were the group initiated the violence, whereas the police officers and troops
were just responding to it. Moreover, Al-Ahram tried to ignore the protests in the very
beginning by employing protest as being disregarded and neglected frame, through burying the
coverage and confining it to just a small news article, whilst protests in Lebanon, for example,
were given primacy on the front page. Under the ascendancy of Egypt’s events, Al-Ahram
adopted another strategy which was mainly reliant on emphasizing counter protests to create a
sense of polarization, not to mention to rely heavily on official and elite sources at the expenses
of voicing protesters.

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Similarly, Fairclough’s CDA method proved that Al-Ahram’s coverage was depending on a
language of bad and good dichotomy; foregrounding the regime’s positive characteristics and
backgrounding their negative ones, and at the same times, demonizing or foregrounding the
positive merits of some of the major actors in Egypt’s demonstrators, such as Muslim
Brotherhood and the pro-democracy protesters themselves, and backgrounding their negative
characteristics. By the same token, a language of worthy and unworthy victims was applied by
Al-Ahram, in addition to abstaining from exposing the untruth of all parties involved in the
problem or conflict. In simplified terms, Al-Ahram’s coverage was more into war-reporting.
Put another way, Al-Ahram’s coverage was more elite-orientated, violence-orientated, and
even propaganda-orientated. The latter characteristic of war-reporting in Galtung’s model was
substantiated through the employing of counter-protest frame; Al-Ahram resorted to lie and
exaggerate the number of pro-Mubarak protesters. Furthermore, Al-Ahram at the beginning of
Egypt’s events tried to depict the protesters negatively then it shifted its tone after the fall of
President Mubarak to positively depicting the protesters.
To spout off, the putative frames derived from Al-Ahram’s coverage corroborated the findings
derived from CDA, concerning Al-Ahram’s propensity towards war-reporting. In sum, all
methodological approaches applied in this study lead to the fact that Al-Ahram’s coverage, at
the very least in the 18-day revolution, was ideologically biased and slanted.
Likewise, although ideology is playing a pivotal role in shaping the policies of the state-run
mediums like Al-Ahram for example, but independent, privately-owned newspapers like Al-
Masry Al-Youm were not immune to bias. In the same vein, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was
employing some frames in light of the protest paradigm like protesters vs. police and
protesters as anarchists, aiming at highlighting violence, hooliganism and lawlessness. In other
words, Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) frame analysis method showed that Al-Masry Al-Youm’s
coverage was sometimes reliant on showing that the protesters were to be blamed for the
anarchy ensuing from Egypt’s events, and they posed a threat to the nation’s economy.
However, although Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was leaning toward providing the context of
the Egyptian Revolution through answering questions pertained to the organizers of the protests
and the motives behind the rallies, the privately-owned newspaper, in the very first days of
covering the revolution, didn’t mention the main demand of the protesters, mainly the
abdication of Mubarak, and substituted it for sacking the government. In other words, Al-Masry

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Al-Youm employed thematic frames, unlike Al-Ahram which missed the context and applied
episodic frames. But, still, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage resorted to tuck away some of the
important motives behind the rallies, which may spotlight how either self-censorship by the
senior editors of the newspaper or the censorship imposed by the state, was dominant in the
very first days of the revolution. Moreover, Al-Masry Al-Youm tried to be neutral somehow in
using both official and protesters’ sources.
On the other hand, CDA method found that Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was leaning toward
using victimized language and relied to some extent on the trend of worthy and unworthy
victims. Additionally, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was applying the dichotomous language
of good and bad or “Us” vs. “Them”. This was discerned through its leaning toward the
military and addressing them as “Us”. At the same time, Al-Masry Al-Youm referred to the
police, sometimes anti-Mubarak protesters, Muslim Brotherhood, and some opposition groups,
as “Them”. In the same vein, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was refrained from exposing the
untruth of all parties involved in Egypt’s protests, regarding the incident of Lara Logan’s
sexual attack and criticizing the military in specific. This makes the independent newspaper’s
coverage angling more toward war-reporting, compared to The Telegraph and The Washington
Post. However, its efforts to file neutral and objective reports about Egypt’s events were not
successful most of the times. Nevertheless, it tried to depict the pro-democracy protesters
neutrally, with a tendency towards positivity. Again, the use of CDA and frame analysis in
specific was proved helpful to reach this conclusion.
4.4.1 The Telegraph and The Washington Post: peace-reporting
On the contrary, The Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s coverage was shifting away from
the protest paradigm. Put another way, the extensive reliance on people sources,
acknowledging the legal demands of the protesters, and above all, providing the social, political
and historical background of Egypt’s events, may substantiate the previous finding.
Notwithstanding, there were some incidents that the American and British newspapers tried to
highlight the risks of the Egyptian economy through employing protest as economic threat
frame, and in very few incidents, The Telegraph specifically, tried to apply protesters vs. police
and protesters as anarchists frames. But, again, this was applied rarely in the samples at issue.
Frame analysis found that the previously-mentioned newspapers resorted mainly to thematic

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frames, than episodic ones. In other words, the political contexts of Egypt’s protests, along with
the social and historical backgrounds were provided by The Telegraph and The Washington
Post.
Likewise, CDA evinced that the American and British newspapers were prone to peace-
reporting, not only through depicting the protesters positively and voicing the protesters at the
expenses of elite sources, but also through exposing the black and whites of all parties
involved. The latter approach was depicted through reporting on the incident of Lara Logan,
and trying to criticize Egypt’s ruling military council. Moreover, the two international
newspapers were addressing the pro-democracy protesters as “Us”, whilst the military,
government, President Mubarak, pro-Mubarak protesters, and rarely the Muslim Brotherhood
group as “Them”.
In sum, the American and British newspapers were adhering to the people-orientated and truth-
orientated characteristics of peace-reporting proffered by Galtung. This conclusion was first
substantiated by CDA and then cross-validated by frame analysis’ results.

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5. Conclusion
In simplified terms, this study tried to answer the questions of the research raised in the
Introduction chapter, through two methods; namely, frame analysis and critical discourse
analysis. To elucidate, the question of the putative frames reliant on the protest paradigm was
answered by frame analysis. However, the question pertaining to the examination of the
characteristics of war and peace journalism in light of Galtung’s dichotomous model was
answered by CDA, and has been cross-validated by frame analysis. The question of the
protesters’ portrayal in the four newspapers in hand was answered by CDA.
The Conclusion chapter attempts to draw a link between the answers derived from the findings
and the theoretical framework, not to mention to compare this research’s result with the
findings of two relevant studies, entitled: “Overthrowing the Protest Paradigm? How the New
York Times, Global Voices and Twitter Covered the Egyptian Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson,
2011) and “Framing the Egyptian Uprising in Arabic Language Newspapers and Social
Media” (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011). This chapter also offers some recommendations for
potential research in the future.
5.1 Framing Egypt’s protests
According to Hank Johnston and John A. Noakes, in their “Frames of Protest: Social
Movements and the Framing Perspective”, mass media cannot be seen as “movement’s ally” or
“fellow traveller” in normal conditions, as media always have their own agenda. (Johnston &
Noakes, 2005). In this regard, media play an important role in the life or death of social
movements, not only through determining whether to print or broadcast news about the
protests, but also through the use of sources and the ways they frame the issue (Ashley &
Olson, 1998: 263).
Taken in this light, the news coverage of social movements is usually leaning toward a ready-
made frame template called “protest paradigm” aiming at trivializing, marginalizing and
demonizing social movement activities and beliefs. The study which depended mainly on the
overarching theory of protest paradigm, found that this propensity towards accentuating
protestors’ acts of violence, attributing responsibility to them, delegitimizing demonstrators’

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political context, and the reliance on official sources at the expense of voicing protesters, were
more presented in the national newspapers’ samples in hand than the American and British
ones. Nevertheless, Al-Ahram showed a more systematic approach toward applying the protest
paradigm, compared to Al-Masry Al-Youm. By and large, the study found those putative frames
in light of the protest paradigm: protest as being disregarded and neglected, protesters vs.
police, protesters as anarchists, protest as economic threat and counter-protest frames.
Concomitantly with the protest paradigm, only Al-Ahram’s coverage was angling more
towards episodic than thematic frames through missing the context of who organized the
protests and the reasons behind the rallies, in addition to overlooking the social and historical
backgrounds of Egypt’s protests. However, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage tried, at the
beginning, to overlook the main demand behind the protests, mainly the abdication of President
Mubarak and substituted it for sacking the government.
To pin down and extract the previously-mentioned frames, the study resorted to Pan and
Kosicki’s (1993) frame analysis constructivist methodological approach which is contingent on
analyzing the structural and lexical features of news texts. This frame analysis qualitative
approach proved to be successful and fruitful in this study. The rationale behind choosing this
methodological approach rests mainly on the fact that frames cannot be identified by “counting
the appearance of keywords and phrases, or by specific argumentative structures. Instead, one
must look for storylines about what is to be comprehended.” (Fisher, 1997). In other words, by
making the unit of analysis the paragraph not the sentence, Pan and Kosicki’s (1993) frame
analysis method helped in exploring the latent meanings not only the manifest ones. This
approach, for example, helped me to evade miss-framing or misinterpreting protest as carnival
frame in the news coverage at issue, since the newspapers in hand tried to mix the celebration
mode without empting the protests of their political content (McFarlane, 2001).
Steering the discussion toward the results of the recent study entitled “Overthrowing the
Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global Voices and Twitter Covered the Egyptian
Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011), and apart from the social media’s results presented in
the same study, the researchers found out that the New York Times’ coverage was more inclined
to the protest paradigm than the alternative social media. The study postulated frames such as
“injustice”; means to ascribe blame and stress on moral violations and accentuating injustice
being done, “sympathy”; supporting the protesters, “legitimizing”; recognizing protesters’

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claims, “de-legitimizing”; discrediting protesters’ political claims, “accountability”; a
consensus of discerning an issue as being wrong and demands police or government
interference, “contextual”; giving background and detailed history of Egypt’s protests, and
finally “spectacle” frames; the reliance on highlighting the number of protesters, drama,
violence and deviance among the protesters (Harlow & Johnson, 2011: 1364).
The same study showed a preponderance of “spectacle” over “injustice”, “sympathy” and
“legitimizing” frames; indicating that “the excitement, fever, and even volatility of the protests
were more newsworthy, and thus important, than the underlying causes of the protests or the
plight of the protesters.” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011: 1367). As for “accountability” frame, it
had been used slightly more than half of the time, which means it wasn’t dominated in NYT’s
coverage, reflecting that NYT was trying to adhere to the objectivity, fairness and balance
perspectives that traditional newspapers always aspire for.
Cataclysmically, my study posited that The Washington Post’s coverage, another American
newspaper, was more contingent on framing Egypt’s protests positively, hence leaning away
from the protest paradigm. To put it more pointedly, my study showed that The Washington
Post’s coverage was inclined to voice protesters more than the official sources; in addition it
did resort to frames such as protesters vs. police and protest as economic threat, but it didn’t
adopt a systematic way of emphasizing violence, drama and deviance among protesters. I
speculate that the differences of The Washington Post’s and NYT’s coverage rest on the
following:
1- The differences of the scope and methodologies between the current study which
relied on qualitative methodological approaches, and Harlow’s and Johnson’s study
that resorted to quantitative content analysis methodology. This means the current
research dealt with 15 news articles and editorial pieces from The Washington Post,
where the latter study tackled 66 news articles from NYT. In other words,
generalisability problems may loom large in my study, but at the same time, the
predilection toward misinterpreting the frame, since the content analysis
methodology deals with the concurrence of words or analyzes only the lexical
features of news texts, may come to the fore as well in Harlow’s and Johnson’s
study. Moreover, it wasn’t spelled out clearly in the journal entitled “Overthrowing
the Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global Voices and Twitter

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Covered the Egyptian Revolution”, the methodological approach of Harlow’s and
Johnson’s study; was it manual-holistic, manual-clustering, or a computer-assisted
frame analysis approach?
2- Both newspapers have different ideology and affiliation, though they are from the
same country. The same applies to Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm.
3- I made it clear in the Critique of Protest Paradigm section in the Theoretical
Framework and Previous Research chapter that the American news coverage of
social protests outside the U.S. differs from other countries’ news coverage. In other
words, if the American government supports a foreign counterpart, the protests are
ignored or demonized -like the case in Egypt as one of the strongest U.S. allies in
the region after Israel- but if the American government doesn’t shore up a foreign
government, the protests are spotlighted and accentuated as a part of a fight for
democracy (Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 237). Although The Washington Post’s coverage
didn’t follow this model, but this doesn’t mean that other newspapers’ coverage has
to follow the same trajectory.
Equally, it is of paramount impotance to refer to another recent study, entitled “Framing the
Egyptian Uprising in Arabic Language Newspapers and Social Media” (Hamdy & Gomaa,
2011). Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study explored the framing of Egypt’s protests in some
Egyptian semiooficial and independent newspapers, in addition to some social media postings.
Aside from presenting the results of the social media postings, Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011)
found that the dominant frame in the semiofficial newspapers, including Al-Ahram, regarding
the protests was conflict frame - 480 articles or 60% of the 800 samples gathered were
highlighting the conflict and violence. Other less dominant frames were economic
consequences; aggravating the threats of the protests on the country’s economy, and human
interest; sympathizing with the aging President Mubarak. Nevertheless, responsibility frame;
blaming the protesters for the violence and anarchy was limited to only 40 articles or 5% of the
samples taken from the state-run newspapers (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 200).
However, the semiofficial newspapers also ascribed blame to the Muslim Brotherhood and
Salafi groups of the current “crisis”, as the most common scenario adopted by many
semiofficial newspapers was that Muslim Brotherhood group members were infiltrated among

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the protesters, mainly to turn the peaceful protests into violence (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 204).
Actually, this result is very much akin to my study’s findings, as Al-Ahram used to “demonize”
Muslim Brotherhood group by adopting the same scenario of infiltration and turning the
“peaceful protests” into “violent events”. Althoug my current study didn’t deal with a huge
number of samples, compared to Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study, but both researches
reached almost to the same results. In other words, conflict frame is similar to protesters vs.
police, protesters as anarchists, and episodic frames which were found in Al-Ahram’s
coverage. By the same token, economic consequences frame is like protest as economic threat
frame. However, the reason behind the scarcity of responsibility frame in Hamdy and Gomaa’s
(2011) study may be justified as I mentioned earlier in the Results and Analysis chapter that Al-
Ahram used to refer to the protesters negatively most of the time in an indirect way, by using
cohesive ties and insinuations, which would be difficult to extract through using a quantitative
content analysis method. This shows another reason why my studies resorted to qualitative
methodological approach to pin down frames by interpreting the latent not the manifeast
meanings.
Steering the results toward the independent newspapers, Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study
found that conflict frame was also dominant in 320 articles or 40% of the 800 samples. Also,
they employed human interest frame more than the semiofficial newspapers, along with the
responsibility frame. But, unlike blaming the protesters in the semiofficial newspapers, the
independent ones used to blame the government, police and the media for escalating the
situation. Also, economic consequences frame adopted in 120 articles or 15% of the samples
chosen (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 200). Again, these results go in consonance with my stydy’s
findings, although Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study didn’t take any samples from Al-Masry
Al-Youm. In this regard, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage employed protesters vs. police, protest
as anarchists, and protest as economic threat frames. Moreover, responsibility frame of
blaming the government and police was ascertained in my study as well through the
dichotomous language of “Us” vs. “Them”; where “Them” here were mainly addressing the
police officers for creating a “security vacuum”.

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5.2 Entwining war journalism with protest paradigm
For the first time, this study drew a link between Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace and
war journalism, and the protest paradigm. Put another way, the protest paradigm as being the
overarching theory in this study, was focusing attention on protesters’ acts of violence,
demonizing, and trivializing their political claims, in addition to the reliance on official sources,
all share commonalities with war-reporting characteristics proffered by Galtung. In other
words, some features like demonizing the enemy in war-reporting, were substituted for the
protesters in the protest paradigm. Equally, war journalism is violence-orientated,
propaganda-orientated, elite-orientated and victory-orientated (Ottosen, 2010). Apart from the
victory-orientated, there are denominators between war journalism’s violence-orientated, elite-
orientated and propaganda-orientated features, and the protest paradigm.
The study found that Al-Ahram’s, and to some extent, Al-Masry Al-Youm’s coverage was
inclined more to accentuate protesters vs. police and protesters as anarchists frames, albeit Al-
Ahram used extensively official and elite sources at the expenses of voicing protesters. By the
same token, both Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm resorted to bad and good dichotomy, and a
language of worthy and unworthy victims, which are all features of war-reporting.
Contrarily, the study found that The Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s coverage, though
resorting at least once to protesters vs. police and protest as economic threat frames, was more
angling away from the protest paradigm through utilizing more sources from protesters,
acknowledging the political demands of the protesters, and presenting information about the
social and political background of Egypt’s protests. Similarly, the study found that The
Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s coverage was adhering more to the peace-reporting
model. This was done through, again, the extensive use of people sources and exposing the
black and whites of all parties involved in Egypt’s protests; by covering the sexual attack of the
female reporter Lara Logan, whereas Al-Ahram and Al-Masry Al-Youm abstained from
covering anything about the incident. Moreover, unlike the national newspapers that refrained
from criticizing the military, The Telegraph and The Washington Post raised doubts about the
role of Egypt’s ruling military council in the post-revolution Egypt.

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The conflation of both war and peace journalism typology and the protest paradigm not only
delineated through the commonalities of their characteristics, but also evinced through the
findings of this study which can be summarized in the following: the more a newspaper’s
coverage conforms to the protest paradigm, the more it inclines to war-reporting. On the
contrary, the more a newspaper’s coverage angling away from the protest paradigm, the more
it adheres to peace journalism.
In accordance with Galtung’s model of peace journalism and “journalism of attachment”, this
study made use of critical discourse analysis to identify the social problem of Egypt’s protests,
not through taking an impartial stance toward iniquitous social injustice, but by leaning toward
those who suffer the most and critically analyses those who hold the means of power, those
who are responsible, and those who have the favourable circumstances to solve such problems
(Van Dijk, 1996, cited in Richardson, 2007: 2). I used critical discourse analysis to expose the
power relationships which are frequently hidden; hence eliciting results which are of practical
relevance. In other words, critical discourse analysis was useful to pin down the ideological
slants and affiliations of the four newspapers at issue, and thereby answering questions related
to exploring the characteristics of war and peace journalism in the newspapers in hand with the
help of frame analysis, not to mention to answer the question of how those newspapers
portrayed the protesters in their coverage.
5.3 Portraying the protesters
Regarding the portrayal of protesters, the study found that Al-Ahram’s coverage during the 18-
day revolution was depicting the protesters negatively; most of the time indirectly through
drawing a link between the continuation of the protests and the prevailing of the shambolic and
chaotic atmosphere. However, after the resignation of President Mubarak, Al-Ahram changed
its tone toward extolling the protesters and the revolution in general. As for Al-Masry Al-
Youm’s coverage, it was tried more to adhere to the objectivity credo, by depicting the
protesters in a neutral way, albeit with a tendency toward positively depicting them sometimes.
Steering the discussion toward The Telegraph’s and The Washington Post’s coverage, the study
found it more leaning toward portraying the demonstrators positively.

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Angling the discussion toward the New York Times’ coverage in the study titled “Overthrowing
the Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global Voices and Twitter Covered the
Egyptian Revolution” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011), the research found that the protesters were
portraying positively only about half of the time, and even it coded the protesters as worthy
victims less than half of the time (Harlow & Johnson, 2011: 1367). Then, by comparing, for
example, my study’s results related to The Washington Post and NYT’s findings in Harlow and
Johnson study, there would be a slight difference. To expound, as stated before, my qualitative
study didn’t deal with percentages, but in The Washington Post’s samples at issue, most of the
news articles and editorial pieces were depicting protesters positively. Also, this is related to
the position of The Washington Post in general towards Egypt’s protests as vividly mentioned
before; through overthrowing the protest paradigm and adhering to peace-reporting. On the
other hand, Harlow and Johnson (2011) in their study suggest that NYT was supporting the
“objectivity” notion, “even when there is a consensus that the protesters were fighting for
something worthwhile.” (Harlow & Johnson, 2011: 1367). Again, this contrasts with The
Washington Post’s coverage which was more inclined to the “voiceless” protesters in their fight
for democracy and freedom.
As for Hamdy and Gomaa’s (2011) study, it found that the protestors in the semiofficial
newspapers were portrayed as “incapable, misguided youth who were helpless to resist foreign
influence or to formulate a strategy”, and sometimes they were depicted as hooligans “who are
unable to use any form of struggle but disorder to communicate their illegitimate message.”
(Hamdy & Gomaa, 2011: 199). Again, this result goes in consonance with my study’s findings.
In other words, this research found that Al-Ahram tried to depict the pro-democracy negatively
through showing their idiocy and helplessness to resist the infiltrated members of Muslim
Brotherhood who tried to make use of Tahrir Square’s protesters to their own benefits, and
even bribing them to conform to their “demonic schemes”.
5.4 Global Journalism and Egypt’s protests
Since this study deals with four newspapers from three different continents, so there is an
exigency to discuss the notion of global journalism in light of the findings and results. To begin
with, it is of paramount importance to distinguish between the global outlook and the national

131

outlook as indicated in Peter Berglez’s (2008) article entitled “What is Global Journalism?
Theoretical and Empirical Conceptualisation”. In this regard, Berglez succinctly puts it:
“The national outlook puts the nation-state at the centre of things when framing social reality,
while the global outlook instead seeks to understand and explain how economic, political, social and
ecological practices, processes and problems in different parts of the world affect each other, are
interlocked, or share commonalities.” (Berglez, 2008).
Taken in this light, sometimes The Washington Post’s coverage was leaning toward reflecting a
national outlook. This happened, for example, in a news article entitled “U.S. Stock Market
Falls as Egypt Unrest Continues”, where the writer tries to trace the impact of Egypt’s protests
on the national U.S. stock market. By the same token, the study may suggest that when there is
an opportunity on the horizon for reflecting upon a foreign issue from a global outlook,
ideologies come to the fore to obliterate and ruin the chance. This happened in the national
newspapers’ coverage at issue, when the female reporter Lara Logan sexually attacked in
Cairo; the national newspapers didn’t cover the story in the first place even from a national
perspective.
Generally speaking, ideology could be one of the obstacles and hindrances that might face
global journalism. Ideology also pertinent to the media systems and the general atmosphere
journalists have to work in. Taking Egypt’s media system as an example, and as previously
indicated in the Introduction chapter, the curtailment of freedom of the press by prejudicial
laws imposed on journalists, have a say in the latter’s coverage of events, not to mention the
numerous ways the state used to interfere in the profession; either directly by putting journalists
behind bars, or indirectly by intimidating them for opposing the regime. Another obstacle that
may loom large against the spread of global journalism’s notion is journalists’ education. In
this regard, many faculty members at the Egyptian universities argued that the number of
practical courses taught at schools of journalism exceeded the number of practical courses. In
other words, the fresh graduate students from journalism departments lack important skills in
their profession; computer usage, Arabic and foreign language, general knowledge, and even
writing and reporting, among the skills they simply don’t have (Kamal & Alabbasi, 1997). To
put it simply, if the potential journalists don’t have the previously much-needed skills in
journalism, how come they will file reports that reflect global outlooks?

132

5.5 Final words
This study opens a door to possible future studies try to combine frame analysis and CDA
methodologies on one hand, and to blend the protest paradigm and Galtung’s war and peace
journalism model together, on the other. Other potential research questions could be: What is
the impact of the newspapers’ coverage on the audience, related to Egypt’s protests? Or, how
other media platforms, like the Egyptian national television, BBC and CNN, covered the
events, in light of the protest paradigm and Galtung’s dichotomous model of war and peace
journalism? All the aforementioned questions can be explored thoroughly in future studies.

133

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Appendix I

Al‐Ahram’s Samples:
Title Thousands Participate in Peaceful Demonstrations in Cairo, Governorates
‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻳﺸﺎرآﻮن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬
‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻋﺪة‬‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫وﻋﺪة‬‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫ورددوا‬ ،‫اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﺑﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬‫ﻓﺮص‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻧﻔﻼت‬ ،‫اﻷﺳﻌﺎر‬‫واﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬،‫واﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫ﺣﺮاﺳﺔ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬،‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫اﻟﺘﺰﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎت‬‫وزﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪم‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺮض‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﺘﺼﺪى‬ ‫ﻷى‬‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺨﺮوج‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‬. ‫ﻓﻔﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻃﺎف‬‫ﻋﺪة‬‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫اﻟﺠﻼء‬
‫ورﻣﺴﻴﺲ‬‫و‬26‫ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‬ ،‫وﺷﺒﺮا‬‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫أﻟﻘﻰ‬‫ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻄﻮب‬‫واﻟﺤﺠﺎرة‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬،‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ردت‬ ‫ﺑﺈﻃﻼق‬‫ﺧﺮاﻃﻴﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ‬‫واﻟﻘﻨﺎﺑﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻣﻮع‬‫ﻟﺘﻔﺮﻳﻘﻬﻢ‬. ‫وﻃﺎف‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬‫اﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺤﺰب‬،‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬‫ودار‬‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬،‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬‫وﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫اﻹذاﻋﺔ‬،‫واﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫ﺛﻢ‬‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬‫وزارة‬
‫اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫آﻮرﻧﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬ .‫وذآﺮت‬‫ﻣﺼﺎدر‬‫أﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻹﺧﻮان‬‫ﺷﺎرآﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫وﺣﺎوﻟﺖ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻐﻼل‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ‬‫وﺗﺄﻟﻴﺐ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺿﺪ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬. ‫وﻗﺎﻟﺖ‬‫وآﺎﻟﺔ‬‫اﻷﻧﺒﺎء‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬‫أن‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻳﺼﻞ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬15‫أﻟﻒ‬،‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺘﺴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺘﺄآﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺮﻗﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻦ‬‫ذآﺮت‬‫وآﺎﻟﺔ‬‫روﻳﺘﺮز‬‫ﻟﻸﻧﺒﺎء‬‫أن‬‫ﻋﺪة‬‫ﺁﻻف‬‫أﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻤﻮا‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﻣﻤﺎﺛﻠﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺪن‬،‫اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬،‫واﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮرة‬،‫واﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬،‫واﻟﺰﻗﺎزﻳﻖ‬،‫ودﻣﻴﺎط‬
،‫وﺑﻠﻄﻴﻢ‬‫واﻟﻤﺤﻠﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻜﺒﺮى‬،‫وﻃﻨﻄﺎ‬‫وذآﺮ‬‫ﺷﻬﻮد‬‫اﻟﻌﻴﺎن‬‫ووآﺎﻟﺔ‬‫روﻳﺘﺮز‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﻘﻊ‬‫اﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﻗﻮات‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬.

Title Death of 4, 118 Citizens and 162 Police Officers Injured, and 100 Arrested in Cairo,
Governorates
‫وﻓﺎة‬4‫وإﺻﺎﺑﺔ‬118‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﺎ‬‫و‬162‫ﺷﺮﻃﻴﺎ‬‫واﻟﻘﺒﺾ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬100‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬
‫أﺳﻔﺮت‬‫ﺣﺼﻴﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺎت‬‫وأﺣﺪاث‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬‫واﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫ـ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫اﻧﺪﻟﻌﺖ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬‫واﻷرﺑﻌﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫واﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬
،‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫وﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫ـ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ‬‫وﻓﺎة‬4‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﺟﻨﺪى‬‫وإﺻﺎﺑﺔ‬162،‫ﺷﺮﻃﻴﺎ‬‫و‬118،‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﺎ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻢ‬‫إﻟﻘﺎء‬‫اﻟﻘﺒﺾ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺎﺋﺔ‬‫ﺷﺨﺺ‬
،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﺣﺎوﻟﻮا‬‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬،‫واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﺤﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﺮار‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫أﺻﺪرﺗﻪ‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﺑﺤﻈﺮ‬‫أى‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬ ‫أو‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮآﺎت‬‫إﺛﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫أو‬‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎت‬‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬‫أو‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ‬‫أوﺿﺢ‬‫ﻣﺼﺪر‬‫أﻣﻨﻲ‬.‫وﻗﺪ‬‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻗﻨﺎﺑﻞ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﻠﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺪﻣﻮع‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬ ،‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻧﻈﻤﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫اﻹﺳﻌﺎف‬‫وﺷﺎرع‬،‫اﻟﺠﻼء‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻢ‬‫ﺿﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﺗﺰﻋﻤﻮا‬‫اﻟﺘﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﺑﺮﻏﻢ‬‫ﺗﺤﺬﻳﺮ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬
‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬‫ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺼﺮاف‬.‫وآﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﻷول‬‫ﻗﺪ‬‫أﺳﻔﺮت‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺳﻘﻮط‬‫ﺛﻼث‬‫ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬ ،‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﻟﻘﻰ‬‫ﻣﺠﻨﺪ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮﻋﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أﺛﻨﺎء‬‫ﻓﺾ‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ‬‫ﻟﻴﻠﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﻷول‬. ‫وﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬‫ﺑﺪأت‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮى‬،‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫وﺟﻬﺖ‬‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬‫ﺗﻬﻢ‬ ،‫اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻬﺮ‬‫وﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت‬‫وإﺗﻼف‬‫اﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬‫واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﻟـ‬64‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮى‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫وﻗﺪ‬‫أﺻﻴﺐ‬31‫ﺟﻨﺪﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬
‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺤﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﻜﺒﺮى‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫رﺷﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺠﺎرة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮى‬‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫أﺷﻌﻠﻮا‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫إﻃﺎرات‬،‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫وأﻣﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻣﻰ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎم‬‫اﻷول‬‫ﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﺎت‬
‫آﻔﺮ‬‫اﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬‫ﺑﻀﺒﻂ‬‫وإﺣﻀﺎر‬14‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮى‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﺑﻠﻄﻴﻢ‬.‫وﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬‫أﺟﻬﺰة‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﺼﺮف‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻣﺤﺪودة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﺣﺎوﻟﻮا‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬‫وﻗﻔﺔ‬ ‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫وآﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﺪ‬‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ‬‫واﻟﻐﺎز‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﻠﺪﻣﻮع‬‫ﻟﻔﺾ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﺠﻤﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻟﻴﻠﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬
،‫اﻷول‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫رﻓﻀﻬﻢ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺬﻳﺮات‬،‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫وﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺘﻬﻢ‬‫إﺷﻌﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎرات‬،‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وأﺣﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬‫ﺑﻜﻮرﻧﻴﺶ‬،‫اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬‫وإﺗﻼﻓﻬﻢ‬‫ﻋﺪة‬
،‫ﺳﻴﺎرات‬‫وأﺻﻴﺐ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺎت‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺖ‬‫ﻓﺾ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬85،‫ﺷﺮﻃﻴﺎ‬‫و‬18،‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎ‬‫وﺗﻮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻰ‬‫وﻗﺖ‬‫ﻻﺣﻖ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮا‬،‫ﺑﺈﺻﺎﺑﺘﻪ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬
‫أﺻﻴﺐ‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬28،‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬،‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫وﻋﺸﺮة‬‫ﻣﺠﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬. ‫وﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬‫أﻟﻘﺖ‬‫أﺟﻬﺰة‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﺒﺾ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬21‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮى‬‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎدﻣﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﻗﻮات‬،‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﺑﻠﻐﺖ‬‫ﺣﺼﻴﻠﺔ‬‫اﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬134 ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺑﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫واﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫أرﺑﻌﺔ‬

145

،‫ﻟﻮاءات‬‫وﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬. ‫وﻗﺪ‬‫أآﺪت‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﻮﺟﺪ‬‫أى‬‫ﻗﻴﻮد‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫وﻟﻜﻦ‬‫دون‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺎس‬ ‫أو‬‫اﻹﺧﻼل‬‫ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﻌﺎم‬‫أو‬
‫اﻟﺨﺮوج‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬.‫وأآﺪ‬‫اﻟﺪآﺘﻮر‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﻧﻈﻴﻒ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻟﻮزراء‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﺗﻀﻤﻦ‬‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﺑﻞ‬‫وﺗﺤﻤﻴﻬﺎ‬.
‫وأوﺿﺢ‬‫د‬.‫ﻣﺠﺪى‬‫راﺿﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪث‬‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻟﻮزراء‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫أﻋﺮﺑﺖ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫أﺳﻔﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﻘﻮط‬‫ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ورﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﻓﻘﺪوا‬
‫أﺣﺪهﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬،‫ﻋﻴﺪهﻢ‬‫وأﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﺗﺄﻣﻞ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻰ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‬‫ﺑﺼﻮرة‬‫ﺣﻀﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫وﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬.
‫وأﺷﺎر‬‫راﺿﻰ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أن‬‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫اﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ‬‫ـ‬‫ﻗﺪ‬‫ﺗﺄﺛﺮ‬‫ﺑﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﺤﺪث‬‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‬‫ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬،‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬ ‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أآﺪ‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﻬﺎ‬‫اﻹﺻﻼﺣﻰ‬‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎ‬‫وﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ‬‫واﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ‬.
Title Stock Market Loses LE40.25 Billion, the Pound’s Fall Continues
40،25 ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺎر‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ‬..‫واﻟﺠﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻳﻮاﺻﻞ‬‫اﻧﺨﻔﺎﺿﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺠﻠﺖ‬‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮات‬‫اﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ‬‫أدﻧﻲ‬‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬18‫ﺷﻬﺮا‬،‫ﺧﻼل‬‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼت‬‫أﻣﺲ‬،‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أﺳﻮأ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺔ‬‫هﺒﻮط‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬‫اﻷﺳﻮد‬‫ﻟﻠﺴﻮق‬‫ﻓﻲ‬7
‫أآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬2008‫وﺑﻠﻐﺖ‬‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻷﺳﻬﻢ‬40،25‫ﻣﻠﻴﺎر‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬،‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﺗﺮاﺟﻊ‬181‫ﺳﻬﻤﺎ‬‫دﻓﻌﺔ‬ ‫واﺣﺪة‬،‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬‫ارﺗﻔﺎع‬3‫ورﻗﺎت‬‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻘﻂ‬.‫وذآﺮت‬‫وآﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫روﻳﺘﺮز‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ‬‫ﻓﻘﺪت‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﻲ‬‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺎء‬‫واﻟﺨﻤﻴﺲ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬70‫ﻣﻠﻴﺎر‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬.
‫وﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫ﺁﺧﺮ‬‫واﺻﻞ‬‫اﻟﺪوﻻر‬‫ارﺗﻔﺎﻋﻪ‬‫ﻟﻠﻴﻮم‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﺘﻮاﻟﻲ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼت‬‫ﺷﺮآﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺮاﻓﺔ‬‫ﺑﻨﺤﻮ‬2،40‫ﻗﺮش‬،‫ﻟﻴﺼﻞ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬5،8450‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺸﺮاء‬،‫و‬5،78‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺒﻴﻊ‬،‫وﻗﻔﺰ‬ ‫اﻟﻴﻮرو‬6‫ﻗﺮوش‬‫ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺑﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺣﺎﺟﺰ‬8‫ﺟﻨﻴﻬﺎت‬‫ﻣﺴﺠﻼ‬7،99‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﺮاء‬‫و‬8،14‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺒﻴﻊ‬.
Title Omar Suleiman Named Vice President, Ahmed Shafik as Prime Minister
‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺎ‬‫ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫وأﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﺷﻔﻴﻖ‬‫رﺋﻴﺴﺎ‬‫ﻟﻠﻮزراء‬
‫أﺻﺪر‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻗﺮارا‬‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺎ‬‫ﺑﺘﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أﺻﺪر‬‫ﻗﺮارا‬‫ﺑﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺷﻔﻴﻖ‬‫ﺑﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻟﻮزراء‬،‫ﻣﻊ‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫اﻟﻮزراء‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﻒ‬‫اﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬‫ﻟﺤﻴﻦ‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬.‫وﻗﺪ‬‫أدي‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫اﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬،‫وهﻮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻟﻴﺪ‬2‫ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‬1935‫وﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﺑﻜﺎﻟﻮرﻳﻮس‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻌﻠﻮم‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫وﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﻴﺮ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻠﻮم‬
‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫وﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﻴﺮ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻌﻠﻮم‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫وزﻣﺎﻟﺔ‬‫آﻠﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮب‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺣﺼﻞ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫دورة‬‫ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻻﺗﺤﺎد‬‫اﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﺘﻲ‬،‫وهﺬﻩ‬‫هﻲ‬
‫أول‬‫ﻣﺮة‬‫ﻳﻌﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺎ‬‫ﻟﻪ‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﻪ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬1981.
‫وﻣﻦ‬‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬‫أﺧﺮي‬،‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺖ‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺎﻻﻟﺘﺰام‬‫ﺑﺤﻈﺮ‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﻮال‬،‫وﻗﺪ‬ ‫أﺳﻔﺮت‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﻟﺪاﻣﻴﺔ‬‫وأﺣﺪاث‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫واﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻬﺪهﺎ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮع‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺮات‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ورﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫وإﺻﺎﺑﺔ‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬2500‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫ورﺟﻞ‬‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ‬.‫وﺷﻬﺪت‬‫اﻟﻤﺪن‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫واﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫أﺳﻮأ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬‫اﻟﻨﻬﺐ‬،‫واﻟﺴﺮﻗﺔ‬،‫واﻟﺘﺪﻣﻴﺮ‬‫ﺗﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻧﺼﻒ‬‫ﻗﺮن‬‫إﺑﺎن‬‫ﺣﺮﻳﻖ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬،‫ودﻣﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺨﺮﺑﻮن‬‫واﻟﻠﺼﻮص‬‫اﻟﻤﺮاﻓﻖ‬
‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬،‫وأﻗﺴﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ودواوﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬،‫واﻷﺳﻮاق‬‫واﻟﻤﺮاآﺰ‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬،‫وﻧﻬﺒﻮا‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪاﺧﻠﻬﺎ‬‫ﺛﻢ‬‫أﺷﻌﻠﻮا‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬.
‫وﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎآﻢ‬‫واﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﺗﺪﻣﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪ‬،‫وإﻟﻘﺎء‬‫اﻟﻤﻠﻔﺎت‬‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻷوراق‬‫واﻟﺴﺠﻼت‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻋﺮض‬‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‬،‫وإﺷﻌﺎل‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬،
‫وﺳﻂ‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎرﻣﺔ‬‫واﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬‫واﻟﻐﻤﻮض‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬،‫وﻓﻲ‬‫ﻇﻞ‬‫ﻏﻴﺎب‬‫أﻣﻨﻲ‬‫آﺎﻣﻞ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮد‬‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬،‫ﻣﻤﺎ‬‫ﻣﻨﺢ‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬‫وﺗﺮوﻳﻊ‬‫اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‬.‫وﺗﻘﺮر‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺒﺪأ‬‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎن‬‫ﺣﻈﺮ‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﻮال‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻟﻜﺒﺮي‬،‫واﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬،‫واﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬‫اﻋﺘﺒﺎرا‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﻋﺼﺮا‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ‬‫ﺻﺒﺎﺣﺎ‬،‫وﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﺮﻏﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺣﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎن‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﻮال‬، ‫ﻓﻘﺪ‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮ‬‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬‫ﻋﺸﺮات‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬،‫وﻋﺪة‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أن‬ ‫هﻨﺎك‬
‫ﺣﺸﻮدا‬‫ﺿﺨﻤﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺤﻄﺔ‬‫اﻟﺮﻣﻞ‬‫وﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺸﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬،‫وﻏﻴﺮهﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬.‫ووﺟﻪ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻮن‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬،‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫هﺎﺟﻢ‬‫اﻟﻠﺼﻮص‬‫واﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﻗﻄﺎع‬‫اﻟﻄﺮق‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎزل‬‫واﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬‫واﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫واﻷﺳﻮاق‬،‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫زادت‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﺪي‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎت‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬‫اﻟﻨﻬﺐ‬‫واﻟﺴﺮﻗﺔ‬،‫واﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أﻧﺤﺎء‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬،‫وﺗﻠﻘﺖ‬‫وﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫اﻹﻋﻼم‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﺷﺪات‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﺗﺤﺚ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫وﻗﻒ‬‫أﻋﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﺘﺮوﻳﻊ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮن‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬،‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬‫اﻧﺘﺸﺮت‬‫اﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎت‬‫واﻟﺤﻜﺎﻳﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺜﻴﺮة‬،‫اﻷﻣﺮ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫أﺣﺪث‬‫ارﺗﺒﺎآﺎ‬ ‫آﺒﻴﺮا‬‫وﺧﻮﻓﺎ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﻪ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬.‫وﻓﻲ‬‫ﺳﺠﻦ‬‫أﺑﻮزﻋﺒﻞ‬،‫أﺷﻌﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺠﻮﻧﻮن‬‫اﻟﻨﺎر‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﺴﺠﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻞ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻬﺮوب‬ ‫واﺳﺘﻐﻼل‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة‬،‫اﻷﻣﺮ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫دﻓﻊ‬
‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫واﻟﻘﻮات‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻋﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺑﺎﺑﺎت‬‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫اﻟﻤﺪرﻋﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﻖ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﺳﺠﻮن‬ ‫أﺑﻮزﻋﺒﻞ‬،‫وأﺳﻔﺮت‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺎت‬
‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﻘﺘﻞ‬‫ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺟﻴﻦ‬،‫وإﺻﺎﺑﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬، ‫وهﺮوب‬300‫ﺳﺠﻴﻦ‬‫ﺣﺴﺐ‬‫اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮات‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫واﻟﺰﺣﺎم‬.
‫وهﺎﺟﻢ‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺮاج‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﺎدي‬‫ﻟﺘﺮوﻳﻊ‬‫ﺳﻜﺎن‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬،‫واﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺗﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻌﺮض‬15‫ﻗﺴﻢ‬‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫وﺣﺪهﺎ‬
‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬‫ﻧﻬﺐ‬ ‫وﺗﺪﻣﻴﺮ‬‫وإﺷﻌﺎل‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬،‫واﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬‫واﻟﺬﺧﻴﺮة‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺔ‬،‫واﻻﻋﺘﺪاء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫رﺟﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫وﺗﻢ‬‫ﻧﻬﺐ‬‫أﺳﻮاق‬‫آﺎرﻓﻮر‬،
‫وأرآﻴﺪﻳﺎ‬،‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬‫ﺳﺎرع‬‫أﺻﺤﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺳﻮق‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺴﺘﺎن‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻎ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ‬‫وﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫وﺟﻪ‬‫اﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻟﻀﻤﺎن‬‫ﻋﺪم‬‫ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻬﺎ‬.

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‫وﻓﻲ‬‫اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬،‫ﺗﻢ‬‫ﺗﺪﻣﻴﺮ‬‫دﻳﻮان‬‫ﻋﺎم‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫ﻳﺘﺮدد‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫أﺻﺒﺢ‬‫ﺁﻳﻼ‬‫ﻟﻠﺴﻘﻮط‬، ‫وﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫وﻧﻬﺐ‬‫وﺳﻠﺐ‬‫اﻷﺳﻮاق‬‫واﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬
‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻢ‬‫اﻗﺘﺤﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮدع‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﻣﺤﺮم‬‫ﺑﻚ‬‫وهﻲ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬22‫ﻓﺪاﻧﺎ‬،‫واﺳﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻘﺘﺤﻤﻮن‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬15‫أﻟﻒ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎرة‬‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‬‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺘﺠﺰة‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ذﻣﺔ‬‫وﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎت‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎى‬‫ﻣﺮورﻳﺔ‬، ‫واﻗﺘﺤﻢ‬‫اﻟﻠﺼﻮص‬‫وﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺎت‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬‫أﺳﻮاق‬‫وﻧﻬﺒﻮا‬ ‫آﺎرﻓﻮر‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺑﻪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻀﺎﺋﻊ‬‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬30
‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮن‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬.‫وأدت‬‫اﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮع‬22‫وإﺻﺎﺑﺔ‬900‫ﻣﺼﺎب‬.‫وﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻴﺎ‬،‫أﺷﻌﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬‫اﻟﺤﺰب‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺮآﺰ‬‫ﺳﻤﺎﻟﻮط‬‫وﺗﺪﻣﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮ‬‫اﻟﺤﺰب‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺳﻘﻂ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﺘﻠﻲ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫ﺷﻤﺎل‬‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎء‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺎت‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫وﺳﻠﻄﺎت‬
‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫هﺎﺟﻢ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﻴﻦ‬‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ‬‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ‬‫اﻟﺮﻳﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎل‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺮﻳﺶ‬،‫وأﻃﻠﻘﻮا‬‫اﻟﻨﺎر‬‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬‫آﺜﻴﻒ‬،‫ﻣﻤﺎ‬‫أدي‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﻣﻘﺘﻞ‬‫أرﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫رﺟﺎل‬
‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﻗﺘﻞ‬‫اﺛﻨﺎن‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﻜﺘﺐ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬‫أﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫ﺑﺮﻓﺢ‬،‫اﻟﺬي‬‫هﺎﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫وأﺷﻌﻠﻮا‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﻗﺘﻞ‬‫أرﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬‫زوﻳﺪ‬،‫وﺑﻠﻎ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺼﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬18‫ﻣﺼﺎﺑﺎ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﺣﺎﻻت‬‫ﺧﻄﻴﺮة‬.‫وﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬‫اﻟﺼﻮرة‬‫اﻟﻤﺄﺳﺎوﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫دﻣﻴﺎط‬،‫وآﻔﺮ‬‫اﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬،‫واﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬،
‫واﻹﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬، ‫واﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮهﺎ‬.
Title (Is this) Happening in Cairo?! Violent Acts, Vandalism, and Intimidating Citizens in Streets
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Jan 30, 2011 Section: page 4
‫ﻳﺤـــﺪث‬‫ﻓـﻲ‬‫اﻟﻘــــﺎهــــﺮة؟‬!
‫أﻋﻤﺎل‬‫ﻋﻨﻒ‬‫وﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬‫وإﺗﻼف‬‫ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪ‬‫ﺗﺸﻬﺪهﺎ‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬،‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻓﺠﺄة‬‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮات‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺻﻼح‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﻋﺎرﻣﺔ‬‫ﺧﺮﺟﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻦ‬‫إﻃﺎرهﺎ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺮوع‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫أﺻﺒﺤﺖ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫ﻋﻨﻮاﻧﺎ‬‫ﻟﻜﻞ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﺤﺪث‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻧﺠﺤﺖ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻷﻳﺎدي‬‫اﻟﺨﻔﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر‬‫اﻷﺣﺪاث‬‫واﻟﻘﻔﺰ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬
‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺮوﻋﺔ‬‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬ ‫وأهﺪاﻓﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺘﺪﻣﻴﺮ‬‫هﺬا‬،‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫وإﺷﺎﻋﺔ‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫واﻟﺨﺮاب‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺮق‬‫واﻹﺗﻼف‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻤﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺸﺂت‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬،‫واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬‫وآﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻨﺼﻴﺐ‬‫اﻷآﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬،‫اﻟﺪﻣﺎر‬‫ﻓﺎﻟﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻸﺣﺪاث‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﺳﻔﺔ‬‫أﺳﻔﺮت‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫إﺣﺮاق‬15‫ﻗﺴﻢ‬
،‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮاآﺰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻋﺪة‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫واﻟﻤﺼﺎب‬‫اﻷآﺒﺮ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮدة‬‫داﺧﻞ‬‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬،‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﺑﻞ‬‫وإﻃﻼق‬
‫ﺳﺮاح‬‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻵﻻف‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺳﻴﻦ‬‫داﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﺮف‬‫اﻟﺤﺠﺰ‬‫وهﻮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﻬﺪد‬‫ﺑﻮﻗﻮع‬‫ﺟﺮاﺋﻢ‬‫ﺟﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺴﺮوﻗﺔ‬‫وهﻮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺣﺪث‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻷﺣﺪاث‬‫اﻟﺪاﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻻﻋﺘﺪاء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬ ‫وهﻮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫أﺳﻔﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫وﻓﺎة‬‫ﺿﺎﺑﻂ‬‫و‬8‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻷﻓﺮاد‬‫واﻟﻤﺠﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫وإﺻﺎﺑﺔ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬250‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎ‬‫و‬50 ،‫ﺷﺮﻃﻴﺎ‬‫ورﻏﻢ‬‫ذﻟﻚ‬‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎت‬‫ﻣﺸﺪدة‬‫ﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﺑﻀﺒﻂ‬‫اﻟﻨﻔﺲ‬‫وﻋﺪم‬ ‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬‫اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺿﺪ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮي‬
‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬.‫ﻣﺼﺪر‬‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮل‬‫أوﺿﺢ‬‫أن‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﻘﻮي‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫اﺳﺘﺜﻤﺮت‬‫اﻷﺣﺪاث‬‫وأﺷﻌﻠﺖ‬‫ﻓﺘﻴﻞ‬ ‫اﻷزﻣﺔ‬‫ورآﺒﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻞ‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎم‬
‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ووﺿﺢ‬‫ذﻟﻚ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻟﺪﻋﻮات‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫وﺟﻬﻬﺎ‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬‫واﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮآﺎت‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬‫واﻻﻋﺘﺪاء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺑﺪأت‬‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت‬‫اﻷوﻟﻲ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮاﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫دﻓﻌﺖ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﻈﻮرة‬‫ﺑﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮهﺎ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﺖ‬‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﻮع‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺧﻮاﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺤﻔﻴﺰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎﻋﺮ‬‫وآﺴﺮ‬‫ﺣﺎﺟﺰ‬‫اﻻﻟﺘﺰام‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ‬.‫وأﺿﺎف‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺪر‬‫أن‬‫اﻷﺟﻬﺰة‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﻤﻜﻨﺖ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫إﺣﺒﺎط‬‫ﺗﺤﺮك‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻓﺠﺮ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬ 26
‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮة‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ‬‫اﻟﺨﻄﻮرة‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮت‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻘﻮي‬‫اﻷﺧﺮي‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬‫دﻋﻮات‬‫ﻣﻤﺎﺛﻠﺔ‬‫ﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬
‫واﻟﺨﺮوج‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬‫ﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـ‬"‫ﺟﻤﻌﺔ‬‫اﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬"‫ﺑﺘﺤﻔﻴﺰ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﺨﺮوج‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﺣﺎﺷﺪة‬‫ﻋﻘﺐ‬‫ﺻﻼة‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‬‫واﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬
‫واﻟﻘﻔﺰ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫أهﺪاف‬‫أﺧﺮي‬‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪة‬‫آﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻌﺪ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫أي‬‫إﺻﻼح‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬‫أو‬‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬‫أو‬‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬‫وﺻﺎﺣﺒﺖ‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﺪﻋﻮات‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﺤﻤﻼت‬
‫اﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﻨﻮات‬‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﺜﻞ‬‫اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة‬‫واﻟﺮأي‬‫واﻟﺤﺮة‬‫واﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﻬﺪف‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬‫وراء‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﺤﻤﻼت‬‫ﺳﻮي‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫إﺷﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫وإﺷﻌﺎل‬
،‫اﻷﺣﺪاث‬‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫أﺟﻬﺰة‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﺾ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬35‫ﻣﻦ‬‫آﻮادر‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻈﻮرة‬ ‫واﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬‫رﺋﻴﺴﻲ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮك‬‫وأﺑﻌﺎدﻩ‬‫إﻻ‬
‫أن‬‫ذﻟﻚ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺆﺛﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮك‬ ‫ﻳﻮم‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪا‬‫اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﻋﺼﺮا‬‫ﺗﻄﻮرت‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﺣﺸﻮد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮي‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫واﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬
‫واﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫راﺣﺖ‬‫ﺗﺪﻣﺮ‬‫وﺗﺤﺮق‬‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬ ‫واﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬‫وﺗﻬﺮﻳﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺳﻴﻦ‬‫وﺣﺮق‬،‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫واﺳﺘﻤﺮت‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أﻋﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﺐ‬‫واﻟﻨﻬﺐ‬‫ﻟﻠﻔﻨﺎدق‬‫واﻟﺒﻨﻮك‬‫واﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫و‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺸﺂت‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬‫وآﻌﺎدﺗﻬﺎ‬‫اﺳﺘﺜﻤﺮت‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻈﻮرة‬
‫آﺜﺎﻓﺔ‬‫اﻟﺤﺸﺪ‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻲ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬‫ﻣﺜﻴﺮي‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﻗﺎﻣﻮا‬‫ﺑﺈﺣﺮاق‬‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫واﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺪات‬‫وﻋﺪم‬‫ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺪﻓﺎع‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻲ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫إﻃﻔﺎء‬‫اﻟﺤﺮاﺋﻖ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫أﺷﻌﻠﻮا‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﺮان‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬.‫وأآﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺪر‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮل‬‫أن‬‫هﺪف‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬‫وﻣﺨﻄﻄﻬﺎ‬‫آﺎن‬‫إﺷﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫وﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎم‬‫وأﻣﻦ‬‫وﺳﻜﻴﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬.‫واﻟﻬﺪف‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‬‫هﻮ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺼﺒﺢ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﺁﻣﻦ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‬‫ﻟﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﺤﺪث‬ ‫اﻵن‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬‫ﻧﻬﺐ‬
‫وﺳﺮﻗﺔ‬‫وﺑﻠﻄﺠﺔ‬‫وﺗﺮوﻳﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
.‫ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻨﺎ‬‫ﺧﻄﻮة‬،‫دﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬‫ورﺟﻌﻨﺎ‬‫أﻟﻒ‬‫ﺧﻄﻮة‬‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬"!.،‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت‬‫ﻇﻞ‬‫ﻳﺮددهﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺌﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻔﻴﺲ‬‫ﺑﻮك‬‫واﻟﺤﺮآﺎت‬،‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫وذﻟﻚ‬‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮات‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫أﺣﺪاث‬‫ﺷﻐﺐ‬‫ﻣﺆﺳﻔﺔ‬‫ﺗﺒﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ‬‫اﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫أﻓﺮادا‬،‫وأﻣﺎآﻦ‬‫وﻻﺣﻆ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﺟﻮد‬‫ﻣﺌﺎت‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺮزﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﺰﺟﺎﺟﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﻟﻮﺗﻮف‬‫اﻟﺤﺎرﻗﺔ‬‫وإﻟﻘﺎﺋﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎرات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫واﻗﺘﺤﺎم‬ ‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬،‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﻟﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺄت‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬‫اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻘﺎم‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﻟﻜﻦ‬‫آﺎن‬‫هﺪﻓﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﻔﻲ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫ﻗﺎدﻩ‬‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮل‬‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﺳﻘﻮط‬‫درع‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮة‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫وﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮات‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺼﻮص‬‫واﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ‬.‫ﺑﺪأ‬‫ﺻﺒﺎح‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﻈﻬﻮر‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬،‫اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬‫وﻗﺒﻞ‬‫ﺑﺪء‬‫ﺻﻼة‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‬‫رﺻﺪت‬‫اﻷﺟﻬﺰة‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫وﻗﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫إﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ‬‫وﺑﻮدي‬‫ﺟﺎردات‬ ‫أﻋﺪادهﻢ‬،‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﺗﻤﻜﻨﺖ‬
‫وﻗﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺿﺒﻂ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬300‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬،‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫واﺳﺘﻤﺮت‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻀﺒﻂ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎم‬،‫اﻟﺼﻼة‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺧﺮﺟﺖ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫اﻟﺼﻼة‬‫أﻋﺪاد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬
‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮت‬‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎت‬‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻹﺧﻮان‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺤﻠﺔ‬‫وﺗﺒﻨﺖ‬‫دﻋﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮ‬‫ﻟﺰﻳﺎدة‬‫أﻋﺪادهﻢ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮت‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮاﻣﻬﺎ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬
10‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎدﺗﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺧﻮان‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺎرع‬‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬‫ﻋﺒﺎس‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬‫ﺷﺎرع‬‫ﻋﺒﺎس‬‫اﻟﻌﻘﺎد‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﻋﻤﺎرات‬‫اﻟﻌﺒﻮر‬‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ‬‫اﻗﺘﺤﺎم‬‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‬‫وﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬‫واﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬،‫ﺑﻘﻮة‬‫ﺗﻤﻜﻨﺖ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻘﻬﻢ‬‫واﻧﻘﺴﻤﺖ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﻋﺪة‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬‫اﻧﻀﻢ‬‫إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬‫أﻋﺪاد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺧﻮان‬‫ﻣﻦ‬

147

‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺮﻳﺔ‬‫واﻟﺰاوﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﺤﻤﺮاء‬‫وﻋﻴﻦ‬،‫ﺷﻤﺲ‬‫وﻇﻬﺮت‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬ ‫أﺧﺮي‬‫ﺑﻤﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ‬‫ووﺳﻂ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺘﺠﺎوز‬‫أﻋﺪاد‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻴﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎدﻳﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫إﻻ‬‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬10%،‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫وﺗﺒﻨﺖ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻈﻮرة‬‫دﻋﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫واﻟﻨﺼﻒ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮا‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺣﺸﺪ‬،‫اﻷﻋﺪاد‬
‫واﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻟﻨﺴﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻷﻃﻔﺎل‬‫ﻹﺣﺮاج‬‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬‫ﻣﻌﻬﻢ‬.‫ﻟﺤﻈﺔ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻬﺪاف‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻲ‬‫أﺷﺎرت‬‫ﻋﻘﺎرب‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺮا‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺧﻮان‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬،‫آﺎﻣﻞ‬‫وﺑﺪأت‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬‫ﺑﺎﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء‬‫واﻟﺰﺟﺎﺟﺎت‬،‫اﻟﺤﺎرﻗﺔ‬‫ورﻓﻌﺖ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮهﺎ‬‫ﻟﺘﺴﺘﻬﺪف‬‫ﺳﻴﺎرات‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮآﺰي‬‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫اﻟﻤﺪرﻋﺔ‬‫وإﻟﻘﺎء‬ ‫زﺟﺎﺟﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﻟﻮﺗﻮف‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫داﺧﻠﻬﺎ‬‫واﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬‫ﻋﺪم‬‫إﺣﺮاﻗﻬﺎ‬.
‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻮﻟﺖ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻹﺧﻮان‬‫ﻗﻴﺎدة‬‫ﺳﻴﺎرات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﻻﻗﺘﺤﺎم‬‫آﺮدوﻧﺎت‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮآﺰي‬ ،‫وﺗﺼﻔﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬‫وﺗﺰاﻣﻨﺖ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬‫إﺣﺮاق‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻧﻔﺲ‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬
‫اﻟﺬي‬‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬‫ﺧﻼﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫أﺧﺮي‬‫ﺑﻘﻴﺎدة‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﻓﻮﺟﺊ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻮن‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﻮن‬‫ﺑﻘﻴﺎم‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬‫ﺑﺈﻟﻘﺎء‬‫اﻟﺰﺟﺎﺟﺎت‬‫اﻟﺤﺎرﻗﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫واﺳﺘﻬﺪاف‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺑﺪاﺧﻠﻬﺎ‬‫واﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز‬‫ﻋﺸﺮة‬‫ﺿﺒﺎط‬‫وأﻓﺮاد‬‫ﻧﻈﺮا‬‫ﻻﻧﺸﻐﺎل‬‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬‫اﻟﻀﺒﺎط‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻓﺾ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫واﻟﻤﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬.‫وﻋﻜﻔﺖ‬‫ﻗﻨﺎة‬‫اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﺪء‬‫وﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻔﺰة‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫واﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﺣﺚ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫واﻹﺷﺎدة‬‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻘﻨﺎة‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﺒﻨﻲ‬‫ﻓﻜﺮ‬‫ﻗﺎدة‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫وأﺧﻔﺖ‬‫ﻣﻼﻣﺢ‬‫اﻟﻮﺟﻪ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺊ‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺆﺛﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬.
Title Millions Come Out to Support Mubarak: March of a Million for the President’s Love in
Mohandiseen and Mostafa Mahmoud Square18

‫اﻟﻤﻼﻳﻴﻦ‬‫ﻳﺨﺮﺟﻮن‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪا‬‫ﻟﻤﺒﺎرك‬
‫ﻋﻘﺐ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﻻول‬‫وإﻋﻼﻧﻪ‬‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎدة‬76‫و‬77‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫وﻋﺪم‬‫اﻟﺘﺮﺷﺢ‬‫ﻣﺮة‬‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﻘﺐ‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫وﻻﻳﺘﻪ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫وﺣﺮﺻﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬‫واﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬.‫ﺧﺮﺟﺖ‬‫ﺟﻤﻮع‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻔﺌﺎت‬‫واﻻﻋﻤﺎر‬‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬‫اﻋﻼم‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﺻﻮر‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺗﺤﻴﻴﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﺨﻄﻮة‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎ‬‫ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫ﻟﻬﺬا‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬‫واﺳﺘﻤﺮوا‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌﻬﻢ‬‫ﺑﺎﻵﻻف‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫واﻟﺠﻴﺰة‬‫و‬6‫اآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬‫واﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬‫واﺣﺘﺸﺪوا‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫آﺒﺮي‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت‬‫اﻻوﻟﻲ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺻﺒﺎح‬‫اﻣﺲ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻌﻠﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪهﻢ‬‫اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬‫ﻟﻤﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺣﺮﺻﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬،‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﻲ‬‫اﻧﺠﺎزاﺗﻪ‬‫اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺣﻘﻘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻟﻠﺒﻼد‬‫ﺑﺪءا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻪ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫اﺻﺒﺢ‬‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪا‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﺠﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺣﺮب‬‫اآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪة‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺳﺠﻞ‬‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‬‫واﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻗﺪرة‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﺠﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺣﺮب‬1973‫واآﺪوا‬‫ﺧﺮوﺟﻪ‬‫ﻣﺮﻓﻮع‬‫اﻟﺮأس‬‫ﻧﻈﺮا‬
‫ﻟﻤﺎ‬‫ﻗﺪﻣﻪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎت‬‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ‬‫ورﻓﺾ‬‫ﺗﺮك‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻈﺮوف‬‫اﻟﻌﺼﻴﺒﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎ‬‫ﻋﺸﺮات‬
‫اﻟﺴﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﺆآﺪﻳﻦ‬‫ان‬‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬‫ﻣﻤﻦ‬‫ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﺴﻨﻮات‬‫اﻻﺧﻴﺮة‬‫هﻢ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫اﺳﺎءوا‬‫اﻟﻴﻪ‬‫وﻗﺪ‬‫وﺻﻠﺖ‬‫اﻋﺪاد‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﻲ‬‫ﻣﺌﺎت‬‫اﻻﻻف‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻴﻦ‬
‫اﺣﺘﺸﺪوا‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫وﻗﺖ‬‫ﻗﻠﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺘﺨﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‬‫ان‬‫ﻳﺼﻞ‬‫اﻟﻲ‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬‫دون‬‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬‫ﻣﺴﺒﻖ‬‫أو‬‫ﺗﻮاﺻﻞ‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬‫ﺑﻞ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﺧﺮﺟﻮا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺗﻠﻘﺎء‬‫أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﺑﻴﻦ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺣﺒﻬﻢ‬‫وﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪهﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ورﻓﻀﻬﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﻔﻮﺿﻲ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫واﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫اﻓﺴﺪوا‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﺤﻀﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ان‬‫ﺗﺪﺧﻠﺖ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎت‬‫ﻹﻓﺴﺎد‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ‬‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻲ‬،‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ان‬‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‬‫ﺳﻴﺴﺠﻞ‬
‫ﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮوا‬‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻟﻜﻦ‬‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ‬‫ﻳﺆآﺪ‬‫ان‬‫اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ان‬‫اﻃﻤﺄﻧﻮا‬‫ﻟﻘﺮارات‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬
‫واﻟﺨﻄﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ‬‫ﻟﻼﺻﻼح‬‫ﻏﺎدروا‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫وﻋﺎدوا‬‫اﻟﻲ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎزﻟﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻧﺘﻈﺎر‬‫اﻻﻳﺎم‬‫اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ‬‫واﻟﺤﻮار‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬،‫اﻻ‬‫ان‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻗﻠﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎزاﻟﺖ‬‫ﺗﺼﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮد‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﺪرآﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫ﺻﻮت‬‫اﻟﻌﻘﻞ‬‫ﻻﺑﺪ‬‫ان‬‫ﻳﺘﻐﻠﺐ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﺮﻩ‬.‫اﻻهﺮام‬‫ﺑﺪأت‬‫ﺟﻮﻟﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﻮل‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫ﺷﻬﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﺷﺪة‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺗﻮاﻓﺪت‬‫اﻋﺪاد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻤﺆدﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫راﻓﻌﻴﻦ‬‫أﻋﻼم‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﺻﻮر‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫وﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬
‫ﺗﺜﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﻲ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫وﻻ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫اﻟﺪﻗﻲ‬‫واﻟﻌﺠﻮزة‬‫واﻟﻬﺮم‬‫وﺑﻮﻻق‬‫وإﻣﺒﺎﺑﺔ‬‫وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﻗﺎدﻣﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬‫ﺗﻀﻢ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺌﺎت‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺷﻴﻮﺧﺎ‬‫وﺷﺒﺎﺑﺎ‬‫اﻃﻔﺎﻻ‬‫وﻧﺴﺎء‬‫اﻟﻜﻞ‬‫ﺗﻮاﻓﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﺟﻞ‬‫اﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻋﺒﻮرهﺎ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﺨﻄﻴﺮة‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻤﺮ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬
‫وﻗﺪ‬‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻋﺪاد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧﻴﻦ‬‫ﻳﻘﻮدهﻢ‬‫ﻧﻘﻴﺐ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻴﻴﻦ‬‫اﺷﺮف‬‫زآﻲ‬‫واﻟﻤﺬﻳﻊ‬‫ﻣﻤﺪوح‬‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬‫وﻋﺪد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻋﻠﻨﻮا‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪهﻢ‬‫ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫وﺣﺒﻬﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫وﺧﻮﻓﻬﻢ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻴﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﻮع‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺗﺮآﻪ‬‫ﺣﺮﺻﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻘﺐ‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﻬﺪات‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ‬‫اﻣﺲ‬‫اﻻول‬‫وﻗﺪ‬‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫رﻣﻮز‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﻜﺮوﻳﺔ‬‫وﻻﻋﺒﻮ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫رأﺳﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻜﺎﺑﺘﻦ‬‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬‫ﺷﺤﺎﺗﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﻔﻨﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫واﻟﻜﺎﺑﺘﻦ‬‫ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬‫ﻣﺪرب‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬‫وﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫ﻗﺲ‬‫اﻟﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫وﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻻﻋﻨﺎق‬‫وﺟﺎﺑﻮا‬‫ﺑﻪ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫إﻋﻼﻧﻪ‬‫ان‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻦ‬‫ﻻﻳﻬﻤﻬﻢ‬‫ﺷﻲء‬‫ﺳﻮي‬‫وﺣﺪة‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬
‫واﺳﺘﻘﺮارﻩ‬‫داﻋﻴﺎ‬‫اﻟﻲ‬‫ﻧﺒﺬ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﻗﺔ‬‫ﺣﺮﺻﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫وﺣﺪة‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻣﻠﺼﺤﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻬﻲ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫وﻇﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻳﺮددون‬‫ﻳﺤﻴﺎ‬‫اﻟﻬﻼل‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫اﻟﺼﻠﻴﺐ‬.‫وﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻈﻮاهﺮ‬‫اﻻﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﺷﺪة‬‫هﻮ‬‫ﻋﻮدة‬‫ﺿﺒﺎط‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮ‬‫وهﻮ‬‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎهﻢ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺑﺚ‬‫اﻟﻄﻤﺄﻧﻴﻨﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻧﻔﻮس‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬.
‫اﻻﻋﺘﺪاء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﺮاﺳﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة‬
‫واﺛﻨﺎء‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻟﻜﺒﺮي‬‫ﻇﻬﺮت‬‫ﻣﺮاﺳﻠﺔ‬‫ﻗﻨﺎة‬‫اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة‬‫وﻣﺎ‬‫ان‬‫ﻋﻠﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﺑﺸﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﻗﺎﻣﻮا‬‫ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺪاء‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫وﺳﺒﻬﺎ‬‫اﻻ‬‫ان‬‫اﻟﻌﻘﻼء‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻗﺎﻣﻮا‬‫ﺑﺈﻧﻘﺎذهﺎ‬‫ﻣﺆآﺪﻳﻦ‬‫اﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻻﻳﺮﻳﺪون‬‫أي‬‫ﺷﻲء‬‫ﻳﻔﺴﺪ‬‫ﺗﻈﺎهﺮهﻢ‬‫وان‬‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة‬‫ﺗﺒﺚ‬‫ﺳﻤﻮﻣﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﻜﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‬‫ﺻﻮت‬

18
Mostafa Mahmoud Square is located in Mohandiseen disrtict of Elagouza neighbourhood, Giza City, Giza
Governorate, Egypt.

148

‫اﻟﻌﻘﻞ‬‫هﻮ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫ﻳﺘﻐﻠﺐ‬.‫وﻗﺎم‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﺑﺘﺄﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﻏﺎدرت‬‫ﻣﻜﺎن‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬.‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪ‬‫ﺷﺎرع‬‫اﻟﻬﺮم‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫آﺒﺮي‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫ﺟﻤﻮع‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫وﺑﻠﻎ‬‫ﻋﺪدهﻢ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬‫ﺛﻼﺛﺔ‬‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫وﻳﺮددون‬‫اﻟﻌﺒﺎرات‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬.

Title Clashes Between Supporters and Opponents in Tahrir Square: Ceasing Egyptians’ Bloodshed
Top Priority

‫اﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫واﻟﻤﻌﺎرﺿﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ردود‬‫ﻓﻌﻞ‬‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ‬‫وﻗﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬‫أﻣﺲ‬،‫اﻷول‬‫ﺷﻬﺪت‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﺟﻤﺎهﻴﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪا‬
‫ﻟﻺﺻﻼﺣﺎت‬.‫ووﻗﻌﺖ‬‫ﺻﺪاﻣﺎت‬‫واﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬،‫واﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫اﻗﺘﺤﻤﻮا‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻴﻮل‬،‫واﻟﺠﻤﺎل‬،‫واﻟﻌﺼﻲ‬
،‫واﻟﻜﺮاﺑﻴﺞ‬‫ﻣﻤﺎ‬‫أدى‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬‫ﻓﻮﺿﻰ‬‫وأﺳﻔﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫وﻗﻮع‬‫إﺻﺎﺑﺎت‬‫ﺗﻘﺪر‬‫ﺑﻨﺤﻮ‬298،‫ﻣﺼﺎﺑﺎ‬‫ﺗﻢ‬‫ﻧﻘﻞ‬165‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎت‬‫وﺟﺮى‬‫ﻋﻼج‬133‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ‬‫ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ‬‫ذآﺮﺗﻪ‬‫وزارة‬‫اﻟﺼﺤﺔ‬.‫وﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻬﺔ‬‫أﺧﺮى‬‫ﻟﻘﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻨﺪ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮﻋﻪ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﺳﻘﻂ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫آﻮﺑﺮى‬6
‫أآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬.‫وﺟﺎءت‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮة‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪهﺎ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬‫ﺑﺸﺎرع‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬‫اﻟﺪول‬‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮات‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬‫ﺑﺼﻮرة‬،‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺣﺮص‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪون‬‫ﻟﻘﺮارات‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮد‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫اﻟﺼﺒﺎح‬،‫اﻟﺒﺎآﺮ‬‫راﻓﻌﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات‬‫واﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫واﻟﺼﻮر‬.
‫واﻣﺘﺪت‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬،‫واﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫وﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﺷﺎرع‬،‫اﻟﺠﻼء‬‫وﻣﻴﺪان‬‫ﺣﺪاﺋﻖ‬،‫اﻟﻘﺒﺔ‬‫وﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬،‫ﻧﺼﺮ‬‫وﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬‫وﻣﻴﺪان‬
‫ﻃﻠﻌﺖ‬،‫ﺣﺮب‬‫وآﻮرﻧﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫وﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫أﺧﺮى‬،‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‬‫وﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﺜﻘﻔﻮن‬‫وﻓﻨﺎﻧﻮن‬‫وﺑﻌﺾ‬‫ﻗﻮى‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺎرﺿﺔ‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬.‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪت‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﺣﺎﺷﺪة‬‫رﻓﻌﺖ‬‫ﺷﻌﺎرات‬‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﺐ‬‫واﻟﻮﻓﺎء‬‫ﻟﻤﺒﺎرك‬.‫وﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫ﻣﺌﺎت‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪهﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫أﻋﻠﻦ‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫ﻋﺪم‬‫ﺗﺮﺷﺤﻪ‬‫ﻟﻔﺘﺮة‬‫رﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬،‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬‫وإﺟﺮاء‬‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬،‫دﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪا‬‫ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻘﺒﻠﺔ‬.‫وأﻋﺮﺑﺖ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎهﻴﺮ‬‫ـ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮات‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫رﻓﻌﻮا‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﺻﻮر‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ـ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪهﻢ‬،‫ﻗﺮاراﺗﻪ‬‫ورﻓﻀﻬﻢ‬‫دﻋﻮات‬‫اﻟﻘﻮى‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺎول‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎت‬،‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎهﻴﺮ‬‫واﺳﺘﻐﻼل‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬.‫وآﺸﻔﺖ‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫اﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﺑﻤﻨﺢ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬
‫ﻓﺮﺻﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫هﺪوء‬‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫ﺁﻣﺎل‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬،‫اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬‫ودﻋﻢ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫واﻷﻣﻦ‬‫واﻷﻣﺎن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬.
‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﺑﻴﺎن‬‫أﺻﺪرﺗﻪ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫أآﺪت‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫أن‬‫رﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫وﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ‬‫ﺗﻤﺖ‬،‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎ‬‫وأن‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ﺳﺎهﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ‬.‫وﻧﺎﺷﺪت‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻮدة‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫دﻳﺎرهﻢ‬‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬‫ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬‫اﻷﻣﺎن‬‫واﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫ﻟﻮﻃﻨﻨﺎ‬.‫وﺑﺪأت‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﻌﻮد‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‬،‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫وﺷﻬﺪت‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫ﺣﺮآﺔ‬‫ﺳﻴﺮ‬،‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬
‫واﻧﺘﺸﺮ‬‫رﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﺑﺄﻋﺪاد‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬‫ﻟﺘﻴﺴﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮآﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮورﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪت‬‫ازدﺣﺎﻣﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫وﺳﻴﺎرات‬‫اﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬.‫وﻗﺪ‬‫ﻓﺘﺤﺖ‬‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﺑﺒﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﺨﺒﺰ‬‫واﻟﺴﻠﻊ‬‫اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴﺔ‬،‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫وﻣﺤﺎل‬‫ﺑﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﺨﻀﺮاوات‬‫واﻟﻔﺎآﻬﺔ‬‫أﺑﻮاﺑﻬﺎ‬،‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮر‬‫ﻣﻊ‬
‫زﻳﺎدة‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻜﻤﻴﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺮوﺿﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻊ‬،‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫وﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﺸﺎهﺪ‬‫اﺧﺘﻨﺎﻗﺎت‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫اﻟﻤﺨﺎﺑﺰ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻘﻮم‬‫ﺑﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬‫اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫إﻧﺘﺎج‬
‫اﻟﺨﺒﺰ‬‫ﺑﺄﻧﻮاﻋﻪ‬.‫وﻣﻦ‬،‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺘﻪ‬‫أوﺿﺢ‬‫اﻟﺪآﺘﻮر‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‬‫ﺳﺮور‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎدﺗﻴﻦ‬76‫و‬77‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﺗﺴﺘﻐﺮق‬
‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﻧﺼﻒ‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺮ‬.‫وأﺷﺎر‬‫ﺳﺮور‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻻﺑﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻤﻀﻰ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮان‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻷﻗﻞ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬‫ﻃﻠﺐ‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬‫آﻰ‬‫ﻳﻔﺼﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬.
‫وأﺿﺎف‬‫ـ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ـ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺣﺎل‬‫إﻗﺮار‬،‫اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬‫ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﻌﺮض‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء‬‫ﻋﺎم‬.‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬،‫ﺁﺧﺮ‬‫أآﺪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﺢ‬‫ﻓﻬﻤﻰ‬‫وزﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺒﺘﺮول‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫ﺗﻌﻮد‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺤﻄﺎت‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﻮد‬.‫وأوﺿﺢ‬‫ﻓﻬﻤﻰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬‫ﻟﻘﻨﺎة‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﻸﺧﺒﺎر‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ـ‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﺤﻄﺎت‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﻮد‬
‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬‫هﻰ‬‫ﻣﺤﻄﺎت‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ‬‫وﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫ﻟﻠﺒﺘﺮول‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮا‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﺗﻢ‬‫اﻻﺗﺼﺎل‬‫ﺑﺒﺎﻗﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻄﺎت‬‫ﻟﻴﺘﻢ‬‫ﻓﺘﺤﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎ‬.‫وأآﺪ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاد‬‫اﻟﺒﺘﺮوﻟﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻣﺘﻮاﻓﺮة‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫أﻧﺎﺑﻴﺐ‬،‫اﻟﺒﻮﺗﺎﺟﺎز‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺳﻴﺠﺮى‬‫ﻋﻤﻞ‬‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ‬‫ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ‬‫إﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﺣﻰ‬‫ﻟﺘﻮزﻳﻊ‬‫أﻧﺎﺑﻴﺐ‬‫اﻟﺒﻮﺗﺎﺟﺎز‬.

Title (Tahrir) Square Protesters Refuse to Leave, Thousands Gather in the Area
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 4, 2011 Section: Page 3

‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻮن‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻳﺮﻓﻀﻮن‬‫ﻣﻐﺎدرﺗﻪ‬‫وﺗﻮاﻓﺪ‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫واﺻﻞ‬‫ﺁﻻف‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫اﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻬﻢ‬‫داﺧﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ورﻓﻀﻮا‬‫ﻧﺪاءات‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮدة‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫دﻳﺎرهﻢ‬‫وأآﺪوا‬‫ﻋﺪم‬‫ﻣﻐﺎدرﺗﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﻜﺎن‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﺗﺨﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻋﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺣﺪﺛﺖ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺪودة‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺮاﻓﻀﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎ‬‫دﻓﻊ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ﻻﻋﺎدة‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر‬‫ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫وإﺣﻜﺎم‬‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺗﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺬ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻤﺆدﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وإﻏﻼﻗﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬
‫ﺗﻮاﻓﺪ‬‫أﻋﺪاد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﺗﺤﺎول‬‫اﻟﺪﺧﻮل‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬.‫واﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ‬‫ﻋﺸﺮات‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫وﻣﺎزاﻟﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﻓﺌﺎت‬،‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﻳﻨﺎدى‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬

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‫ﺑﻤﻈﺎهﺮﺗﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫داﺧﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وﻳﺤﺜﻮن‬‫ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻋﺪم‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻨﻮن‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﺒﺾ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻮاﻓﺪت‬
‫أﻋﺪاد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻤﻜﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻹدﺧﺎل‬‫اﻷﻃﻌﻤﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬.
‫وﻗﺪ‬‫ﺗﺠﺪدت‬‫اﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫واﻟﻤﻌﺎرﺿﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة‬‫واﻟﻨﺼﻒ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬‫ﺗﻮاﻓﺪت‬‫أﻋﺪاد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻗﺎدﻣﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﺗﺠﺎﻩ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫ﻋﺒﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻌﻢ‬‫رﻳﺎض‬‫وﻳﺮﻏﺒﻮن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺪﺧﻮل‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫اﻻ‬‫ان‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫آﺎﻧﻮا‬‫ﻗﺪ‬‫وﻗﻔﻮا‬‫وأﻗﺎﻣﻮا‬‫اﻟﺤﻮاﺟﺰ‬
‫اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﻤﻨﻊ‬،‫دﺧﻮﻟﻬﻢ‬‫اﻻ‬‫ان‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫دﻓﻌﺘﻬﻢ‬‫ﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺘﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻟﻘﺎء‬‫اﻟﺤﺠﺎرة‬‫واﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺼﻰ‬
‫وﺗﻄﻮرت‬‫ﻟﺘﺸﺒﻪ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮوب‬‫اﻷهﻠﻴﺔ‬‫وﺗﻤﻜﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺿﺒﻂ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫واﺣﺘﺠﺰوهﻢ‬‫داﺧﻞ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫اﻻﻧﻔﺎق‬‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﺑﻤﺘﺮو‬‫اﻻﻧﻔﺎق‬‫ﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻤﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤ‬‫ﺔ‬.‫وﻗﺪ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮت‬‫ﻟﻴﻠﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﻷول‬‫اﻋﺪاد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫إﺣﺪى‬‫اﻟﻘﻮة‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫ﻳﺮﺗﺪون‬‫اﻟﺒﻨﻄﺎل‬‫اﻟﻤﻤﻮﻩ‬‫أﺳﻔﻞ‬
‫ﺟﻼﺑﻴﺒﻬﻢ‬‫وﻳﻤﺴﻜﻮن‬‫ﺑﻜﻤﻴﺎت‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺤﺠﺎرة‬‫ﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺪﻓﻌﻴﻦ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮهﻢ‬‫وﻧﺠﺤﺖ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺘﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎء‬‫ﺑﺒﻌﺾ‬‫أﻟﻮاح‬
‫اﻟﺼﻔﻴﺢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺤﺠﺎرة‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﺪﻓﻘﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬‫واﻧﺘﻘﻞ‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻜﺎن‬‫اﻷﺣﺪاث‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﻷول‬‫اﻟﺪآﺘﻮر‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﺳﺎﻣﺢ‬‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬‫وزﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺼﺤﺔ‬‫وﻣﻌﻪ‬‫ﻣﺮﻓﻖ‬‫اﻹﺳﻌﺎف‬‫ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬‫ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎت‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫أﻋﺪهﺎ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻄﻮﻋﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﺑﺈﺳﻌﺎف‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫داﺧﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄﺔ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫واﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻗﺎﻣﻮا‬‫ﺑﺪﻋﻤﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﺎﻷدوات‬‫اﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻧﻔﻘﺎﺗﻬﻢ‬،‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬‫وأﻋﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻟﺠﺎﻧﺎ‬‫ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬‫ﻣﺪاﺧﻞ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫وﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﺪار‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬‫اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬‫واﺗﻔﻘﻮا‬‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻻﺷﺎرات‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻔﻴﺪ‬‫ﺑﻮﺟﻮد‬‫هﺠﻮم‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻘﻮم‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬‫أﺧﺮى‬‫ﺑﺠﻠﺐ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻮاد‬‫اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴﺔ‬‫واﻟﻤﺸﺮوﺑﺎت‬‫وﺗﻮزﻳﻌﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬.‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬‫أﺛﺎر‬‫اﻟﺘﺴﺎؤل‬‫ﻇﻬﺮ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪى‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻳﺴﺘﻘﻠﻮن‬
‫ﻋﺪدا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎل‬‫واﻷﺣﺼﻨﺔ‬‫وﻳﺤﺎوﻟﻮن‬‫اﻟﺪﺧﻮل‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻻ‬‫ان‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺗﻤﻜﻨﻮا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺿﺒﻂ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫وﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻬﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬.
‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫أﺧﺮى‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ‬‫اﻟﻬﺠﻮم‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫ﻃﻠﻌﺖ‬‫ﺣﺮب‬‫وأﻟﻘﻮا‬‫اﻟﺤﺠﺎرة‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺈﺧﻼء‬
‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺗﺤﻮل‬‫ﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬‫ﻗﺘﺎل‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫أﻏﻠﻘﻮا‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺬ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻻﺗﺠﺎهﻴﻦ‬‫ﻋﺒﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻌﻢ‬‫رﻳﺎض‬‫وﻃﻠﻌﺖ‬‫ﺣﺮب‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬‫وﺿﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺼﺪادات‬‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ‬‫وهﻴﺎآﻞ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎرات‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺘﺮﻗﺔ‬‫وﻏﻠﻖ‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺬ‬.‫وﻣﻦ‬‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬‫أﺧﺮى‬‫وﺳﻌﺖ‬‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫داﺋﺮﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ‬‫آﻴﻠﻮ‬‫ﻣﺘﺮ‬‫ﻣﺮﺑﻊ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫اﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫واﻟﻤﺼﺎدﻣﺎت‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫دارت‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬،‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وذﻟﻚ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ورود‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺰام‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬
‫إﺛﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫اﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫ﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وإﺷﻌﺎل‬‫ﻓﺘﻴﻞ‬‫اﻷزﻣﺔ‬‫أآﺜﺮﻣﺎهﻮ‬،‫ﻣﺸﺘﻌﻞ‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫واﺻﻠﺖ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻃﻮال‬‫ﻟﻴﻠﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻗﺬف‬‫ﻗﻨﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻮﻟﻮﺗﻮف‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺘﻌﻠﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﺗﺠﺎهﺎت‬‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫أآﺒﺮ‬‫ﻗﺪر‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻻﺻﺎﺑﺎت‬.
‫وﻣﻨﺬاﻟﺼﺒﺎح‬‫اﻟﺒﺎآﺮ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻓﻮﺟﺊ‬‫رﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻤﺮآﺰﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﺸﺎرع‬‫رﻣﺴﻴﺲ‬‫واﻟﺠﻼء‬‫وﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬‫ﺑﻤﺤﺎوﻻت‬‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬‫ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻮن‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫إﺣﺪى‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎت‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫وﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎت‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺗﺤﺎول‬‫اﺧﺘﺮاق‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺰ‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻰ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺮور‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫اﻻ‬‫ان‬
‫اﻷﺳﻼك‬‫اﻟﺸﺎﺋﻜﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺮض‬‫اﻟﻄﺮق‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ‬‫ووﻗﻮف‬‫رﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺮﺑﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪرﻋﺔ‬‫ﻣﻨﻌﻮا‬‫ﻣﺮور‬‫هﺆﻻء‬‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫آﺎﻧﻮا‬
‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن‬‫ﺣﻘﺎﺋﺐ‬‫ﺑﻼﺳﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬،‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫وأﺧﺮى‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻻآﺘﺎف‬‫واﻟﻈﻬﺮ‬.‫واﺗﺠﻪ‬‫هﺆﻻء‬‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺮور‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺒﻴﺔ‬‫واﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺷﺎرع‬‫رﻣﺴﻴﺲ‬‫ﻋﻨﺪ‬‫ﺷﺎرﻋﻰ‬‫ﻣﻌﺮوف‬‫واﻟﺪآﺘﻮر‬‫ﻋﺒﺪ‬‫اﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ‬‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬‫إﻻ‬‫أن‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﺳﺎﻋﺪوا‬‫رﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﻨﻌﻬﻢ‬‫وﻣﻄﺎردﺗﻬﻢ‬
‫وﺗﺼﺪوا‬‫ﻟﻬﺆﻻء‬‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬‫وﻣﻨﻊ‬‫ﺗﺴﻠﻠﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬‫إﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن‬‫اﻷﻏﺬﻳﺔ‬‫واﻟﻤﺄآﻮﻻت‬‫ﻷﻋﻮاﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻓﻄﻠﺐ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﺿﺎﺑﻂ‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺑﻀﺮورة‬‫ﺣﺜﻬﻢ‬‫وﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺘﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﻮﻧﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻤﻮﻟﺔ‬‫ﻟﺘﺮك‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫واﻟﻌﻮدة‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎزﻟﻬﻢ‬‫وﻟﻴﺲ‬‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺄآﻮﻻت‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬‫واﻟﻤﺸﺮوﺑﺎت‬
‫اﻻ‬‫ان‬‫هﺆﻻء‬‫رﻓﻀﻮا‬‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺔ‬‫رﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫واﺳﺘﻤﺮوا‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت‬‫اﻟﺘﺴﻠﻞ‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫ﻟﻠﻨﻔﺎذ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ودار‬‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺎت‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫هﺆﻻء‬‫وﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫وهﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻋﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﻮرش‬‫واﻟﺤﺮﻓﻴﻴﻦ‬‫وﺣﺮاس‬‫اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﺗﺴﻠﺤﻮا‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻮم‬‫واﻟﻌﺼﻰ‬‫ووﺿﻌﻮا‬
‫اﻟﺤﻮاﺟﺰ‬‫واﻟﻤﺘﺎرﻳﺲ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫ﻟﻤﻨﻊ‬‫ﺗﺴﻠﻠﻬﻢ‬.‫وﻧﺠﺢ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﺎن‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻹﻣﺴﺎك‬‫ﺑﺒﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺤﺎول‬‫اﻟﺘﺴﻠﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻰ‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫وﺿﺒﻄﻮا‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬25‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﺠﻨﻴﺴﺎت‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺒﺪو‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻬﺎ‬‫أﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻰ‬‫اﻟﻰ‬‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺎت‬‫دول‬‫ﺷﺮق‬‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﻧﺪو‬‫ﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ‬‫وﻣﺎﻟﻴﺰﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﺜﻼ‬
‫وﻋﺜﺮ‬‫ﺑﺤﻮزﺗﻬﻢ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﺸﻨﻂ‬‫ﻳﺨﻔﻮن‬‫داﺧﻠﻬﺎ‬‫أﻃﻌﻤﺔ‬‫أﺳﻔﻠﻬﺎ‬‫آﺎﻣﻴﺮات‬‫ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻮ‬‫وآﺎﻣﻴﺮات‬‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬‫وأﺟﻬﺰة‬‫ﻻب‬‫ﺗﻮب‬‫وﻗﺎم‬‫رﺟﺎل‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﺾ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬
‫وﻣﺼﺎدرة‬‫اﻟﻤﻀﺒﻮﻃﺎت‬.

Title Suleiman: Egypt has Two Choices... “The Dialogue” or “The Coup”
Details Source: Al-Ahram Date: Feb 9, 2011 Section: Front Page

‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬:‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫ﺧﻴﺎرﻳﻦ‬" ..‫اﻟﺤﻮار‬"‫أو‬"‫اﻹﻧﻘﻼب‬"
‫ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺖ‬‫ﻣﻮﺟﺎت‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺑﻨﺎء‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬‫راﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪا‬‫ﻟﺜﻮرة‬25،‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫واﺣﺘﺸﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻤﺆدﻳﺔ‬‫إﻟﻴﻪ‬‫ﻟﺘﺮدﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬‫اﻟﻬﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫ﺑﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬.‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫ذاﺗﻪ‬‫ﺻﺮح‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫ﺣﻮار‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫رؤﺳﺎء‬‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ‬‫ﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬،‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫وأﻧﻪ‬‫ﺣﻘﻖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻤﻜﻦ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻹﻃﺎر‬‫اﻟﺰﻣﻨﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺘﺎح‬‫وﺷﺪد‬
‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬‫ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‬‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬‫ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬.‫وﻗﺪ‬‫ﺣﺎﺻﺮت‬‫إﺣﺪى‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﺎت‬‫اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻣﻘﺎر‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‬‫اﻟﻮزراء‬
،‫واﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ووزارة‬،‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫واﻧﻀﻢ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎم‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬16‫ﻳﻮﻣﺎ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬،‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬‫وﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺴﻨﺘﺮاﻻت‬‫وﻏﻴﺮهﻢ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫ﻣﻮاﻋﻴﺪ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‬.‫وﻧﻈﻢ‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫هﻴﺌﺔ‬‫ﺗﺪرﻳﺲ‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮة‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة‬‫اﻧﻄﻼﻗﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻘﺮ‬‫ﻧﺎدﻳﻬﻢ‬‫ﺑﺸﺎرع‬‫ﻗﺼﺮ‬،‫اﻟﻌﻴﻨﻰ‬‫ﻟﻴﻠﺘﺤﻤﻮا‬‫ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎم‬
‫اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ‬،‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وﺷﺎرك‬‫وﻓﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫هﻴﺌﺔ‬‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫وآﺎن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎر‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‬.‫وﻳﺠﺮى‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎن‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﺎدة‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫اﺗﺼﺎﻻت‬

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‫ﻣﻜﺜﻔﺔ‬‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎدة‬‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮى‬،‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫وﻳﻬﺪف‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮك‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻨﻊ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت‬‫اﻟﻘﻔﺰ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫أو‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺪث‬‫ﺑﺎﺳﻤﻬﺎ‬‫دون‬
‫وﺟﻪ‬‫ﺣﻖ‬.‫واﻣﺘﺪت‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ‬‫إﺑﺮاهﻴﻢ‬‫ﺑﻮﺳﻂ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄﺔ‬‫وﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﺷﺮق‬،‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬
‫وﺷﺎرع‬‫أﺑﻰ‬،‫ﻗﻴﺮ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﺠﺪدت‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﺷﺪة‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻋﻮاﺻﻢ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ‬،‫اﻟﺪﻗﻬﻠﻴﺔ‬،‫واﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫وآﻔﺮ‬،‫اﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬،‫واﻟﺒﺤﻴﺮة‬،‫واﻹﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺴﻮﻳﺲ‬.‫وﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫ﻳﻔﻀﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﻮار‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬‫اﻟﺮاهﻦ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺧﻄﺔ‬‫واﺿﺤﺔ‬‫ﺑﺠﺪول‬‫ز‬‫ﻣﻨﻰ‬‫ﻣﺤﺪد‬‫ﻟﻀﻤﺎن‬‫اﻧﺘﻘﺎل‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﺑﺼﻮرة‬‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬،‫وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫اﺣﺘﺮام‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬‫آﺎﻣﻞ‬.
‫وآﺎن‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻗﺪ‬‫أﺻﺪر‬‫اﻟﻘﺮار‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرى‬‫رﻗﻢ‬54‫ﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬2011‫ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬‫دﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻳﺮأﺳﻬﺎ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻨﻘﺾ‬‫وﺑﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻋﺸﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫أﺑﺮز‬‫ﻗﻀﺎة‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻓﻘﺎﺋﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﻴﻦ‬‫ﻻﻗﺘﺮاح‬‫وﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬‫اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫وﺗﺒﺪأ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬.‫آﻤﺎ‬‫آﻠﻒ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫اﻟﻮزراء‬‫ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﺄآﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬‫اﻷﻣﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﻜﻞ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﺘﻮﺻﻞ‬‫إﻟﻴﻪ‬‫أﻃﺮاف‬‫اﻟﺤﻮار‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ‬‫ﺣﻮل‬‫اﻹﺟﺮاءات‬‫اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ‬
‫اﺗﺨﺎذهﺎ‬.‫وآﻠﻒ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫ﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬‫ﻟﺘﻘﺼﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺟﺮاﺋﻢ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺎء‬‫اﻷﺳﻮد‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫أودت‬‫ﺑﺤﻴﺎة‬11،‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎهﺮا‬‫وأﺻﺎﺑﺖ‬‫ﺁﻻﻓﺎ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮهﻢ‬‫ﺑﺠﺮوح‬.‫وﺻﺮح‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎر‬‫ﺳﺮى‬‫ﺻﻴﺎم‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻨﻘﺾ‬‫ورﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬‫ﺳﻮف‬‫ﺗﺒﺪأ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬‫ﺑﺸﺄن‬‫اﻗﺘﺮاح‬
‫وﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬‫اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاد‬76‫و‬77‫و‬88‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫ﻣﻮاد‬‫أﺧﺮى‬‫ﺑﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﻜﻔﻞ‬‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫اﻹﺻﻼح‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬‫واﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺸﻮد‬.
‫وﺻﺮح‬‫اﻟﺪآﺘﻮر‬‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻞ‬‫اﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرى‬‫وﻋﻀﻮ‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫اﻟﻤﺎدة‬93‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫ﺗﺄﺗﻰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاد‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺳﺘﺨﻀﻊ‬،‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺗﻨﺺ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫هﻮ‬‫اﻟﺠﻬﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻮط‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺒﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺻﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬.‫وأوﺿﺢ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﺳﺘﺮاﺟﻊ‬‫ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﻀﻤﻦ‬‫اﻟﻨﺺ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﺣﺘﺮام‬‫أﺣﻜﺎم‬‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬.‫وأﺷﺎر‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺰﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﺎح‬‫هﻮ‬200،‫ﻳﻮم‬‫وﺑﺎﻟﺤﺴﺎب‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‬‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬‫آﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪة‬.
‫وﻗﺎل‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬:‫إن‬‫أﻣﺎﻣﻨﺎ‬‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﺤﻞ‬،‫اﻷزﻣﺔ‬‫إﻣﺎ‬‫اﻟﺤﻮار‬‫واﻟﺘﻔﺎهﻢ‬‫أو‬،‫اﻻﻧﻘﻼب‬‫وأوﺿﺢ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﻮﺟﺪ‬‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬‫آﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬‫واﻟﻘﻮات‬
‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺗﻀﻤﻦ‬،‫ذﻟﻚ‬‫وأآﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﺗﻜﻮن‬،‫ﻣﺘﺴﺮﻋﺔ‬‫وﻳﺠﺐ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﺤﻈﻰ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﻮل‬‫دون‬‫أى‬‫ﻗﻴﻮد‬.‫وأوﺿﺢ‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫إﺟﺮاء‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬،‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫وﺣﻞ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫واﻟﺸﻮرى‬‫وﺗﻨﺤﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫وﻣﺤﺎرﺑﺔ‬‫اﻟﻔﺴﺎد‬.‫وﻟﺨﺺ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫ـ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺣﻮار‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫رؤﺳﺎء‬‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ـ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫اﻷزﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أرﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫ﻳﺠﺐ‬،‫ﺣﻠﻬﺎ‬‫وهﻰ‬:‫ﻧﻘﺺ‬،‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﺷﻠﻞ‬‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬،‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻨﻘﺺ‬‫اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻮارد‬،‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫واﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت‬‫اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼد‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ‬.
‫وﺷﺪد‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫دوﻟﺔ‬،‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬‫وﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻘﺪرة‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺗﺠﺎوز‬،‫اﻷزﻣﺔ‬‫وﻗﺎل‬:‫إن‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫وﻟﻦ‬،‫ﻳﻨﻬﺎر‬‫وﺳﻮف‬‫ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﻮار‬‫ﻷﻧﻨﺎ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ‬‫ﻧﺤﺐ‬
‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬.‫وﻗﺎل‬:‫إن‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺟﺮى‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻋﺘﺪاء‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﻜﻦ‬‫ﻓﻘﻂ‬‫إﺳﺎءة‬،‫ﻟﻠﺸﺒﺎب‬‫ﺑﻞ‬‫ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم‬‫آﻠﻪ‬.‫وﻗﺎل‬:‫إن‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﺳﻴﺤﻠﻒ‬‫اﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬14‫أآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻘﺒﻞ‬‫وهﻮ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺳﻴﺤﻞ‬‫اﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎن‬‫وﻳﺠﺮى‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬،‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬‫وﻗﺎل‬:‫إن‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬‫إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺎت‬،‫آﺜﻴﺮة‬‫ﻟﻜﻦ‬‫اﻟﻀﻐﻂ‬
‫واﻹﺛﺎرة‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﻳﻜﻮﻧﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬‫ﺑﻞ‬‫دﻋﻮة‬‫ﻟﺨﻔﺎﻓﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﻈﻼم‬‫واﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ‬‫ﻟﻠﺨﺮوج‬‫ﻟﺘﺮوﻳﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬.‫وﺣﻮل‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺗﺮدد‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎت‬‫أﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫ﻳﺘﺮك‬
‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻳﺬهﺐ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫أﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬:‫إن‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﻳﺘﺮك‬،‫ﺑﻠﺪﻩ‬‫وهﻮ‬‫ﺑﺎق‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﺳﻴﺪﻳﺮ‬‫ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ‬‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬‫ﻟﻺﺻﻼح‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫داﺧﻞ‬،‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬
‫أن‬‫ﻳﺘﻢ‬‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬.
‫وﻗﺎل‬:‫ﻧﺸﻜﺮ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة‬،‫ﻣﻴﺮآﻞ‬‫ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺑﺼﺤﺔ‬،‫ﺟﻴﺪة‬‫وﻻ‬‫ﻳﺤﺘﺎج‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫ﻋﻼج‬‫وﻧﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﻘﺎل‬‫اﻵن‬‫ﺗﺪﺧﻼ‬‫ﺳﺎﻓﺮا‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺷﺌﻮن‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ‬‫ﻧﺸﻜﺮهﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أى‬‫ﺣﺎل‬.‫وﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺧﻮان‬،‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬:‫إﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻗﻮة‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫وﻳﺠﺐ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﻜﻮن‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺣﻞ‬،‫اﻷزﻣﺔ‬‫ﻷن‬‫هﺬا‬‫ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ‬.‫وﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫أى‬‫ﺻﻔﻘﺎت‬.‫وﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﺮﺣﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬،‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫أوﺿﺢ‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫أن‬‫آﻠﻤﺔ‬«‫اﻟﺮﺣﻴﻞ‬»‫ﺿﺪ‬‫أﺧﻼق‬
،‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫هﻮ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫أﺑﻄﺎل‬‫ﺣﺮب‬،‫أآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬‫واﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺣﺮﻳﺼﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أﺑﻄﺎل‬‫أآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬.
‫وﺣﻮل‬‫ﻋﺪم‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮد‬،‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬:‫إن‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫ﺳﺘﻌﻮد‬،‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺞ‬‫واﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫ﺣﺮﻳﺼﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت‬،‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﺔ‬‫وﻳﺠﺐ‬‫أن‬‫ﻧﺄﺧﺬ‬‫ﺣﺬرﻧﺎ‬‫ﻷن‬
‫اﻟﻠﺼﻮص‬‫واﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺎت‬‫ﻳﺠﻠﺴﻮن‬‫اﻵن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻧﺘﻈﺎر‬‫اﻧﻔﻼت‬،‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫وﻧﺤﻦ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻧﺮﻳﺪ‬‫ﻟﻤﺼﺮ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﺘﺤﻮل‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أﺷﻼء‬.
Title People Brought Down the Regime: The Egyptians Celebrate the Fall of the Regime

‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫أﺳﻘﻂ‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﺸﺮ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻧﺪﻻع‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻓﺠﺮهﺎ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻓﺎء‬،‫ﺗﺨﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬.‫وأﻋﻠﻦ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫ـ‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ـ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺑﻴﺎن‬‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺐ‬‫أذاﻋﻪ‬‫اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫أوآﻞ‬‫ادارة‬‫ﺷﺌﻮن‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬.‫وﻓﻮر‬‫إﻋﻼن‬‫ﻧﺒﺄ‬‫ﺗﻨﺤﻲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫اﻧﻔﺠﺮت‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎرﻣﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺷﺘﻲ‬‫أﻧﺤﺎء‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬،‫وﺧﺮج‬‫اﻟﻤﻼﻳﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫واﻟﻤﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬‫اﺑﺘﻬﺎﺟﺎ‬‫ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬‫أول‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﻞ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫إﺳﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬.‫واﻧﻌﻜﺴﺖ‬‫ﺻﻮرة‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻤﺆدﻳﺔ‬‫إﻟﻴﻪ‬،‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫اﻧﻀﻢ‬‫ﻣﺌﺎت‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬،‫ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎل‬‫ﺑﻬﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬،‫ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬‫أﻋﻼم‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬،
‫ﻣﺮددﻳﻦ‬‫ﺷﻌﺎرات‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎر‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫أﺻﺒﺢ‬‫رﻣﺰا‬‫ﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻧﺠﺤﺖ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫إﺳﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬‫واﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎر‬‫ﻹرادة‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬.
‫وﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﻨﺲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻮن‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮ‬‫اﻟﺒﻬﺠﺔ‬‫واﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻜﺮﻣﻮا‬‫ﺷﻬﺪاء‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫وﻓﺘﻴﺎت‬‫ﺟﺎدوا‬‫ﺑﺄرواﺣﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬‫واﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ‬،‫ﻓﻄﺎﻓﻮا‬
‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬‫ﺻﻮرهﻢ‬،‫ﻣﺆآﺪﻳﻦ‬‫أﻧﻬﻢ‬‫آﺘﺒﻮا‬‫ﺑﺪﻣﺎﺋﻬﻢ‬‫ﺷﻬﺎدة‬‫ﻣﻴﻼد‬‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﻤﺼﺮ‬.‫وﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﻜﻦ‬‫اﻟﺒﻬﺠﺔ‬‫واﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬‫واﻟﺴﻌﺎدة‬‫ﺑﺨﺒﺮ‬‫ﺗﻨﺤﻲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬‫أﻗﻞ‬

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‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫وﺳﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬.‫ﻓﻘﺪ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪت‬‫اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬‫أآﺒﺮ‬‫ﺗﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫اﺣﺘﻔﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬‫أﻣﺲ‬،‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫اﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻮع‬‫اﻟﻐﻔﻴﺮة‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أﻃﻮل‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮة‬
‫اﺳﻜﻨﺪراﻧﻴﺔ‬‫اﻣﺘﺪت‬‫ﻋﺪة‬‫آﻴﻠﻮ‬‫ﻣﺘﺮات‬،‫ﻣﺮددة‬‫ﺷﻌﺎرات‬‫اﷲ‬‫أآﺒﺮ‬..‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫واﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﺪ‬‫واﺣﺪة‬..‫اﻧﺘﺼﺮﻧﺎ‬..‫اﻧﺘﺼﺮﻧﺎ‬..‫آﻤﺎ‬‫رددوا‬‫اﻟﻨﺸﻴﺪ‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬‫ﺑﻼدي‬..
‫ﺑﻼدي‬..‫ﻟﻚ‬‫ﺣﺒﻲ‬‫وﻓﺆادي‬.‫وﺣﺮﺻﺖ‬‫ﺳﻴﺪات‬‫اﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻓﺮﺣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫ﻓﺎﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ‬‫اﻟﺰﻏﺎرﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺮﻓﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎزل‬،‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫وﻗﻔﺖ‬‫اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‬
‫ﺣﺎﻣﻼت‬‫أﻋﻼم‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫وﻣﻠﻮﺣﺎت‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﺤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬.‫وﺣﺮص‬‫أﺑﻨﺎء‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﺗﺤﻴﺔ‬‫أﻓﺮاد‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﺮوا‬‫ﺑﻬﻢ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎل‬
‫ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺼﺎر‬‫إرادة‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫وﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬.
‫وﻗﺪ‬‫رﺣﺒﺖ‬‫ﺟﻤﻮع‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ـ‬‫ﺑﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﻴﺮ‬‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬‫ﻃﻨﻄﺎوي‬‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎم‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ـ‬‫إدارة‬‫ﺷﺌﻮن‬
‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬.‫وﻳﻀﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ‬‫ﺳﺎﻣﻲ‬‫ﻋﻨﺎن‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫أرآﺎن‬‫ﺣﺮب‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬،‫وﻗﺎدة‬‫اﻷﻓﺮع‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬‫وﻗﺎدة‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﻮش‬‫واﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫واﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت‬
‫واﻻدارات‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬.‫وﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻮﻗﻊ‬‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎدة‬‫ﻹدارة‬‫ﺷﺌﻮن‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬،‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺳﻴﺘﻢ‬‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬‫إﺣﺪي‬‫اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎت‬‫ﺑﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ‬‫وزارة‬‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬‫أو‬‫ﻳﺘﻢ‬‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺲ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎت‬‫وإﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎت‬‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫أﺧﺮي‬‫ﺑﺪﻻ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬.
‫وأﺻﺪر‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫أآﺪ‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬‫ﺑﺪﻳﻼ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻳﺮﺗﻀﻴﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬.‫ووﺟﻪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫وﺟﻪ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺣﺮﺑﺎ‬‫وﺳﻼﻣﺎ‬.‫وآﺎن‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬،‫ﻗﺪ‬‫أﺻﺪر‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﻟﺒﻴﺎن‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫أآﺪ‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺪدا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻷﻣﻮر‬‫اﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ‬‫ﺗﺘﻮاﻓﻖ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫وﺗﺸﻤﻞ‬:
‫إﻧﻬﺎء‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬‫اﻟﻄﻮارئ‬‫ﻓﻮر‬‫اﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺒﻼد‬‫وﻋﻮدة‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫ﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‬.
‫ﺿﻤﺎن‬‫إﺟﺮاء‬‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬‫رﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫ﺣﺮة‬‫وﻧﺰﻳﻬﺔ‬.
‫إﺟﺮاء‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت‬‫اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ‬.
‫رﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺮوﻋﺔ‬‫وﻋﺪم‬‫اﻟﻤﻼﺣﻘﺔ‬‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻓﺎء‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺻﻼح‬.
‫ﺿﺮورة‬‫اﻧﺘﻈﺎم‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﻣﺮاﻓﻖ‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬.
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺬﻳﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺎس‬‫ﺑﺄﻣﻦ‬‫وﺳﻼﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬‫واﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬.
‫وﻋﻘﺐ‬‫إﻋﻼن‬‫ﻧﺒﺄ‬‫اﻟﺘﻨﺤﻲ‬‫ﺑﺪأ‬‫اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫إذاﻋﺔ‬‫اﻷﻧﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻤﺠﺪ‬‫روح‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﺗﺘﻐﻨﻲ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬.‫وﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫آﺮر‬‫اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫إذاﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﺒﻴﺎن‬
‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺮة‬‫ﺑﺪأ‬‫ﻳﻨﻘﻞ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮح‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬‫اﻹذاﻋﺔ‬‫واﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫وﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺳﻌﺎدﺗﻬﻢ‬،‫ﺛﻢ‬‫ﺑﺪأ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻧﻘﻞ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎت‬‫ﻟﻌﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬.‫وﻳﻌﺪ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬‫أﻃﻮل‬‫ﻓﺘﺮة‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺣﻜﻢ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎم‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‬‫ﻋﺎم‬1952،‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺑﺪأ‬‫رﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬‫ﻟﻤﺼﺮ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬14‫أآﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺎم‬1981‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬،‫أي‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬‫ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣﺎ‬.‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﻌﺪ‬‫أول‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮي‬‫ﺗﺘﻢ‬‫اﻹﻃﺎﺣﺔ‬‫ﺑﻪ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬.
Title “Cleaning” Egypt

"‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻒ‬"
"‫ارﻓﻊ‬‫راﺳﻚ‬‫اﻧﺖ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮى‬" .."‫ﻓﺨﻮر‬‫ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻒ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬"
"‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫أم‬‫اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫أﻏﻠﻰ‬‫اﻷوﻃﺎن‬"‫إن‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻘﻠﺐ‬‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺶ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮك‬.‫وإن‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﺐ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻓﻴﺶ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮك‬.‫ﻳﺎﺑﻼد‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﻳﺎﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫أم‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬"‫ﻓﻰ‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻷﻏﺎﻧﻰ‬‫ﻋﻤﺖ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬‫واﺳﺘﻤﺮت‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻت‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬.‫ﻓﻘﺪ‬‫ﺑﺪأت‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫واﻟﺮوح‬‫ﺗﻌﻮد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أرض‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫وﻓﺘﺤﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬‫واﻟﻤﻮﻻت‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫أﺑﻮاﺑﻬﺎ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫اﻟﺮواد‬.‫ﻓﻘﺪ‬‫اﺣﺘﺸﺪ‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬‫ﺷﺨﺺ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬"‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬"‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫أﻃﻴﺎف‬‫وﻓﺌﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫اﻟﺰهﻮر‬‫وﻧﺴﺎء‬‫وﻓﺘﻴﺎت‬‫وﺷﻴﻮخ‬‫اﻟﻜﻞ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻗﻠﺐ‬‫رﺟﻞ‬‫واﺣﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻞ‬‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻒ‬‫وإﻋﺎدة‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وﺟﻤﺎﻟﻪ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ‬.‫ﻓﻤﺎ‬‫أﺟﻤﻞ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻋﻰ‬‫ﻓﺈذا‬‫ﻓﻜﺮت‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﺬهﺐ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أرض‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻓﺈﻧﻚ‬‫ﺳﺘﺸﺎهﺪ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﺮﻩ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫اﻟﻜﻞ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻳﺪا‬‫واﺣﺪة‬
‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﻦ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺔ‬‫وﺗﺠﻤﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وآﺄﻧﻪ‬"‫ﺑﻴﺘﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ‬."‫ﻓﺎﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻳﺸﻌﺮ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺨﺮ‬‫واﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬‫اﻟﻐﺎﻣﺮة‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫واﺿﺤﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وهﺬا‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫أآﺪﻩ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺗﺮك‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﺷﻲء‬‫وذهﺐ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أرض‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت‬‫اﻷوﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺻﺒﺎح‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎرع‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫أى‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻓﺔ‬‫ورﻓﻊ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﺨﻠﻔﺎت‬‫وإزاﻟﺔ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﻮاﺋﻂ‬‫واﻟﺠﺪران‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫واﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﺎورة‬‫ﻟﻪ‬،‫ﻟﺘﻌﻮد‬‫ﻣﺼﺮﻧﺎ‬‫اﻟﺤﺒﻴﺒﺔ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫زﻳﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺮة‬‫أﺧﺮي‬".‫ﻓﺨﻮر‬‫ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻒ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬"‫ﺷﻌﺎر‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺰى‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻳﺮﺗﺪﻳﻪ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻳﻮزﻋﻮﻩ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‬‫وآﺬﻟﻚ‬‫اﻟﻜﻤﺎﻣﺎت‬
‫وأآﻴﺎس‬‫ﺟﻤﻊ‬‫اﻟﻘﻤﺎﻣﺔ؟ﻓﻜﺎﻧﻮا‬‫ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن‬‫آﺄﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﻧﺤﻞ‬‫ﺑﻜﻞ‬‫ﺟﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻞ‬‫ﻋﻮدة‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫أﺣﺪاث‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ‬.
‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﺟﻮﻟﺔ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪاﻧﻴﺔ‬"‫ﻟﻸهﺮام‬"‫ﻟﺮﺻﺪ‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻت‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻏﻤﺮت‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺎت‬‫اﻷوﻟﻰ‬‫ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻘﺎل‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ورﺣﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬‫ﺑﺄآﻤﻠﻪ‬‫ﻓﻮﺟﺪﻧﺎ‬
‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻت‬‫واﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫ﻣﻌﺒﺮة‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻓﺮﺣﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫وﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫راﻓﻌﺔ‬"‫ﻋﻠﻢ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬"‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮا‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻓﺮﺣﺘﻬﻢ‬)‫واﻟﻜﻞ‬‫آﺎن‬
‫ﻳﻬﺘﻒ‬‫ﺑﺄﺑﻨﺎء‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬.(‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫ﺁﺧﺮ‬‫وﺟﺪﻧﺎ‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻓﺘﻴﺎت‬‫وﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬‫ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن‬‫ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻒ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻋﻤﻞ‬

152

‫ﺗﻄﻮﻋﻰ‬‫ﻗ‬‫ﺎم‬‫ﺑﻪ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮدﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وﺧﺎرﺟﻪ‬.‫وأﺧﺬت‬‫اﻟﻔﺘﻴﺎت‬‫ﻳﺮددن‬‫ﺷﻌﺎر‬‫ارﻓﻊ‬‫رأﺳﻚ‬‫أﻧﺖ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮى‬)‫وﺗﻘﻮل‬‫داﻟﻴﺎ‬‫ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬29‫ﺳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺸﺮآﺔ‬
‫أوراﺳﻜﻮم‬‫إﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﺟﺎءت‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻟﺘﺸﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻋﻰ‬‫وأﻗﻮم‬‫ﺑﺄﻋﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻓﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻷن‬‫هﺬا‬‫واﺟﺐ‬‫وﻃﻨﻲ‬.‫وأﺿﺎﻓﺖ‬
‫هﻮﻳﺪا‬‫ﻋﺎدل‬25‫ﺳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﺔ‬‫أﺳﻨﺎن‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻧﻘﻮم‬‫ﺑﻪ‬‫هﻮ‬‫ﻋﻤﻞ‬‫وﻃﻨﻰ‬‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮى‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺸﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻋﻲ‬.‫وأﻳﻀﺎ‬‫ﺗﻘﻮل‬‫ﺑﺴﻤﺔ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺄﺣﺪ‬‫اﻟﺒﻨﻮك‬‫ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﺨﻮرة‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬.‫واﻟﺘﻒ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﺣﻮل‬‫ﺗﻤﺜﺎل‬‫ﻃﻠﻌﺖ‬‫ﺣﺮب‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻞ‬‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻔﻪ‬‫وإزاﻟﺔ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮدة‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬.‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫ﺁﺧﺮ‬‫ﻓﻘﺪ‬‫أﺟﻤﻊ‬‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫أﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻳﺸﺎرآﻮن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﺣﺘﻔﺎل‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﺑﻬﺬا‬‫اﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬‫وﺑﻌﺪ‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫أﻋﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻓﺔ‬‫ﺳﻮف‬‫ﻳﺮﺣﻠﻮن‬.

Title No Returning Back to Pre-January 25 Era: Tough Economic Situations, Ongoing Losses May
Lead to Collapse

‫ﻻ‬‫ﻋﻮدة‬‫ﻷوﺿﺎع‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﺑﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﻴﺮ‬‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬‫ﻃﻨﻄﺎوي‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﺑﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎر‬‫ﻃﺎرق‬‫اﻟﺒﺸﺮي‬‫ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫ﻋﺸﺮة‬‫أﻳﺎم‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻌﻮد‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬.‫وأآﺪ‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫أﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬‫ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬
‫ﻓﺘﺮة‬‫اﻟـ‬6‫ﺷﻬﻮر‬.
‫وﺣﺬروا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ‬‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬‫ﺻﻌﺐ‬،‫وأن‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫اﻟﺨﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﺎت‬‫واﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‬‫ﻗﺪ‬‫ﻳﺆدي‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻧﻬﻴﺎر‬‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬‫ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ‬‫ﻣﻌﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠﻴﻦ‬.‫وأﺷﺎر‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ـ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎع‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫رؤﺳﺎء‬‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬‫اﻹدارة‬‫ورؤﺳﺎء‬‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬‫واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺤﺰﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ـ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫أن‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﺑﻴﺎن‬‫ﻳﺼﺪر‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﺗﺘﻢ‬‫دراﺳﺘﻪ‬‫ﺑﺪﻗﺔ‬،‫واﻋﺘﺮﻓﻮا‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫اﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬‫ﺳﻬﻠﺔ‬.‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬:‫إﻧﻪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺣﻖ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻐﻀﺐ‬‫وﻳﺜﻮر‬‫وﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﻹﺳﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬،‫وﻟﻜﻦ‬‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺣﻖ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺴﻌﻲ‬‫ﻹﺳﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬،‫ﻓﺎﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﺗﺴﻘﻂ‬‫أﺑﺪا‬،‫وﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﺗﺴﻘﻂ‬.‫وﺷﺪد‬
‫اﻷﻋﻀﺎء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺔ‬‫اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة‬‫ﻟﻨﺎ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ‬‫آﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫هﻲ‬‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻷداء‬.‫وأآﺪوا‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺴﻌﻲ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ‬،‫وﻻ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﻨﻲ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬،‫وهﻲ‬‫ﺗﺪرك‬‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‬‫ﻓﺮض‬‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫دون‬‫إرادة‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬.‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬:‫إﻧﻨﺎ‬‫ﻧﺴﻌﻲ‬‫ﺑﻘﻮة‬‫ﻷن‬‫ﻧﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻨﺎ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫ﺳﺘﺔ‬
‫أﺷﻬﺮ‬،‫وأﻻ‬‫ﺗﺰﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﺪة‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻨﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ذﻟﻚ‬.‫وأوﺿﺤﻮا‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻳﺄﻣﻞ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻨﻬﻲ‬‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻪ‬‫وﻳﺴﻠﻢ‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬‫ﺑﺼﻮرة‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬‫وﺣﺮة‬
‫ﺗﻌﺒﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎت‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫وإﻟﻲ‬‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ‬‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬‫وﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‬‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬‫ﺣﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻜﻮن‬‫ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ‬‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫دﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬.
‫وأﺷﺎروا‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﺜﻞ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﺨﻄﻮة‬‫ﻟﻜﻲ‬‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬‫ﺗﺤﺘﺎج‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﺟﻮ‬‫هﺎديء‬،‫ﻷن‬‫أﺟﻮاء‬‫اﻟﻘﻠﻖ‬،‫واﻹﺿﺮاﺑﺎت‬،‫واﻻﺿﻄﺮاﺑﺎت‬‫اﻟﺮاهﻨﺔ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﻮﺻﻮل‬
‫إﻟﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ‬‫ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ‬.‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أﺷﺎروا‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫أن‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﻧﻈﻴﻔﺔ‬،‫وآﺎﻧﺖ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎ‬‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺣﻴﻦ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮد‬‫اﻵن‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أﻣﺎآﻦ‬‫آﺜﻴﺮة‬‫أن‬‫آﻞ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺺ‬‫ﻳﺒﺤﺚ‬‫ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫دور‬،‫واﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬،‫وﻗﻄﺎع‬‫اﻟﻄﺮق‬‫واﻟﻠﺼﻮص‬‫ﻳﺒﺤﺜﻮن‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫دور‬،‫وهﺬا‬‫أﻣﺮ‬‫ﻣﻌﻮق‬‫ﻷي‬‫أداء‬.
‫وأﺿﺎف‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻳﺤﻖ‬‫ﻷي‬‫ﻓﺌﺔ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﺑﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﺮاﻩ‬‫ﺣﻘﺎ‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬،‫وﻟﻜﻦ‬‫هﺬا‬‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬‫هﻮ‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‬،‫ﺑﺮﻏﻢ‬‫ﺣﻘﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬.‫وﻧﺎﺷﺪوا‬
‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺤﺎﻓﻆ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ‬‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ‬،‫وﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد‬.‫وﺷﺪدوا‬‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬‫وﺣﺎﺳﻢ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬52‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﻳﻌﻮد‬‫ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎ‬.
‫وأوﺿﺤﻮا‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ‬‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬‫ﺻﻌﺐ‬،‫وأن‬‫اﻟﺨﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬‫اﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬،‫واﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﺎت‬‫ﺗﺒﺪد‬‫ﻃﺎﻗﺎﺗﻨﺎ‬،‫وﺳﻴﺆدي‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮارهﺎ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻧﻬﻴﺎر‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد‬،‫وﺑﺬﻟﻚ‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﻧﺘﻤﻜﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻳﺮوﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺎ‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬.‫وﻗﺎل‬‫اﻷﻋﻀﺎء‬:‫إن‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ‬‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬‫هﻮ‬‫وﻗﺖ‬‫ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺤﺴﺎﺑﺎت‬،‫أو‬‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬،‫وﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬‫وﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻞ‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬.‫وأﺿﺎﻓﻮا‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻲ‬‫ﻳﺪرك‬‫اﻟﻈﺮوف‬‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬،‫وﻟﻜﻞ‬‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫ﺣﻖ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻗﻪ‬‫دون‬‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬،‫أو‬‫إﺗﻼف‬‫اﻵﻻت‬‫واﻟﻤﻌﺪات‬‫واﻟﺘﺠﻬﻴﺰات‬.‫وأآﺪوا‬‫أهﻤﻴﺔ‬‫اﻻﻟﺘﺰام‬‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎت‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻳﻌﻠﻨﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻨﺎﺋﺐ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎم‬‫ﻓﻘﻂ‬‫ﻷن‬‫إﻳﺠﺎد‬
‫ﺻﻮرة‬‫ﺗﻔﻴﺪ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫آﻠﻪ‬‫ﻟﺼﻮص‬‫هﻲ‬‫ﺻﻮرة‬‫ﻣﺤﺒﻄﺔ‬،‫وﻧﺤﻦ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫دﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬‫ﻧﺤﺘﺎج‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫روح‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬.
‫وآﺸﻔﻮا‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫أن‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫ﺿﻮاﺑﻂ‬‫ﻣﺸﺪدة‬‫ﻟﺘﺤﺮك‬‫اﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮات‬‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬،‫وﺿﻮاﺑﻂ‬‫ﺗﻤﻨﻊ‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﻳﺐ‬‫اﻷﻣﻮال‬.‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬:‫إﻧﻨﺎ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻧﻤﻠﻚ‬‫ﻋﺼﺎ‬‫ﺳﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎء‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺴﺎد‬،‫وﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﻧﺴﻤﺢ‬‫ﺑﺄي‬‫ﻓﺴﺎد‬‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬،‫وأﺿﺎﻓﻮا‬‫أن‬09%‫ﻣﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﻨﺸﺮ‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﻔﺴﺎد‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬.
‫وأآﺪوا‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﻌﻨﻲ‬‫أن‬‫ﻧﻘﻮل‬‫آﻞ‬‫اﻵراء‬،‫وﻟﻜﻦ‬‫ﻳﺠﺐ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺘﻢ‬‫ﺗﻐﻠﻴﺐ‬‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫آﻞ‬‫اﻋﺘﺒﺎر‬.‫وأﺷﺎروا‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫أن‬‫آﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻳﺄﻣﻠﻮن‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أن‬
‫ﻳﻌﻮد‬‫ﺟﻬﺎز‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫إﻟﻲ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻪ‬،‫وأن‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻲ‬‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎة‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻏﻴﺎب‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬‫ﺳﺮﻗﺎت‬‫اﻟﺒﻴﻮت‬،‫ﻓﺎﻟﺪﺑﺎﺑﺎت‬
‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم‬‫ﻟﻬﺬا‬‫اﻟﻐﺮض‬،‫وهﻲ‬‫ﻻﺗﺼﻠﺢ‬‫ﻟﻪ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﺎن‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬.‫وأﻧﻪ‬‫ﻳﻠﺰم‬‫وﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺪﻋﻢ‬‫ﻋﻮدة‬
‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫وأن‬‫ﻳﺸﺠﻌﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻌﻮدة‬.‫وﻗﺎل‬‫اﻷﻋﻀﺎء‬:‫آﺎن‬‫ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬52‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪ‬‫وﻣﻌﺎرض‬‫ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم‬..‫اﻵن‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﻌﺪ‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫ﻧﻈﺎم‬‫ﻳﺴﻤﺢ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫ﻳﻜﻮن‬‫ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪ‬‫أو‬‫ﻣﻌﺎرض‬..‫آﻠﻨﺎ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‬‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ‬،‫ﺳﻮاء‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪا‬‫أو‬‫ﻣﻌﺎرﺿﺎ‬.‫وأوﺿﺤﻮا‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻔﻬﻢ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬
‫رﺣﻞ‬،‫وﻳﺠﺐ‬‫أﻻ‬‫ﻧﺨﺮج‬‫وﻧﺸﻬﺮ‬‫ﺑﻪ‬‫وﻧﺨﺘﻠﻖ‬‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎت‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫رﺟﻞ‬‫ﻟﻪ‬‫ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻹﻧﺠﺎزات‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫واﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ‬،‫وﻟﻪ‬‫دور‬‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أن‬‫ﻟﻪ‬‫أﺧﻄﺎءﻩ‬.
‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬:‫إن‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺗﺨﻠﻲ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺗﻪ‬‫وأﻧﻘﺬ‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫آﺎرﺛﺔ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﻌﻠﻢ‬‫ﻣﺪاهﺎ‬‫إﻻ‬‫اﷲ‬،‫وﻟﻮﻻ‬‫ذﻟﻚ‬‫ﻟﺤﺪﺛﺖ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻜﺎرﺛﺔ‬..‫آﺎن‬‫ﺳﻴﺼﺒﺢ‬‫ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ‬‫ﺷﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﻘﺘﻞ‬‫ﺑﻌﻀﻪ‬،
‫وﺟﻴﺶ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫أزﻣﺔ‬..‫ﺗﺨﻠﻲ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻳﺤﺴﺐ‬‫ﻟﻪ‬..‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺒﻘﺎء‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻳﺤﺴﺐ‬‫ﻟﻪ‬.

153

Appendix II

The Telegraph’s Samples:
Title Egyptian Police Fire Tear Gas at Demonstrators in Cairo on “Day of Wrath”
Egyptian Police Fire Tear Gas at Demonstrators in Cairo on “Day of Wrath”
Thousands of anti-government protesters, some hurling rocks and climbing on top of an armoured police truck, clashed with riot police on
Tuesday in the centre of Cairo in a Tunisia-inspired demonstration to demand the end of Hosni Mubarak's nearly 30 years in power.
Police responded with blasts from water cannons and set upon crowds with batons and acrid clouds of tear gas to clear demonstrators crying
out "Down with Mubarak" and demanding an end to Egypt's grinding poverty, corruption, unemployment and police abuses.Tuesday's
demonstration, the largest Egypt has seen for years, began peacefully, with police showing unusual restraint in what appeared to be a
calculated strategy by the government to avoid further sullying the image of a security apparatus widely seen as little more than corrupt thugs
in uniforms.
As crowds carrying Egyptian and Tunisian flags filled downtown Cairo's main Tahrir square, however, security personnel changed tactics and
the protest turned violent. The scenes had particular resonance because Tuesday was also a national holiday honouring the much-feared
police.Demonstrators attacked a water cannon truck, opening the driver's door and ordering the man out of the vehicle. Some hurled rocks and
dragged metal barricades. Officers beat back protesters with batons as they tried to break cordons to join the main group of demonstrators
downtown.Protesters emerged stumbling from white clouds of tear gas, coughing and covering their faces with scarves.
Title Egypt Protests: Q and A ... Why Are Egyptians Protesting? Who is Behind the Protests? Will Egypt Be the Next
Tunisia?
Egypt protests: Q and A
Why are Egyptians protesting? Who is behind the protests? Will Egypt be the next Tunisia?
Why are Egyptians protesting?
Mainly for financial reasons. Many Egyptians complain of poor living conditions, economic stagnation and widespread unemployment. But
there is also anger at political repression, suspected rigging in recent elections and at possible plans by Hosni Mubarak to have his son Gamal
succeed him later this year.
Who is behind the protests?
They are being driven by the April 6 Youth Movement, a group on Facebook that has attracted mainly young and education members opposed
to Mr Mubarak. But the protests have attracted a cross-section of society, one of the reasons the regime is so nervous.
Will Egypt be the next Tunisia?
Quite possibly. There is a sense that the protests are gaining momentum, not least because the security forces failed to crush them at the outset.
This has emboldened many Egyptians, traditionally passive, to take to the streets. A growing number of analysts think it will be touch for
Mubarak to survive.
So is his fall inevitable then?

154

Not necessarily. Egypt’s national security apparatus is stronger, more disciplined and more loyal to its political masters than Tunisia’s. Some
also say the protests are doomed because they lack a genuine political leader - but then neither did Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolt.
Will the army stick with Mubarak?
For the moment, yes. But that could change if troops are brought out onto the streets and ordered to fire on protesters. The army wants to be
popular and if generals sense discontent in the ranks, they may tell Mubarak to go.
Will Mohamed ElBaradei emerge as Egypt’s next president?
He would dearly love to but it is far from clear that he has the support of the protesters. Many see him as an outsider who has lived abroad too
long and regard his declaration to join the protests as an act of opportunism.
Are other Arab regimes in danger?
Yes. Many Arab states have plenty in common: ageing dictators who have ruled for decades and economic hardship. Since Tunisia, there have
been copycat demonstrations in Yemen, Jordan and Algeria. Arab leaders are very worried.
Title Egypt Protests: Troops and Tanks Ordered out in Bid to Quell Protests
Egypt protests: troops and tanks ordered out in bid to quell protests
Egypt's military has deployed troops and tanks to enforce curfew in the country's cities, as protests demanding the overthrow of President
Hosni Mubarak reached a crescendo.Flames were rising up from burning tires and police cars as darkness fell over Cairo, and ruling party's
headquarters was ablaze. Protesters also attempted to storm the state TV building and Foreign Ministry, while looting broke out in some areas.
For the first time, the sound of shots could be heard in the centre of the city.Tanks arrived on the streets of the eastern Egyptian city of Suez,
witnesses said, and deployed in front of the charred remains of a police station set alight the night before. There were unconfirmed reports that
some protesters who tried to climb on to the tanks to talk to troops were fired on.
Desperate to defeat by far the most serious challenge to Mr Mubarak in his 30 years as president, the authorities shut down access to the
internet and heavily restricted mobile telephone usage in an effort to disrupt the co-ordination of the protests.Mohamed ElBardei, the Nobel
laureate and dissident who returned to Egypt on Thursday, was placed under house arrest. Hundreds of others were detained, among them
leaders of the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, the powerful opposition group that belatedly threw its support behind a campaign that had, till
then, been overwhelmingly secular.
In a major gamble, the armed forces were ordered to enforce the curfew. Analysts have warned that army generals, previously unquestioning in
their support of the regime, could begin to turn against Mr Mubarak if their soldiers are forced to kill unarmed protesters. The president, who
has not been seen in public since the protests began on Tuesday, announced that he would address the nation.With their hold on power visibly
tottering as protesters attacked government buildings, senior ruling party figures acknowledged for the first time that they were facing a
potential revolution and called on Mr Mubarak to institute "unprecedented reforms".
"Nowhere in the world can the security forces put an end to revolution," Mustafa al-Fekki, chairman of the Egyptian parliament's foreign
affairs committee, told Al Jazeera. "The security option alone is not sufficient and the president is the only one who can put an end to these
events."
Mr Mubarak, who is 82, cut an ever more isolated figure as international criticism at his handling of the protests, during which at least eight
people have been killed, one of them yesterday. More than 400 people have been injured, several with bullet wounds.Hillary Clinton, the US
secretary of state, used Washington's strongest language yet as she demanded that the Egyptian government reverse its communications
blackout and restrain its security forces. After Israel, Egypt is the world's largest recipient of US aid and is seen as a vital American ally in the
Middle East.But there was little sign that Egypt was listening. Riot police fired endless of salvos of tear gas and rubber bullet fire over the
course of the day. Plainclothes secret policemen dragged protesters out of the crowd, kicking and beating them as they were loaded into lorries
and driven away.
Yet no matter how hard they tried, the crowds kept coming.In one of many astonishing scenes on the streets, thousands of anti-government
protesters wielding rocks, glass and sticks chased hundreds of riot police away from the main square in downtown Cairo. Several of the
policemen stripped off their uniforms and badges and joined the demonstrators.
"I've been here for hours and gassed and keep going forward, and they keep gassing us, and I will keep going forward, said Ahmad Salah, a
protester in Cairo. "This is a cowardly government and it has to fall. We're going to make sure of it."
Title Protests Force Egypt Bank and Market Shutdown

155

Protests force Egypt bank and market shutdown
Egypt's banks will be closed on Sunday, the first day of the country's business week, the deputy central bank governor said, a move analysts
said could spook investors looking to trade after unprecedented countrywide protests. In a week which has seen nervous investors scramble
into gold, a traditional bolt-hole in uncertain times, Hisham Ramez also told Reuters the central bank's reserves were strong at $36bn, banks
were liquid and any capital flight by foreign investor "hot money" would be short-lived.Egypt has endured five days of often violent protests
with people on the streets calling for the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, who imposed a dusk to dawn curfew and ordered tanks onto
the streets to restore order.
Ramez said banks would close on Sunday, adding: "It is just a precaution until banks are ready to start work on Monday."He did not comment
on the unrest.Egypt's stock market, which tumbled 16pc in two days after the unrest erupted, will also be closed on Sunday. The Egyptian
pound fell to six-year lows.
"Obviously the central bank is worried about a run on the banks which is significant and foretelling about what they are expecting to happen in
the next few days. There is a near paralysis," said John Sfakianakis, an economist at Banque Saudi Fransi-Credit Agricole.Ramez said that,
while there could be some short-lived capital flight, the central bank and other Egyptian banks were in a strong position and he was
comfortable with reserves."All the accounts are safe. The liquidity is there. The banks are liquid. The customer accounts are safe. Everything is
in order. We have no problem," he said."We are ready. Our reserves are very strong," he said, adding the bank had not intervened in the
currency market in the past week.
"We are very comfortable" with reserves, he said.
Asked about possible capital flight risk, he said: "Maybe for a short time, for the foreign investors, for the 'hot money', yes. I think things will
be back in order soon."
Title Egypt in Crisis: Vigilantes and Prisoners on the Streets
Egypt in crisis: vigilantes and prisoners on the streets
Egypt's anti government uprising showed signs of fraying into lawlessness on Sunday as a series of mass jail breaks saw thousands of prisoners
released on to the streets.nmates escaped from at least four jails across Egypt, including suspected Muslim extremists and members of the
Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist.
In one jailbreak at the Abu Zaabal prison on the outskirts of Cairo locals told The Daily Telegraph that 18 people had been killed after gangs of
gunmen fought a six-hour battle with guards to free jailed associates.Meanwhile as darkness fell last night, groups of club-wielding "Citizens'
Committees" manned checkpoints at road junctions across Cairo and other cities in a bid to stop looters.Egyptian police have been absent from
the streets since Friday night, when they lost control of vast demonstrations demanding the end of President Hosni Mubarak's 30-year rule.
The army has been on the streets since then, but is largely restricted to static guard duty in tanks and APCs. On Sunday many Egyptians
claimed that the jailbreaks and looting were deliberately orchestrated by Mr Mubarak in order to convince them that an end to his rule would
simply lead to chaos."Egyptian state television has been showing the pictures of looting all day," said one man. "This is designed to get
protesters to leave the streets and go back to guard their homes."
At the Abu Zaabal jail on Sunday, bullet marks could be seen on the perimeter walls and prison trucks lay ditched in a nearby river.
Locals claimed that thousands of prisoners had escaped after posses of Bedouin tribesmen from Sinai – an area near the Israeli border
notorious for smuggling and banditry – came to spring jailed fellow clansmen from the facility on Saturday evening.
"The Bedouin came just before sunset in cars and trucks," said one eye witness from a nearby town.
"At first they just fired randomly into the air, but then they started shooting at the prison guards, who fired back. Eventually the guards could
not keep control and they left the jail. Thousands of people escaped, and Bedouins took their friends off with them in trucks."He said the
escaped prisoners included members of the Muslim Brotherhood, a movement that contests elections in Egypt and aspires to be one of the
power brokers in any post-Mubarak government.
On Sunday the area around the prison was still lawless, with groups of youths wandering around with clubs and gangs of looters stripping the
jail of food supplies and furnishers.There appeared to be no inmates still left in the jail, although a small number, who had only months left to
serve in their sentences, surrendered themselves to a nearby mosque in the hope of not jeopardising their parole.At the same mosque 18 bodies
from the jail battle were also taken, and later removed by ambulance."Why didn't the army protect us?" asked one resident. "We are scared
now that the town is full of criminals."As night fell large groups of men and youths formed check points all over Cairo, some also armed with
knives and pistols. On the route back from Abu Zaabal back into the city centre, The Telegraph encountered checkpoints almost every 50 yards
in some areas.

156

"We are protecting ourselves and the people," said Mohamed Kamal, 21, wielding a large black baton. "Last night we arrested 12 criminals and
handed them to the army, and today we caught another three. We support the demonstrations here but not any kind of destruction."At a nearby
police station that was attacked and burned out on Friday night, rap sheets bearing suspects' mugshots littered the streets, with locals claiming
that weapons had also been stolen from the armoury.Overall, though, apart from a currency exchange store that had been broken into, The
Telegraph saw little evidence that the looting of private property had been particularly widespread.Most Egyptians were at pains to dissociate
the protests from any criminal acts.
"Please tell the world that we are law-abiding people, not thugs or thieves," said Ahmed Ghazi, 45, an engineer, as he saw The Daily Telegraph
outside the burned out police station.
Title Egypt Crisis: Muslim Brotherhood Blames America for the Unrest
Egypt crisis: Muslim Brotherhood blames America for the unrest
Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood yesterday asserted itself in anti-government protests, blaming America for the unrest because of its support for
President Hosni Mubarak.Esam al-Erian, a senior member of the executive council, said the West's fears for Egypt's future were due to
America's "foolish policies".
"America's alliances are being exposed, one by one," he told The Daily Telegraph on Monday. "You can take in the view from Tunisia to
Egypt, Lebanon, Yemen and even Palestine to see what has happened."Mr Erian was one of 34 Muslim Brotherhood leaders arrested in
advance of last Friday's demonstrations but released when prisons were emptied on Saturday night. He arrived in Tahrir Square on Sunday
evening to a hero's welcome, and told the crowds they would hold fast "however many martyrs there are".The Brotherhood, which seeks to
rebuild Egypt's government on Islamic lines and has until this month presented the best-organised opposition to Mr Mubarak, says it does not
want to take a leadership position in any interim government. But it has given its backing to attempts to form a government of national unity by
Mohammed ElBaradei, the former United Nations nuclear agency head who has become an opposition figurehead.
That is likely to be a sop to western sentiments and governments who do not want to see the Brotherhood playing a role in government and
potentially disrupting Egypt's role as a peacemaker in relations between Israel and the Arab world. Mohsin Rahdy, a former MP who was also
among those released, refused to say whether the Brotherhood would allow a future government to stick to Egypt's Camp David peace treaty
with Israel.But he said the party would "respect international treaties and regulations".The movement was caught unawares by the strength of
last week's demonstrations, observers say, and may have been split in its response.The protests were initially organised online by students and
bloggers, and Brotherhood members have not been prominent. Prayer times though have been observed often to dramatic effect by the
demonstrators, with thousands prostrating themselves on the square and before police and army lines.
Mr Rahdy said he was accused of organising the demonstrations by police who arrested him. "It would be an honour to have organised this but
anybody who claims that the Brotherhood are behind this is a liar," he said.
Title Egypt Protests: Camel and Horse Riders Who Invaded Tahrir Square Say They Are “Good Men”
Egypt protests: camel and horse riders who invaded Tahrir Square say they are 'good men'
Egypt's 21st Century Camel Corps were dazed, bruised but unrepentant on Saturday - those not still detained somewhere by the country's
security apparatus, that is.The men who led camels, horses and carriages to central Cairo in support of President Hosni Mubarak on
Wednesday afternoon, on Saturday denied they were the "thugs" shown on television worldwide and insisted they were "good men" who were
merely trying to safeguard their jobs.
Gathering round the house of 14-year-old Waly Hosni, who was pulled from his horse, beaten by a gang of protesters and threatened with
being thrown in the Nile, they gesticulated at the shabby tourist shops and shacks in the shadow of the Pyramids that are their homes.They said
they protested because they wanted tourists to come back to Egypt so they could earn money to buy food for their animals.
"We were attacked by 10,000 people, a few of us against all of them, yet they say we are crazy," said one, Mahmound Yusri Yusef.The attack
on the Square by Mubarak supporters, widely described as goons and thugs, took place after Mr Mubarak's promise to stand down in
September had been dismissed by protesters as not enough. The next day, the camel-drivers and horsemen of the Pyramids say, a ruling party
MP told them that there was a demonstration taking place. They absolutely deny claims he paid them to attend.
Mr Yusef set out early in his tourist horse and cart to take part, so he thought, in a peaceful demonstration, part of a crowd of between 50 and
100 horses, camels and carriages.It was outside the Mustafa Mahmoud Mosque in Mohandessin, a suburb near the centre, that the trouble
started, with pro- and anti-Mubarak gangs fighting and the cavalry finding themselves split up. A group consisting of Waly, three other
horsemen and a camel-driver, found themselves heading over a bridge.

157

"I didn't know we were heading towards Tahrir Square," said Waly, lying on his bed in his home, a makeshift brick-built hovel. His head was
bruised and bloodied still, a large bandage covering half his face.Neighbours said few in the area knew the city centre, being unable to afford
to go there. "There was a crowd of people stoning us," Waly said. "We didn't have any way out except to run for it. I didn't know where we
were going - but we were going into the square."He was pulled from his horse and people started beating him. "They punched me on the
ground, and banged my head, and then they tied me to a tree. They said they were going to throw me in the Nile, but a sheikh (imam) came and
said I was only a kid and they should hand me to the army."He was luckier than his colleagues. Neighbours of the camel-driver said he was
inside his house and unwilling to talk to journalists, though other reports said he had been arrested. The other three men have not been seen
since they were dragged away."Where is my son?" wailed Sallia Abdul al-Ali, the mother of one of them, Sameh Abdulsalam Hafez, 27. She
said he had left on Wednesday morning without saying where he was going.
"My three other sons and I all rely on him for money," she said. "My husband is dead and I am sick. We just don't know where he is."The
family had one horse, costing more than £600, also now missing, and were reliant on Sameh's income.Mr Yusri said the world should view
such people more favourably than the protesters who have brought Egypt to a standstill.
"Look at us here - we are poor, we have horses and camels to feed, we have no money," he said. "But we are good people. You don't see
houses and shops burned or with their windows broken here."
Title Egypt Crisis: Hosni Mubarak Loses Control of State Media
Egypt crisis: Hosni Mubarak loses control of state media
Hosni Mubarak's control of Egypt's state media, a vital linchpin of his 30-year presidency, has started to slip as the country's largest-circulation
newspaper declared its support for the uprising against him.Hoping to sap the momentum from street protests demanding his overthrow, the
president has instructed his deputy to launch potentially protracted negotiations with secular and Islamist opposition parties. The talks
continued for a second day on Monday without yielding a significant breakthrough.
But Mr Mubarak was dealt a significant setback as the state-controlled Al-Ahram, Egypt's second oldest newspaper and one of the most
famous media publications in the Middle East, abandoned its long-standing position of slavish support for the regime.In a front-page leader,
the newspaper's editor-in-chief, Osama Saraya hailed the "nobility" of what he described as a "revolution" and demanded that the government
embark of irreversible constitutional and legislative changes."The state and all its denizens, the elder generation, the politicians and all other
powers on the political stage must humble themselves and rein themselves in to understand the ambitions of the young and the dreams of this
nation," he wrote.There was no call on the president to resign and while it may yet prove that Al Ahram's editorial shift may be tactical rather
than genuine, opposition supporters expressed astonishment at the development. Mr Saraya built his reputation as a dependable apologist for
the president.Last year, he became the subject of opposition mockery after Al-Ahram doctored a photo to show Mr Mubarak striding in front of
President Barack Obama and other world leaders at the White House, when in fact he was at the rear. Caught out, Mr Saraya defended the
deception as legitimate "expressionism".Mr Saraya's change of heart comes amid growing anger among state journalists following the killing
of Ahmed Mohamed Mahmoud, a reporter for an affiliate of Al-Ahram, which was founded in 1875.
Mr Mahmoud, who died last Friday, was shot dead, allegedly by a secret policeman, as he filmed opposition protests from the window of his
office with his mobile telephone.On Monday over 200 Egyptian journalists, many from state controlled publications, marched through Cairo's
streets chanting anti-Mubarak slogans and holding aloft a model coffin.Highlighting the depth of the rebellion, the reporters had earlier
surrounded Makram Mohamed Ahmed, the powerful head of Egypt's press syndicate and an ardent regime loyalist, chanting: "killer! killer!"
and "down with the mouthpiece of the regime".Like Al Ahram, which initially dismissed the protests as a non-event, state television has also
been forced to modify its coverage of the uprising after a senior anchorwoman and a leading reporter resigned in protest.Having repeatedly
insisted that the demonstrations had drawn no more than 5,000 people, most of them in the pay of foreign media outlets, government
broadcasters have for the first time acknowledged a major presence in Cairo's Tahrir Square.But even as the protesters express their
determination to remain in the square until Mr Mubarak goes, the president remains defiant.
A senior Israeli politician with deep ties to Egypt said on Monday that he had spoken to Mr Mubarak four nights ago and that the president
remained as determined as ever to stay on.Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, who very recently quit as trade minister in Benjamin Netanyahu's
government, told The Daily Telegraph that Mr Mubarak had told him: "This is not Beirut and this is not Tunis. I am sure that things are under
control and don't worry."But Mr Ben-Eliezer added that he thought Mr Mubarak would still leave if a way was found for him to exit with
dignity. He said the army was still backing the battled president.
Title Egypt: Thousands Flood Cairo Square Galvanised by Google Activist
Egypt: thousands flood Cairo square galvanised by Google activist
Thousands of protesters flooded Cairo's Tahrir Square on Tuesday, galvanised by the release of a pro-democracy cyber activist.

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Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president, took a step earlier on Tuesday towards democratic reform, authorising a committee to pursue
constitutional change, a gesture that failed to appease the crowds who noisily demanded his immediate ouster."We are going in to support the
people inside the square. They are the first line of defence," said 26-year-old Mahmud el-Naggar, who came from Fayyoum, south of the
capital, with a group of friends and made for the square."We've heard there will be a million-strong demonstration today."
Protesters who arrived in the square, past a cordon of troops and tanks that searched them for weapons but made no attempt to halt the
demonstration, were greeted by huge new posters of the "martyrs" of their revolt.Many also carried the symbols of the internet social networks
Facebook and Twitter, which have become vital mobilising tools for the opposition thanks to online campaigners like Google executive Wael
Ghonim. Mr Ghonim has himself become a hero to many in the movement, having started one of its most popular Facebook sites and been
detained by the regime following a former day of protest on January 27.Freed late on Monday, he gave an emotional interview to Egypt's
Dream 2, weeping as he remembered those killed in two weeks of protests.
"I was blindfolded for 12 days, I couldn't hear anything, I didn't know what was happening," he said, in an appearance that has motivated the
protests and been spread far and wide by his internet fans.
"I'm not a hero, I slept for 12 days," Mr Ghonim said. "The heroes, they're the ones who were in the street, who took part in the
demonstrations, sacrificed their lives, were beaten, arrested and exposed to danger."Mr Ghonim announced that he was on his way to the
square in a Tweet to his followers, saying: "Egyptians are making history."For its part, the regime issued a decree forming a committee to
oversee constitutional changes ahead of elections later this year.
"The president welcomed the national consensus, confirming we are on the right path to getting out of the current crisis," said Vice President
Omar Suleiman, whom many now see as the effective power behind the throne."A clear road map has been put in place with a set timetable to
realise a peaceful and organised transfer of power," he promised, in a televised address.
The vice president has begun meeting representatives of some opposition parties – including the powerful Muslim Brotherhood, but not some
of the street protest groups – to draw up plans for a democratic transition.Mr Mubarak has promised not to stand for re-election in September,
but opposition groups say any vote to replace the 82-year-old strongman would not be fair under Egypt's current constitution.
Title Egypt: Cairo Protesters Tell of Their Fight for Freedom
Egypt: Cairo protesters tell of their fight for freedom
As Egyptians tidy up after celebrating the resignation of Hosni Mubarak, Nick Meo in Cairo heard the stories of five protesters who slept for
night after night beside the tracks of the tanks in Tahrir Square.
Suzanne Esmat walked into Tahrir Square a free woman for the first time in her life yesterday, and returned to the place near the entrance
where she had prepared herself to die.In normal times Miss Esmat, 44, is a guide who takes parties of British tourists down the Nile and around
Egypt’s antiquities. But these are not normal times, and for the past three weeks she has been a human shield, spending 24 hours a day in front
of a 60-ton M1 Abrams tank parked at the entrance to the square.Every night she slept on the ground next to it in a bundle of blankets,
prepared to be crushed under the tank tracks with fellow protesters if the army tried to enter to put down their revolution.
“We have to be ready to sacrifice our lives for freedom,” she said on Thursday night. “I will be here until he goes. Mubarak and his regime are
thieves and liars. We have had enough of them.”The past week has been without doubt the most exciting of Miss Esmat’s life, and one of the
hardest. It was also cold, dirty, and frightening. Around 400 of her fellow protesters were killed by the security forces, including young men
shot down in front of her. Regime thugs threatened to kill her and hurled rocks to try to make her move. If the revolution had failed — and
there were times when it looked as if it could - her comfortable life with a well-paid, enjoyable job would have ended, and instead she would
have been sacked, jailed and perhaps tortured in one of ex-President Mubarak’s prisons.But the people lost their fear, and then the protesters
won. It took real courage, but in less than three weeks they brought down the dictator who had misruled their nation for thirty years. Yesterday
Miss Esmat said the people’s revolution was just the beginning.
“We are very, very happy that he has gone. I was at the party in the square until 5am, and now I am so full of hope — not only for Egypt, but
for the whole region,” she said.“You saw the start of it yesterday, with people dancing in the streets in Morocco and Baghdad. All the Arabs
wanted to share their happiness with us. We have started something that will change the world.”
Her joy was shared by millions of Egyptians, who flooded into the streets after President Mubarak unexpectedly stepped down on Friday night,
24 hours after he vowed to them that he would stay in power.Men whooped and chanted and women handed out sweets to celebrate and told
their children to remember how they felt because history was being made; it felt as if Cairo’s entire 20 million population was crushed into
Tahrir Square.On Saturday morning protesters organised themselves into teams to clear away the mountains of rubbish that had been left
behind and cranes started dragging off wrecked vehicles. Some protesters were determined to stay, to put pressure on the army which is now in
power until real democracy can take root.They were waking up to a very different world. The state newspapers — Mubarak’s mouthpieces for
decades — were yesterday pouring venom on their old master, and praising the protesters who they had condemned as traitors in Friday’s
editions.The pace of events was so fast that few Egyptians seem to have thought much about what freedom will be like without a president to
decide everything for them, and Egypt has dangerous problems ahead.Power is now in the hands of generals who may be tempted to become
new dictators themselves, and Islamic extremists are poised to succeed in parliamentary elections, whenever they are held.
After weeks of paralysis the economy is in a terrible mess; poverty and overpopulation are terrible problems, and expectations for the future
have been raised dangerously high; the temptation to take revenge against regime figures could yet spark violence; and the revolution was so
rapid that there is no leadership to offer a vision of a secure political future.But the mood on Cairo’s streets was incredibly, euphorically

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positive; hardly anyone seemed to be thinking of the trials ahead.Dina Sadek, 21, a student protester, was jubilant, and a little stunned, at
Mubarak’s fall.
“We did it, and we did it in just 17 days,” she said with a huge smile. “A month ago people were too scared to criticise him in public. Now we
have won our freedom and we are proud to be Egyptian.”She is part of a generation which can hope to enjoy a life of freedom from tyrants -
something few people anywhere in the Arab world have ever experienced.“All through our revolution the older generation have been
apologising to us for not doing this 20 years ago,” she said.But nobody had more to celebrate than the human shields — the heroes of Tahrir
Square who were celebrities by the end of the protests. Visitors to the square used their mobile phones to take photos of them huddling next to
the tank tracks. Some even slept on top of the tracks.They were united by their opposition to Mubarak. But they had different visions of the
Egypt they wanted to see after him.
Saif Al Deen, 29, was a humble English teacher in an obscure village 400 miles south of Cairo seven days ago. Then he decided to get on a bus
to join the protesters.“Last week I was teaching children,” he said with a shy smile. “I hate Mubarak. He has killed our brothers and sisters and
he steals our money.”
The moment he knew that the revolution was going to succeed was when a busload of friends from his village arrived in Cairo last week to join
it.“We feel different now,” he said. “We used to feel shame all the time. Egypt was a big prison for us. Now we feel free and we feel proud of
our country. We have a good future. We just want peace and democracy.”
But some of his fellow human shields had a very different vision of the Egypt they wanted to see.Ayman Abdelmotall Abdelaaty, 43, an IT
consultant and father of two sons, said he wanted Sharia, Islamic law, and didn’t like alcohol being served in Egypt.“But what we really want
is justice and equality,” he said. “If the people chose Sharia I would be happy but if they chose another way, I would agree with that. The
struggle is not only against Mubarak but also against the West and America. We want Egypt to be a democracy. The West doesn’t care about
anything except the peace agreement with Israel — they don’t care how the Egyptian people live.”The youngest of the human shields was
Mohammed, a boy who had run away from home in his village north of Cairo to join the protests on Tuesday. He said he was 15 but he looked
much younger .
“I came here because the government is killing the people,” he said with a grin.Atef Abd El Sattar, 50, said he became a human shield because
he had been jailed and tortured by the regime.Mr Sattar, a devout Muslim, was ordered by the boss at his pharmacy company to shave off his
beard ten years ago, but refused and was jailed for 38 days. “In jail they beat me, gave me electric shocks, and tied my hands until I lost
feeling,” he said.“They played screams to me on a tape recorder and pretended it was my wife, that they were torturing her. That is what Egypt
has been like for 30 years.”On Saturday, in the warm haze of victory, the past seemed like a bad dream and the future seemed bright. With the
confidence that Egypt has now found no problem seemed too big to be solved.An hour after the dictator stepped down, a man on a side street
was talking into his mobile phone in English to a friend abroad as cheering crowds waved flags and set off fireworks.“Yes it is over now,” he
was saying. “Everybody is optimistic.”
Title Egypt: Army Clearing Protesters from Tahrir Square
Egypt: Army Clearing Protesters from Tahrir Square
Hundreds of Egyptian soldiers shoved pro-democracy protesters aside to force a path for traffic to start flowing through central Cairo's Tahrir
Square for the first time in more than two weeks. Protesters chanted "Peacefully, peacefully" as the soldiers and military police in red berets
moved in to disperse them. Scuffles broke out and some soldiers lashed out with sticks. The military police chief told protesters to clear tents
from the square and not to disrupt traffic. "We do not want any protesters to sit in the square after today", Mohamed Ibrahim Moustafa Ali, the
head of military police, told protesters and reporters, as soldiers removed tents from the square. The army has said it respects the demands of
protesters, whose mass action drove Hosni Mubarak from power. But it has also called on them to go home and let normal life resume. Protests
erupted on January 25 and traffic stopped flowing through Tahrir after Januray 28. The square became the epicentre of nationwide
demonstrations, with many protesters camping there. The early morning violence did not last long, but the army action, backed by dozens of
military police, split demonstrators who had previously controlled the square into smaller groups.
"In the square, in the square, we demand our rights in the square", some chanted as soldiers corralled the crowd. About 2,000 demonstrators
remained in the square and some tents were still pitched in the grassy central area. Although Mubarak's resignation on Saturday met the key
demand of protesters, many said they planned to stay in the square to ensure the military council now in charge of Egypt made way for civilian
rule and democracy as it had promised.
Protesters demand the abolition of emergency law that has been used to stifle dissent for three decades, the release of all political prisoners,
and free and fair elections. "The army is the backbone of Egypt. The solution is not to remove us from the square. They must respond to our
demands", said a protester over loudspeakers. Protesters said soldiers had detained some of their leaders and that more than 30 people had been
taken to an army holding area around the Egyptian Museum, next to the square. Troops were ordered onto the streets on January 28 after police
fought street battles to try to contain protests but lost control. The army has taken a largely neutral role, but has detained some protesters and
journalists, often briefly.
"There is no enmity between the people and armed forces ... We ask you not to attack our sons. This is not the [behaviour] of the armed forces.
This is a peaceful protest", one protester said on loudspeakers. "We demand that the armed forces release all our sons that have been arrested in
Tahrir". Some passersby felt the time for protests was over.
"Haven't they got what they want? Can someone explain to me what is left of their demands?" asked one bystander. But Jihad Laban, an
accountant, said much work remained to make sure the revolution did not squander what it had gained.

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"We stood by the army in their revolution", he said, alluding to the 1952 coup that toppled the British-backed king. "They need to stand with us
in ours. "The goal was never just to get rid of Mubarak. The system is totally corrupt and we won't go until we see some real reforms. I am
going to be buried in Tahrir, I am here for my children. Egypt is too precious to walk away now". A 38-year-old industrial worker who gave
his name only as Mohamed, said he had changed his mind about going home. "I was going to leave today, but after what the military has done,
the millions will be back again. The corrupt system still stands. It has gone back to using the only thing it understands - force. If we leave, they
won't respond to our demands".
Title Egypt: US Reporter Sexually Assaulted in Tahrir Square
Egypt: US reporter sexually assaulted in Tahrir Square
A female CBS News correspondent is recovering from a sexual attack and beating she suffered while reporting on the tumultuous events in
Egypt last week.
Lara Logan, who has also worked for GMTV, was in the Cairo's Tahrir Square on Friday after Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak stepped
down when she, her team and their security "were surrounded by a dangerous element amidst the celebration," CBS said in a statement.The
network described a mob of more than 200 people "whipped into a frenzy."Separated from her crew in the crush of the violent pack, she
suffered what CBS called "a brutal and sustained sexual assault and beating." She was rescued by a group of women and an estimated 20
Egyptian soldiers, the network said.Logan returned to the US on Saturday and is recovering at home. According to friends she had vowed to
return to work "within weeks".
The scene last Friday in Tahrir Square - ground zero of 18 days of protests that brought down Mr Mubarak - was primarily one of celebration -
people wept, jumped for joy, cheered and hugged one another. Some soldiers stationed at the square ran into the crowd, and the protesters
lifted them onto their shoulders. Other troops stayed at their posts, watching in awe. There were fireworks, the sound of car horns and even
some shots fired in the air. However, in the final days of the anti-Mubarak protests, women said there had been an increase in sexual assaults in
the square. On the day Mr Mubarak fell, several women reported being groped by the rowdy crowds. One witness saw a woman slap a man
after he touched her. The man was then passed down a line of people who all slapped him and reprimanded himThe attack on Logan, CBS
News' chief foreign affairs correspondent, was one of at least 140 others suffered by reporters covering the unrest in Egypt since Jan. 30,
according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. An Egyptian reporter died from gunshot wounds he received during the protests.
A week before Friday's attack, Logan was detained by the Egyptian military for a day, along with a CBS producer and cameraman. They
returned to the US after their release, and Logan went back to Cairo shortly before Mr Mubarak left.Logan joined CBS News in 2002. She
regularly reports for the "CBS Evening News" as well as "60 Minutes," where she has been a correspondent since 2006. She has reported
widely from Iraq and Afghanistan, and other global trouble spots.

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Appendix III

The Washington Post’s Samples:
Title Protests Spread Against Mubarak
Protests spread against Mubarak
CAIRO - In the largest protest in Egypt in years, thousands of anti-government demonstrators called Tuesday for the end of President Hosni
Mubarak's 30-year rule, a cry inspired by the fall of an Arab dictator in Tunisia.
By late Tuesday, about 15,000 protesters were encamped in Cairo's Tahrir Square, saying they had no plans to leave, as supporters brought
blankets, food and water to sustain them. Among their demands, posted online and circulated by activists on Twitter, was a call for Mubarak's
immediate "abdication of power."
According to the Associated Press, a large security force moved in about 1 a.m. Wednesday, arresting people, beating some, chasing others
into side streets and filling the square with clouds of tear gas in an effort to clear it of protesters.
Many of the demonstrators said they were publicly denouncing Mubarak's rule for the first time, inspired by the images of young people in
Tunisia effecting change in a region where most Arab countries are led by autocratic rulers and freedom of speech is limited.
ad_icon
"Freedom, O freedom; Mubarak's regime is standing between us and you,'' the demonstrators chanted in downtown Cairo.
The day's protests began downtown and spread to the port city of Alexandria and on to the northeastern city of Suez, where violent clashes
with police left two demonstrators dead. A police officer was killed in Cairo, where Arabic satellite news channels broadcast images of police
dragging demonstrators through the streets.For much of the day, Egyptian authorities had demonstrated unusual tolerance in allowing the
demonstrations to take place. Organizers said they were seeking to emulate the events in Tunisia, where a popular revolt over unemployment,
lack of opportunity and hopelessness in young people ended the rule of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali.Similar discontent has long pervaded Egypt, a
country of about 80 million, where a small, wealthy elite has thrived under the autocratic government headed by Mubarak since 1981, but
where nearly half the population lives at or under the U.N. poverty line.The mood turned sour in Cairo late Tuesday when demonstrators
clashed with police outside the Egyptian Museum, throwing rocks and bringing down a police kiosk before backing away with appeals for
nonviolence. Later, police attacked the crowd with water cannons and tear gas and, in some cases, beat protesters after demonstrators hurled
stones, the Associated Press reported.
Apart from Mubarak's ouster, the demonstrators called for the removal of the government headed by Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif and the
disbanding of Egypt's parliament.In Washington, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said Egypt's government, a key U.S. ally in the
Middle East, is stable despite the protests. She urged the government and protesters to avoid violence.Egyptian security authorities have a
reputation for heavy-handedness that is a source of simmering anger among Egyptians. It was not clear Tuesday night whether the authorities
would permit the demonstrators to remain in Tahrir Square, a large downtown plaza whose name means "liberation" in Arabic.
The protest started off small in downtown Cairo with a few hundred activists who had heard about it through social-networking sites. "Down
with Mubarak," they yelled outside the Cassation Courthouse as thousands of riot police stood at the foot of the steps, preventing
demonstrators from flowing onto the streets.In the upper-class district of Mohandeseen, about 100 demonstrators marched through Battal
Ahmed Abdel Aziz Street and gathered momentum as passersby joined them. They continued on to Al Tahrir Street, and more joined them,
and in Tahrir Square, people came from every direction until they numbered 15,000, outnumbering the riot police.
The demonstrations in Egypt are the latest and largest in the Arab world to follow the fall of Tunisia's government. Other protests have
occurred in Algeria, Yemen and Jordan, and they have included repeated cases in which demonstrators set themselves afire, as a protester in
Tunisia had done.In her public appearance in Washington on Tuesday, Clinton acknowledged that Egypt, "like many countries in the region,"
has been experiencing demonstrations.

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"We support the fundamental right of expression and assembly for all people, and we urge that all parties exercise restraint and refrain from
violence," she said. "But our assessment is that the Egyptian government is stable and is looking for ways to respond to the legitimate needs
and interests of the Egyptian people.''Bayoumi is a special correspondent in Cairo. Fadel reported from Beirut.
Title U.S. Stock Market Falls As Egypt Unrest Continues
Details Source: The Washington Post Date: Jan 29, 2011 Section: Unknown
U.S. stock market falls as Egypt unrest continues
U.S. stocks declined sharply Friday as violent clashes in Egypt injected a jolt of anxiety into global financial markets.The Standard & Poor's
500-stock index fell 1.8 percent to close at 1276.34, while the Dow Jones industrial average slid 1.4 percent to 11,823.70. The declines on Wall
Street followed comparable losses in Asian and European markets.Scenes of demonstrators challenging the government of Egypt, a strategic
ally of the United States in the volatile Middle East, helped send oil prices 4.3 percent higher.In a flight to safety, investors increased their
purchases of U.S. Treasurys, pushing the yield on 10-year bonds down to 3.33 percent from 3.38 percent a day earlier. The price of bonds rises
as the yield falls.The stock market's retreat came as the Dow was on the verge of closing above 12,000 for the first time since June 2008. The
Dow traded repeatedly above 12,000 earlier in the week only to fall short at the closing bell.
Egypt is central to U.S. interests in the Middle East as a moderate state and a key player in both counterterrorism operations and regional peace
negotiations, said Helima L. Croft, a geopolitical analyst at Barclays Capital.If street protests were to end President Hosni Mubarak's nearly
30-year hold on power, "I think there would be a fear that you could see radicalism sweeping across the Middle East," Croft said, adding that
the fear might be unfounded.Beyond its political significance, Egypt controls the Suez Canal, an important shipping lane.
Overseas, London's FTSE 100-stock index fell 1.4 percent Friday and Germany's DAX index fell 0.7 percent.Daniel J. Cook, chief executive
of IG Markets, said the stock market was gripped with uncertainty about the Egyptian upheaval, and often under such circumstances "the
mentality is just take the profits that you've got" and sell.Weeks ago, a flare-up of tensions on the Korean Peninsula caused a similar market
shock, but that quickly faded, Cook noted.New information about the U.S. economy also gave investors pause Friday. Economic growth sped
up in the last three months of 2010, returning to its pre-recession level, the Commerce Department reported. But the 3.2 percent annual growth
rate fell short of Wall Street expectations; analysts surveyed by Bloomberg had expected the economy to have grown at a rate of 3.5 percent.
Meanwhile, Ford reported an unexpectedly sharp decline in earnings during the last three months of 2010, sending its stock down 13.4 percent
to close at $16.27.
Ford lost money in Europe, illustrating "cracks in the seams as it relates to the future growth prospects of some major markets," said Joseph
Battipaglia, a market strategist at Stifel Nicolaus.Even before the upheaval in Egypt, some investors and analysts thought the stock market was
due for a downward correction.Earnings updates from big companies had helped push the Dow to the brink of the 12,000 milestone.
Companies such as IBM, Apple, Netflix and Caterpillar fueled the momentum with encouraging year-end reports or upbeat financial forecasts.
"Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back," President Obama was able to boast
in his State of the Union Address on Tuesday.The Dow, an index of 30 major U.S. companies, is still up more than 80 percent in less than two
years, but it remains well below its pre-crisis peak.
Title Cairo Falls into Near-Anarchy
Cairo falls into near-anarchy
CAIRO - The Egyptian capital descended into near-anarchy Friday night, as the government sent riot police, and then the army, to quell
protests by tens of thousands of demonstrators determined to push President Hosni Mubarak from office.
By the end of the day-long battle, the protesters were still standing and the police were nowhere to be seen. Mubarak - who had not spoken
publicly since the protests began Tuesday - made a televised speech after midnight, announcing that he had asked his cabinet to resign. The
move fell far short of protesters' demands and seemed likely to ensure that the anti-government demonstrations that have erupted here would
continue.President Obama said a short time later that he had talked with the Egyptian president after his speech and pressed Mubarak to make
long-promised reforms. "What is needed are concrete steps to advance the rights of the Egyptian people," Obama said.It remained unclear late
Friday what role the Egyptian military might play. Mubarak, a former air force officer, draws much of his strength from the military, and any
decision by the armed forces to withdraw support would mean the certain end of his rule.
But unlike the police, which unleashed an arsenal of weapons against the demonstrators, the military did not take any immediate action, and
protesters gleefully welcomed the soldiers' arrival in a thundering of personnel carriers.Protesters were honking their horns in celebration and
roaming freely through central parts of the city late in the evening, in defiance of a strict curfew. The night air was thick with black smoke, and
the sounds of explosions, gunshots, sirens, cries and occasional cheers echoed through the darkness.The protests, which were launched in cities
nationwide but were largest in Cairo, were the most serious in Egypt's modern history. Protesters have called for Mubarak, who at 82 has ruled
this country with an iron fist for 30 years, to give up his position, leave the country and allow fresh elections.
Success in ousting Mubarak would be a remarkable achievement for a group of demonstrators who have no charismatic leaders, little
organization, and few clear objectives beyond removing this nation's autocratic president and other members of his ruling clique.Before this
week, few thought a mass anti-government movement was possible in Egypt, a country that has little experience with democracy. But after
Friday's protests, the campaign to oust Mubarak only seems to be gathering strength.

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Egyptian demonstrators are hoping to replicate the success of pro-democracy advocates in Tunisia, who this month ousted their autocratic
president and sparked a wave of imitators across the region. Because Egypt has long been seen as the political center of the Arab world, the
end of Mubarak's rule would reverberate particularly deeply.
The government had worked assiduously to keep the protests from even happening. It took extraordinary measures to block communications,
cutting all Internet connections and mobile phone networks. Overnight Thursday, dozens of opposition leaders were rounded up and arrested.
At dawn Friday, thousands of riot police filled the streets of Cairo.Mohamed ElBaradei, a political reform advocate and Nobel Peace Prize
laureate who returned to Egypt from abroad to participate, was soaked with a water cannon and later placed under house arrest, the Associated
Press reported. ElBaradei, the former chief of the International Atomic Energy Agency, has said he wants to lead Egypt in a peaceful transition
to democratic government.
The protests were launched after midday prayers. They started small, with police moving in immediately to try to suppress them. But the
gatherings soon swelled, and the police tactics escalated. Throughout the afternoon and evening, security services fired hundreds of tear gas
shells, shot unarmed protesters and beat them with clubs. Despite those efforts, the protesters continued to surge toward downtown Cairo and,
after dark, began setting fire to police vehicles and government buildings, as well as the headquarters of the ruling National Democratic Party.
Until then, the protesters had largely refrained from initiating violence, choosing instead to chant slogans and wave the Egyptian flag. When
tear gas canisters sailed toward them, protesters swooped in and tried to either throw them back or to cast them into the waters of the
Nile.Protesters vowed to continue their demonstrations until Mubarak leaves office. "This is no longer a time of fear. It's a time of change,"
said Mohammed Nabil, a 35-year-old doctor who, like many, said he was participating in his first protest. "We want Mubarak to leave and end
30 years of oppression."Despite calls by Egypt's main opposition party, the Muslim Brotherhood, for members to join the movement, this
week's protests have been decidedly secular. Demonstrators, most of whom appear to be members of the nation's middle class, said their
campaign has little to do with religion.
"We need a just government. It doesn't matter whether it's Islamic or secular. The issue is justice," said Mustafa Reda, a 22-year-old whose
eyes were bloodshot and throat raw from choking on tear gas.Reda said he took to the streets only after friends were killed earlier in the week
in demonstrations in the northeastern city of Suez. Protests there, in Alexandria and in cities across Egypt continued Friday.
It was unclear how many protesters were killed or injured during Friday's mayhem. At one point in Cairo, an armored personnel carrier steered
directly into a swarm of demonstrators. A police officer firing from a hatch in the roof shot at least two men. When fellow protesters tried to
drive the wounded men away, police stopped their vehicle, forced all able-bodied occupants out and relentlessly beat them in the middle of the
street.
Throughout the afternoon, protesters and police waged pitched battles from either side of three majestic bridges that span the Nile. Police
would send tear gas canisters soaring from one end of the bridge to the other and temporarily force the protesters to flee. But each time, the
protesters surged back, and just after dusk, they forced the police into a full retreat across one of the spans.Many journalists who attempted to
report on the demonstrations were attacked by plainclothes security officers who smashed cameras and bloodied the face of at least one BBC
reporter. The journalist later went on the air to report the assault.
Many of those injured in the protests said they would not go to hospitals for fear of being arrested, and instead went home or simply stayed in
the street.The ranks of the protesters included a significant number of government employees, who used their day off from work to call for
their president to go. "All the Egyptian people are oppressed, and their time has come. Enough is enough," said a man who identified himself
as a diplomat with the nation's Foreign Ministry but would give only his first name, Ahmed. "I know Egyptians, and they will not stop until
Mubarak is gone."Special correspondent Sherine Bayoumi contributed to this report.
Title In Cairo’s Gas and Bread Lines, Divergent Outlooks
In Cairo's gas and bread lines, divergent outlooks
CAIRO - As Cairo residents cope with developing shortages for everyday staples, the opinions in the gas lines are vastly different from those
in the bread lines - showing both the middle-class roots of the current unrest and a perhaps surprising residue of support for the current
government among Egypt's poorest.Motorists who manage to find an open station have to join chaotic scrimmages that can last an hour. It's the
government's fault, they say.In contrast, the people waiting at bakeries for government-subsidized bread could take solace in the fact that there
was still bread to be had - kept affordable, at a penny a loaf, by large government purchases of imported wheat.
Sure, they'd rather be able to pay a bit more, buy bread on the open market and avoid the longer lines and the stigma of the government shops.
But what they say they are angry about is Egypt being portrayed as a poor and unstable country, and they defend President Hosni Mubarak as a
regional champion."Hosni Mubarak is the champion of war and the champion of peace and the protector of Egypt," said one man a few steps
from Tahrir Square, where the demonstrations against Mubarak's regime continued Monday.Across town, a similar sentiment was conveyed by
a buyer who was waiting with hundreds of others to purchase bread, and who wouldn't give his name because he said he stood for all
Egyptians. "Write this," the man said. "Egypt is a very great country."But with the banks closed and the Internet shut down after a week of
demonstrations, Egypt is also a country where business is beginning to stutter a bit.
Lines are often long at the government-subsidized bread stores - a well-accepted fact of life for those who depend on the round, flat loaves for
their subsistence. But now other staples - and especially fuel - are starting to become scarce, with what may be a greater effect on a middle
class that is more dependent on their cars than the poor and more likely to have a job affected by a collapse in the local economy.Gasoline
shortages and rumors of worse to come are causing car owners to fill up even when they don't need to, leading to even tighter supplies."I blame
everyone who has caused this disaster. I mean the people in the government," Ahmad Haroun said as he jockeyed his Toyota closer to the
pumps at a Misr gas station in the comfortable neighborhood of Mohandiseen. He'd been there for an hour. "They're going to face a big
problem if they can't get gas distributed in the next few days," he said.

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At another station nearby, there were no lines because there was no gas. The last delivery was on Friday, and the pumps ran dry at 1 p.m.
Sunday."Our source of livelihood has been cut off," said manager Sabri Saqer. "The truck driver was scared to come. Now I'm told a truck is
on the way. But as soon as we open, we'll be jammed with cars, because people are afraid."
Saqer said he doesn't fault the protests for plunging the country into trouble. "The Interior Ministry is to blame," he said. "The demonstrators
are not the ones who cut off the Internet."Stores up and down his street had been smashed by looters over the weekend; all were closed. One
resident said the marauders had found a stash of liquor in one store and downed it all. Residents said they believed it was the police, or their
hired guns, who had done it.Hassan Hegazy, chairman of an import company called Master Trading, as well as the director of the Egyptian-
American Business Council, said Monday that Egyptian companies so far were working around the bank closure, managing their cash closely.
The relatively few retailers that are open, mostly on the peripheries of Cairo, told him Monday that they have so far been able to replenish their
supplies.But Hegazy added that deliveries in the week ahead could be jeopardized by fuel shortages. "I don't know how they're going to solve
that in the next few days," he said.He has heard, he said, that fuel companies may start to send out their trucks after curfew, when in theory the
streets should be safer.The New Market, in Mohandiseen, hasn't had any chickens for a week. The manager, who asked not to be identified,
said he normally sells 50 to 100 a day. "People are angry. They're angry because things aren't coming," he said. "Mubarak is responsible."
Even in the bread lines, where support for Mubarak was strong, people acknowledged that they were starting to hoard supplies in case the
situation deteriorates."There's no problem," said Mohamed Maharan. "But people are worried."
Title Mubarak Pledges to Cede Power
Mubarak pledges to cede power
A continuing cry: Protesters refuse to settle for less than immediate departure. CAIRO - Under pressure as never before, President Hosni
Mubarak of Egypt promised Tuesday that he would relinquish power after elections this fall, his most significant concession yet to an
extraordinary public uprising that has upended the old order in the Arab world's most populous country.But the gesture failed to quiet demands
from Egyptian opposition leaders and pro-democracy demonstrators that Mubarak step down immediately, while President Obama insisted that
a transition to democracy in Egypt "must begin now."
On a day when popular protests reached a new pitch, Mubarak's announcement left no doubt that time was running out on his three-decade
reign as Egypt's president, a post in which he has served as a critical ally of the United States. Mubarak said he would not be a candidate for a
sixth term and promised "a peaceful transfer of power."There was no sign, however, that the hundreds of thousands of protesters who turned
out in downtown Cairo would surrender what they believe is an unstoppable momentum toward toppling one of the Arab world's most durable
leaders.
"He needs to leave right now. We've already waited 30 years, and we don't want to wait any more," said Amy Hashem, 23, who was among the
thousands of demonstrators who have vowed to occupy Tahrir Square, Cairo's central plaza, until Mubarak leaves office.
"It would have been better for him to say, 'I love my people and I'm leaving,' " opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei said in interview after
Mubarak's speech. "Unfortunately, this will just extend the period of instability."A revolutionary spirit has seized Egypt over eight days of
mounting protests, and there were signs Tuesday that the sentiment was spreading. In Jordan, King Abdullah II fired his prime minister and
cabinet after days of unrest over price increases.
But there were also indications that Mubarak's move might mollify some critics. Amr Moussa, a former Egyptian foreign minister who is
considered likely to seek the presidency, called the announcement "a very important step" that "should be considered carefully."Under growing
pressure at home and abroad, Mubarak had been left with very little room to maneuver. His announcement will set off jockeying among
potential successors, including ElBaradei and Moussa, who is now secretary general of the Arab League, as well as other candidates from a
broad array of opposition factions, from liberal technocrats to more conservative Islamists.
With 80 million people, Egypt is the largest country in the Arab world, and developments here are being followed minute by minute by
anxious leaders across the region. On Tuesday, leaders could not have liked what they saw.The demonstration in Egypt was by far the largest
since the protests began on Tuesday of last week, and the jubilant mood reflected a confidence among the crowds that Mubarak would soon be
gone. The 82-year-old has long maintained his grip here through fear, but there was none in evidence Tuesday, with soldiers smiling as
protesters peacefully filled Tahrir Square and surged beyond into downtown streets.Protest organizers had vowed to bring a million people to
the streets of Egypt, and while reliable crowd estimates were impossible to come by, the turnout was unquestionably impressive. The protests
also attracted record crowds in cities across the country, and organizers said a nationwide strike would continue until Mubarak steps down.
In Tahrir, which means liberation in Arabic, flag-waving demonstrators held handwritten signs reading "checkmate." Groups of protesters
furiously chanted against the president, their words reverberating across the city: "The pharaoh is finished!"Among demonstrators, Mubarak's
departure had seemed an impossibility a month ago, and became a whispered hope just last week. But on Tuesday, protesters spoke of it as
inevitable and said they are in no mood to compromise. "The game is over. He can't save himself anymore," said Mohammed Hussein, 27, a
physician.
The government's approach to the demonstrations has rapidly shifted. As of last week, protests were banned and the police used every tool in
their arsenal to try to thwart them, including water cannons, tear gas and live bullets. More than 100 people died in vicious street clashes.
But when that heavy-handed approach failed, the government called in the army, which for several days remained officially mum on its plans
while soldiers showed increasing solidarity with demonstrators. On Monday night, the army issued a statement calling the protesters' demands
legitimate and vowing not to fire on their rally.On Tuesday, the army stayed true to its word. Military helicopters buzzed overhead and troops
worked with civilians to provide tight security, setting up ID checks and frisking stations at each entrance to the square.Mubarak's Tuesday
night announcement that he would not run followed another major concession Monday, when Omar Suleiman, the newly appointed vice
president, said the government hoped to open negotiations with the opposition. Taken together, the moves suggest that government authorities
are anxious for a resolution to a crisis that has paralyzed the nation.Trading on the Egyptian stock market has been suspended since late last

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week, and most business has ground to a halt as shops have been shuttered and factory workers have walked off the job. The country's
economy, which was already struggling, could be devastated if the standoff between Mubarak and the demonstrators continues for much
longer.
Opposition parties have nominated ElBaradei to negotiate with the government, and ElBaradei has put himself forward as a candidate to lead a
transitional authority.Protesters on Tuesday said they were already looking past Mubarak, preemptively rejecting any members of his inner
circle - including Suleiman - as their new president. But they have not coalesced behind an alternative, and they have studiously avoided
associating with any candidate or party, saying Egypt first needs to settle on a plan for holding fair elections.A presidential election was
already scheduled for September, although under Mubarak the contests have been heavily rigged and the outcome has always been a foregone
conclusion. Mubarak was widely expected to run, although he denied Tuesday night that he had planned to do so.Protesters continued to
demand that the United States take a more vocal role in supporting their movement, saying they are unswayed by the Obama administration's
calls for an orderly transition of power.Fears of an Islamist takeover of Egypt, the protesters say, are vastly overblown, and demonstrators have
emphasized that the nation's minority Christian community has been heavily involved in their movement. Although members of the Muslim
Brotherhood - the nation's best-organized opposition group - have turned up at the protests in greater numbers in recent days, the group is
hardly driving the demonstrations.
"Washington has been very anxious about what's happening here, but it shouldn't be. It should be happy," said Mohammed Fouad, 29, a
software engineer. "This will reduce terrorism. When people have their voice, they don't need to explode themselves."If anything, the tone of
the protests has been more nationalist than religious.Protesters have proudly waved the Egyptian flag and swayed to the sound of the national
anthem and other patriotic songs. Many said they have felt pride in their nation for the first time as they watched it do in the past eight days
what countries in Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America accomplished decades ago."For 30 years, people haven't seen anything good.
Mubarak's a liar. He's corrupt. He's a robber," said Maher Abdul Azim, 58, a teacher. "But today, all of the Egyptian people have been reborn.
Today, we have our freedom."
Title Coptic Christians Fear Persecution If Extremists Take Power in Egypt
Coptic Christians fear persecution if extremists take power in Egypt
With attacks on Christians already increasing in the Middle East, the populist uprising in Egypt has triggered fears among some that the
region's largest non-Muslim population - Egypt's 7 million Coptic Christians - could be at risk.Copt leaders in the United States said they are
terrified that a new Egyptian government with a strong Islamic fundamentalist bent would persecute Christians. They are quietly lobbying the
Obama administration to do more to protect Christians in Muslim countries and are holding prayer vigils and fasts, such as one that ended
Wednesday evening at Copt churches across the country, including four in the Washington area."The current situation for the Copts stinks, but
[longtime Egyptian President Hosni] Mubarak is the best of the worst for us," said the Rev. Paul Girguis of St. Mark Coptic Orthodox Church
in Fairfax County, which has about 3,000 members. "If Muslim extremists take over, the focus will be extreme persecution against Copts.
Some people even predict genocide."Some major U.S. Christian figures, including well-known evangelical leaders and representatives of the
U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, declined to publicly discuss the situation in Egypt, saying they wanted to avoid bringing dangerous
attention to the country's Christians by appearing to complain or to advocate for a particular political outcome.Their trepidation stems from
repeated attacks on churches in Iraq, where hundreds of thousands of Christians have fled in recent years, and from the New Year's Day
bombing of a Coptic church in Egypt that killed almost two dozen worshipers and wounded nearly 100. The Coptic Church is one of the oldest
Christian institutions in the world and is based in Egypt."Egypt is the bellwether because its Christian community is so large and is the
strongest in the Middle East," said Paul Marshall, a global religious freedom expert and a fellow at the conservative Hudson Institute. "What
happens to Christians in Egypt is very significant. Everyone is watching."But not all American faith leaders are bracing for the worst. Joel
Hunter, an evangelical pastor of a Florida megachurch and a frequent adviser to President Obama, said he's hearing a lot of optimism from
Egyptian Christians who believe the uprising will lead to more freedom and religious liberty.
Many younger Christians in the United States also see the protests as something to celebrate, Hunter said, and older, more politically
conservative Christians tend to be more skeptical of Islam generally and are worried about how a new Egyptian government will treat Israel.
So far, the protests have focused on jobs, free speech and democratic elections, not religion, so it's unclear what the end of Mubarak's rule
would mean for religious minorities. But in recent years, Iraq has lost about half its historical Christian population because of persecution, and
Christians have been leaving Iran and Lebanon in lesser numbers.After last month's bombing of the Coptic church in Alexandria, Pope
Benedict XVI publicly urged the Egyptian government and other leaders in the region to protect religious minorities. Egypt's Foreign Ministry
spokesman said the pope's comments were "an unacceptable interference" in the country's internal affairs, and Egypt withdrew its ambassador
to the Vatican in response.Some U.S. Christian leaders said the situation in Egypt might put the issue of religious persecution abroad back on
the radar of American Christians. A decade ago, the freedom of Christians to worship in such places as Sudan was a top agenda item for
American Christians, particularly evangelicals. But this week, experts said that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have absorbed people's
attention.At a congressional hearing last month about the persecution of Christians in the Middle East, Christian leaders urged the
administration to lean harder on Egypt's leaders to investigate violence against religious minorities and to lay out a clear strategy in Iraq for
their protection.
A 2009 survey by the nonprofit Pew Forum that measured governmental and societal restrictions on religion found that a number of the world's
least tolerant countries are Muslim-majority. The list included Iran, Egypt, Indonesia and Pakistan as well as India, which is majority Hindu.
Concerns include bans on public preaching and conversion and the lack of prosecution for religion-based violence.Some advocates for
religious freedom note that moderate Muslims and non-majority Muslims also suffer attacks and that the problem is extremism, not Islam.
Title Tahrir Becomes Central Battelfield of a Revolution
Tahrir becomes central battlefield of a revolution

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CAIRO - For 11 days, Tahrir Square has been the canvas on which a revolution has unfolded.At times, it has been an almost utopian scene of
Egyptian joy, hope and community. But it has also become an inferno of smoke, strife and death.
As Egyptians vie for control of their country's future, the square has become the central battlefield, with the struggle there playing out for the
rest of the world to see.On Friday, the vast, open space near the banks of the Nile remained in the hands of pro-demo-cracy demonstrators, who
have vowed not to leave until President Hosni Mubarak resigns his office.Unlike so many of the demonstrators who have taken to streets
across the Arab world in recent decades, most of those who have occupied Tahrir say they are politically secular - and they appear more
disappointed in the United States than anti-American. They have made "cross and crescent together" an informal slogan, reflecting their
embrace of Egypt's minority Christian community. They band together to sing patriotic Egyptian songs but hail foreigners warmly and greet
them at checkpoints marked by the burned-out hulls of police vehicles with a hearty "Welcome to Egypt."As the government's tactics for
crushing their movement have escalated this week, so has the resolve of the demonstrators.When they first occupied the square nearly a week
ago, those opposing Mubarak chanted, "We are going to stay in the square."More recently, the line has changed: "We are going to die in the
square."For a government that has brooked little opposition over the course of Mubarak's repressive 30-year rule, the demonstrators' stubborn
refusal to leave Cairo's central plaza has been a deep affront. The protesters know that, and they believe that if they stay long enough, Mubarak
will be forced to relinquish power.When the protesters in the square are not being attacked by pro-Mubarak forces wielding rocks, sticks and
knives, the atmosphere here is remarkably peaceful.Men with plastic bags filled with prepackaged food make the rounds, ensuring that
everyone has enough to eat. Others meticulously sweep the streets, cleaning up debris from the previous night's battle.Women lie on blankets
covering what was once a manicured patch of green but is now a wasteland of dirt and mud. Doctors tend to the wounded, bandaging fresh
gashes and snugly tying slings. At prayer time, the chants against Mubarak abruptly stop, and the faithful get down on hands and
knees."Revolution is like a love story," said Alaa Al Aswany, the Egyptian novelist whose writings about the hypocrisy of the Egyptian
government and the need for free elections have helped inspire the pro-democracy movement. "When you are in love, you become a much
better person. And when you are in revolution, you become a much better person."But the good mood has often been broken in recent days by
spasms of merciless violence.It starts when a roar goes up, signifying that pro-Mubarak forces are surging toward the square. Hundreds of men
press forward to one of the square's entrances to push them back. Rocks fly. Women run for cover. Hand-to-hand combat ensues, with frequent
gunshots and explosions piercing an otherwise silent city at night.Out of the scrum, prisoners emerge.
Those in the square say they have captured dozens of men from the pro-Mubarak side who wear civilian clothes but carry police, ruling-party
or government identification cards.
Demonstrators have been repeatedly attacked by such men in recent days, with hundreds of people injured and at least nine killed. It would be
easy for a mob mentality to take hold.But the protesters show a measure of empathy for their captives. The identification cards, protesters say,
show that their foes come from poor areas of Egypt, and many have confessed to being promised a reward if they try to storm the square -
usually about $20 and a meal at Kentucky Fried Chicken."They're Egyptian, just like we are," said Khalid Abdul Rahman, a 26-year-old
demonstrator. "But someone's telling them that we're not Egyptians."The detainees are first moved to a travel agency fronting the square that
has become a makeshift prison and then passed along to Egyptian soldiers, who impassively watch the scene from atop their tanks.Rahman
said he comes and goes from the square. He said he always returns when he hears that his fellow protesters are under assault, running back
with friends and slipping in through the military's checkpoints. But he said he has not yet thrown a single rock."When I find that our revolution
has become violent, I will leave this square for good," said Rahman, a teacher in jeans and sneakers.That sentiment is reflected in a popular
chant: "We are peaceful."
Yet the lust for revenge is also growing as protesters continue to be hurt and killed.Days ago, demonstrators called only for Mubarak to leave
Egypt and never come back. Lately, they've been demanding that he be tried and executed.On a chair set up outside the travel agency,
demonstrators have mounted an exhibit of brass knuckles, switchblades and bullet casings. A sign on the chair reads, "Mubarak's Museum:
These are the weapons of Hosni the Butcher."Demonstrators have gathered their own weapons.They have chipped away at the sidewalks,
dislodging bits of concrete that they can hurl toward the pro-Mubarak crowd whenever a brawl breaks out. Scraps of metal have become
shields, and cardboard boxes are turned into makeshift helmets.Yasser Sayed's right arm was badly injured in one recent clash. He's a 19-year-
old laborer, and he's proud that despite repeated attempts to oust the demonstrators, they have stood their ground.For the protesters, he said,
survival is victory but death would be just as sweet."We've had 30 years of injustice, hatred and oppression," Sayed said, his hands flecked
with blood. "The people are looking for change. The people have come to die as martyrs."
Title Egypt’s Military Feints, Jabs with Protesters
Egypt's military feints, jabs with protesters
CAIRO - An awkward, uncertain coexistence between protesters and the Egyptian military is playing out in Tahrir Square, where early hopes
that soldiers were sympathetic to the demonstrators and might come over to their side have given way to increasing signs that the army just
wants the people to go home.On each of the past few days, the army has made its presence felt by different, nonviolent means. The object
seems to be to discourage the opposition forces who want to keep possession of the central plaza, the iconic center of the 13-day struggle for
control of the Egyptian capital."The military doesn't want us here anymore," said Tamer Mustafa, 30, a teacher who was on the square Sunday.
Officers, he said, have spoken with members of the crowd, telling them they're causing "fitna," or division between Muslims, and that this is
not good.For a short time Sunday morning, soldiers prohibited anyone from bringing food into Tahrir Square, the scene of nearly two weeks of
anti-government protests, though people were still allowed to pass the checkpoints.A sit-down protest began on the street at the foot of the
Qasr Al Nil bridge, which feeds traffic across the Nile and, on a normal day, into the square. Men who had brought supplies to be given out to
the crowds in the square sat on the pavement, waving their plastic shopping bags in the air."Sit in, sit in, until they let the food in!" they
chanted.They called on everyone who was heading to the square to join them, outside the perimeter, in this new protest. The soldiers, most
wearing riot helmets but with the visors up, were impassive."Why is the military preventing us from bringing food inside?" asked Hasan Afifi,
who had arrived with a bag of sandwiches, fava beans and falafel. "Is the military fighting us? Do they want us to die of starvation? The role of
the military is to protect us, not to kill us."The crowd at this secondary protest grew until it numbered several hundred angry, chanting people.
Similar scenes were enacted at other entrances to the square, threatening to spread the unrest outward into the city. After an hour, with no
explanation, the army relented, and food was again allowed in.The mini-blockade was the latest in a series of maneuvers by the army. On
Saturday, military tanks attempted to enter the square but were blocked by demonstrators.Atef Mohamed Habib, who was carrying a large

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bundle of blankets on his head and was allowed to pass into the square unmolested Sunday, surmised that the army was making a show of
trying to suppress the demonstration to appease the government."It's to present an image," he said.
The army's increasingly visible presence has clearly made the area around the square much safer. The stone-throwing battles with protesters
sympathetic to President Hosni Mubarak have stopped. Now, stones gathered as ammunition have been set out on the square to spell messages.
One said: "We are the people of Facebook."But the military escalation also is a sign that the army is much more in control. It has set up
checkpoints at every entrance to the square - in addition to those run by the demonstrators themselves - and its tanks are mostly arranged with
their barrels facing the protest. On the side streets leading to the square, some intersections have been blocked off with coils of barbed wire.
Heavy traffic barriers are in place, as well as sand-bagged emplacements.The demonstrators are aware that the army is the one institution in
Egypt that commands universal respect and that could tip this struggle one way or the other. They are also aware that Mubarak, who continues
to hang on, thereby continues to remain the commander-in-chief, and that an outright mutiny by the generals is unlikely."Only the
steadfastness of the youth here, and also external pressure, has forced the military to be neutral," said Mustafa, the teacher. "They may not be
with us, but we definitely don't want them against us."The protesters have decorated the military vehicles with graffiti: "God is Great." "The
Egyptian revolution will not be thwarted.""Down with Mubarak the butcher."On an armored personnel carrier, a passerby had scrawled a line
from a Tunisian poem: "If, someday, people want to live, destiny will have to give way."The soldiers sit topside, forbidden to talk with the
crowds around them. No one at Tahrir Square knows how much further the army might try to tighten control in the next few days.
"The army is afraid of the regime," said Magdy Gharib Mahmoud, 25. "If the regime is shaken up a little bit, then the army will be on our side.
But right now the military must be feeling that the regime is still strong."
Title State-Run Media Changing Tune
State-run media changing tune
CAIRO - Over the past few days, journalists working for Egyptian state media have orchestrated a remarkable uprising of their own: They
have begun reporting news that casts the embattled government in a negative light.Whether the change is a sign of a weakened regime that is
losing control or the result of a decision by the government to loosen its grip on information remains unclear. But the shift has been hard to
miss.State-run television and newspapers such as the iconic al-Ahram initially dismissed the mass demonstrations against President Hosni
Mubarak as nonevents. As the crisis has unfolded since Jan. 25, most people have relied on Arabic satellite channels such as al-Jazeera and
news accounts from independent Egyptian dailies and social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook to keep up with events.As protests
against Mubarak's nearly 30 years of authoritarian rule intensified, state television reported on the first lady's gardens and call-in shows
featured hysterical women and men entreating people to stop demonstrating. Protesters began carrying banners in Cairo's central Tahrir Square
denouncing state-run media and calling the news organizations "liars."A day after pro-Mubarak forces were unleashed into Tahrir Square last
week, inciting a bloody battle that left thousands wounded, al-Ahram reported on its front page that millions of government supporters had
flooded the streets, grossly exaggerating their numbers. State television called the anti-Mubarak demonstrators "destabilizing" forces and
accused foreign powers of instigating instability."During the first 10 days or so, the Egyptian media was shameful," said Rasha Abdulla,
chairwoman of the journalism and mass communication program at the American University in Cairo. "It was like they were living on another
planet."But in recent days, state media organizations have started to shift their coverage.
At al-Ahram, after journalists signed a petition telling management that they were frustrated with the paper's reporting, chief editor Omar
Saraya changed his tune. Saraya, who is close to the government and is seen as a staunch regime loyalist, wrote a front-page column praising
the "nobility" of the "revolution" and urging the government to carry out constitutional and legislative reforms.
At state-run Nile TV, after two of her colleagues quit, Reem Nour met with her boss and told him that she could not tolerate being censored.
She said last week that she would not cover pro-Mubarak demonstrators unless she was permitted to cover anti-government demonstrators as
well.The 22-year-old reporter told her news director that people were laughing at the station's coverage. He told her to go out and report, she
said. On Monday, for the first time, she told her viewers that protesters were demanding that the regime resign."There has been a shift," Nour
said. "The shift is happening because there is going to be a change in Egypt after this revolution."
Hisham Qasim, an independent newspaper publisher in Egypt, called the change in state media coverage a clear sign that "Mubarak is slowly
losing control.""There's a feeling that [Mubarak] is going down and nobody can help him so it's time to save face," Qasim said.
Pressure from journalists began to increase late last week, after two al-Ahram reporters were killed during demonstrations and the government
rounded up dozens of journalists, including employees of state newspapers.Some joined protesters in Tahrir Square, calling for freedom of
expression. Some are turning on their bosses, calling them apologists for the regime.But a revolt by journalists was probably not the only
reason for the change in coverage, Abdulla said. Senior Egyptian officials must have signed off on editorial changes that have led to more
straightforward reporting in recent days."Nothing in state television happens because journalists want it to happen," she said. "They all wait for
orders to come from above."Shahira Amin resigned Feb. 3 from Nile TV after she watched mobs attack anti-government demonstrators in
Tahrir Square and saw vehicles run over unarmed civilians, all on Arabic satellite channels.The anchorwoman said she had not been allowed to
portray the protests honestly and could not tell her viewers that the demonstrators' top demand was the resignation of Mubarak. Another
reporter resigned from the channel a few days later in protest."We were dictated what to say and we were reading press releases from the
Ministry of Interior," Amin said. "I couldn't be a mouthpiece for someone who slaughters his own people."
Since her resignation, she has spent every day on the streets, demonstrating against the government. She said she has seen the coverage change.
"This could be the start of a liberal media in Egypt," Amin said. "I hope it's not just a cosmetic change."
Title Mubarak Steps Down, Prompting Jubilation in Cairo Streets
Mubarak steps down, prompting jubilation in Cairo streets
CAIRO - The popular uprising in Egypt triumphed Friday as President Hosni Mubarak surrendered to the will of a leaderless revolution and
stepped down after 30 years of autocratic rule over the Arab world's most populous nation.

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Mubarak became the second Arab leader in a month to succumb to his people's powerful thirst for freedom. His resignation sparked joyful
pandemonium in Cairo and across the country, but the next steps for Egypt were unclear as the armed forces took control and gave little hint of
how they intend to govern.For the moment, however, Egyptians were suffused with a sense that they had made world history, on par with
chapters such as the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. In a region long devoid of democracy and stifled
by repression, Egyptians celebrated with fireworks, a cacophony of horns and a sea of red-white-and-black national flags.
"I feel Egyptian, like I am a new person," said Mustafa Sayed, 52, among tens of thousands of protesters who marched to Mubarak's
presidential palace to demand that he leave. "I feel as though my handcuffed wrists and my sealed lips are now free."Mubarak's abrupt
abdication came just 19 hours after the 82-year-old leader had appeared on national television to declare defiantly that, despite the swelling
protests against his rule, he had no plans to quit. He left it to his handpicked vice president, Omar Suleiman, to announce his resignation;
Mubarak and his wife, Suzanne, then left Cairo, apparently bound for internal exile in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh.
ad_icon.While Egypt's new military chiefs pledged to allow "free and honest" elections, it remained unclear how and whether power might be
ceded to civilians, after six decades in which the army has been the country's dominant force.
It was also unclear whether demonstrators' success in winning Mubarak's removal might be followed by a quest for retribution against the
former president, his wealthy family or members of his notoriously brutal security services. A group of Egyptian lawyers said they would
submit a complaint to the country's attorney general seeking the prosecution of the Mubarak family on corruption charges.But for at least one
day, Egyptians were able to celebrate, backed by international statements of support. "Egypt will never be the same," President Obama said at
the White House. " . . . And I know that a democratic Egypt can advance its role of responsible leadership not only in the region, but around
the world."In Tahrir Square, the plaza in central Cairo where the protests began Jan. 25, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians jumped up and
down, pumped their fists, waved their flags, hugged and cried. If the people were nervous about their nation's uncertain future, they submerged
their anxieties for the moment.
"I feel free," shouted Nihal Shafiq, a 30-year-old film director. "This is a great moment and it hit us by surprise. It is a new beginning for Egypt
after 30 years of suffering."The uprising came soon after the ouster of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali from Tunisia. Ben Ali, 74, fled the North
African country Jan. 14, after four weeks of steadily escalating riots protesting his 23 years in power.Angered by Mubarak's refusal to resign
Thursday night, Egyptians responded early Friday with their biggest demonstrations yet. Ignoring fears that Mubarak might order a brutal
crackdown, people of all ages and classes calmly gathered in central squares across the country and in unison demanded a change.
As they did, demonstrators made common cause with thousands of soldiers who had been deployed to maintain order but stood by and allowed
Egyptians to express themselves peacefully.
The soldiers' sympathies became clearer as Mubarak's end drew near. In front of the presidential palace, soldiers draped posters of martyred
protesters over their tanks. Senior officers served juice and tea to the crowds.
Egypt's military chiefs, who had pledged not to hinder the protests as long as they remained nonviolent, said they were taking political control
reluctantly. In a statement, they said they were "studying" what to do next, but assured the people that "there is no alternative to the legitimacy
you demand." They also guaranteed "free and honest" elections, without specifying when they would be held or under what conditions.The
statement was read on television by an unidentified military spokesman in uniform. The spokesman paid homage to the estimated 300
Egyptian civilians who were killed during the 18-day revolution, extending a formal salute. He also said that the Egyptian military "pays our
respects" to Mubarak for his long service to the country but did not salute the former commander in chief, who had earlier agreed not to seek
reelection in September.The armed forces are led by Defense Minister Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, 75, and the military chief of staff, Lt.
Gen. Sami Enan. Neither spoke publicly during the revolution. It is unclear how much power they will reserve for themselves, or if they will
hand control to transitional leaders.Also unclear was the fate of Suleiman, a former general and chief of Egyptian intelligence until he was
appointed as vice president by Mubarak last month in an early concession that failed to stifle the protests.
Nabil Fahmy, Egypt's former ambassador to the United States, said there was no evidence that the military had carried out a coup. "The army
did not take control," he said. "They were handed this power which suggests that this power is not in their ambition and they do not consider
themselves to be an alternative."
Fahmy and other members of Egypt's civilian elite have called for creating a temporary government of national unity, or a small council to
oversee the transition until elections can be held."It is difficult to predict exactly how things will turn out, for after all this is a completely new
situation that we have not experienced before," he said. "There will be a lot of details and negotiations through a complicated process that will
require time and the inclusion of all."Essam el-Erian, a leader of the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood movement, banned under Mubarak,
called for the chief of Egypt's constitutional court to oversee a transition to new elections and civilian rule.Some protest organizers said the
demonstrations in Tahrir Square will continue, albeit on a smaller scale, until the military agrees to formal negotiations. Others expressed
optimism that the army will agree to their terms."Egypt is going to be a democratic state," Wael Ghonim, a Google executive who was
detained for 12 days by Egyptian security forces for encouraging the protests, told CNN. "We are much stronger than all these guys."
The military chiefs pledged to repeal Egypt's repressive state-of-emergency law as soon as calm was restored, but did not offer specifics.
Mubarak imposed the law in 1981 after the assassination of his predecessor, Anwar Sadat, and used it as a tool to restrict political
opponents.Sarah Lee Whitson, Middle East executive director for Human Rights Watch, estimated that 5,000 people are detained in Egypt
under the state-of-emergency law on the basis of political affiliation or political views. Despite the military's pledge, she said there is no
indication that the law will be repealed soon.Special correspondents Sherine Bayoumi and Samuel Sockol contributed to this report.
Title Much Faith in Military, But Many Questions
Much faith in military, but many questions
CAIRO - For nearly six decades, the Egyptian armed forces have propped up every one of the nation's autocratic leaders. But Friday, when the
military announced it was taking over the government, pro-democracy demonstrators cheered.
The jubilation was rooted in a hope that the military intends to do what it says it will do: facilitate a transition to democratic rule.

169

Despite the military's long-standing support for President Hosni Mubarak, it pushed him aside Friday, and a military spokesman assured
demonstrators that the people's wishes would soon be fulfilled.Many Egyptians who clamored for regime change over the past 18 days said
Friday that the military has been among the country's least-corrupt institutions, and they lauded the restraint with which commanders handled
the recent unrest."The military statement is great," Google executive Wael Ghonim, who became the reluctant face of a leaderless movement,
said in a Twitter message. "I trust our Egyptian Army."
Military leaders said they would soon outline details of their transition plan, but many questions remained unanswered Friday. It was not clear
how long the military will remain in charge or what measures it would take to restore order after a bloody and tumultuous popular
uprising.Military chiefs have said fair elections will be held as soon as possible. They have also promised to repeal the emergency law that that
has been used for decades to suppress government critics.Many within Egypt's senior officers corps have completed training programs at the
National Defense University in Washington. The Obama administration and congressional leaders hope that fact may help keep lines of
communication open between the Egyptian and U.S. militaries and give the Egyptian officers a democratic grounding to draw on during the
transition. One senior administration official described NDU as "a revolving door" for the Egyptian military leadership.Despite the prevailing
mood of euphoria Friday in Cairo, some Egyptians expressed concerns.
"These are the generals who have been the backbone of Mubarak's dictatorship for the past 30 years," Hossam el-Hamalawy, a popular activist
and blogger, said Friday night. He said demonstrators must continue protesting until a truly democratic government is elected.
Sylvia Maier, a political science professor at New York University, said it is unlikely that the military will attempt to stay in power. But she
said the military's deep involvement in the Egyptian economy could prove problematic as Mubarak loyalists are weaned from authority. "The
crucial economic reforms to reduce poverty, corruption and high unemployment may get shelved," she said. "Since the protests were in part
fueled by frustration against this unjust economic order, the military needs to find a way to address these concerns pronto."
On Friday, as it became clear the military was taking charge, protesters pouring into downtown Cairo's Tahrir Square expressed confidence in
an institution that has been revered even when the civilian government was despised.Hassan Abu Baqr, 33, a university professor, wept as he
approached a soldier guarding one of the entrances to Tahrir Square just after the news of Mubarak's departure was announced. "The soldiers
are our brothers," he said.The Egyptian Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which gathers only under extraordinary circumstances, held a
meeting Thursday, after which its leaders suggested Mubarak would step down. It was the third such meeting in the body's history.
The president, 82, appeared to resist the military chiefs' efforts to force him out. In a defiant speech broadcast late Thursday, he agreed to cede
some powers to his handpicked vice president, Omar Suleiman, but made it clear he did not intend to leave office.His intransigence enraged
protesters, putting the military in a difficult predicament, stuck between the demands of the demonstrators and a president determined to cling
to power."Where is the Egyptian military?" some protesters chanted angrily Thursday night, reacting to the president's speech.On Friday, the
military answered by shoving Mubarak aside.
Abdallah al-Ashaal, a former deputy foreign minister, said Mubarak had limited military leaders' authority in recent years in an effort to keep
potential rivals at bay. "Now the army feels exactly the same way we feel now," Ashaal said. "They feel the sense of emancipation."
Mubarak and his two immediate predecessors - Anwar Sadat and Gamal Abdel Nasser - are all former military officers.Mubarak's ties to the
military run deep. An air force pilot, he rose to become commander of the air force and assumed the presidency when Sadat was assassinated
in 1981 during an annual military parade.Mubarak is the first long-serving Egyptian president to leave office alive. On Thursday night, a
protester at Tahrir Square scrawled a joke on a placard, imagining a reunion among Mubarak, Nasser and Sadat in heaven.When the two
deceased rulers met Mubarak, the joke went, they asked him: "Was it poison, or did it happen on a stage?"Neither, Mubarak responded.
"Facebook."
Title CBC News’s Lara Logan Attacked in Cairo
CBS News's Lara Logan attacked in Cairo
Lara Logan, CBS News's chief foreign correspondent, is back in the United States after being beaten and sexually assaulted by a mob in Tahrir
Square last week while covering the celebrations surrounding the fall of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in Cairo, CBS News said Tuesday.
"On Friday, February 11, the day Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak stepped down . . . Logan was covering the jubilation in Tahrir Square for
a '60 Minutes' story when she and her team and their security were surrounded by a dangerous element amid the celebration. It was a mob of
more than 200 people whipped into a frenzy," the network said in its statement.The network said that Logan is in an American hospital
recovering from her injuries, the extent of which has not been disclosed. CBS News also did not disclose the name of the hospital. But a source
who has knowledge of the situation said Logan has returned to her home."I doubt if we'll ever find out" who her attackers were, said the
source, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the situation.Some at CBS likened the assault to the "wilding"
that occurred in New York's Central Park in 2000, when at least seven women were attacked and some were sexually abused by a wild,
cheering mob after a parade.When Logan returned Saturday to the United States, she was described as being in shock and not speaking, the
source added."In the crush of the mob, she was separated from her crew. She was surrounded and suffered a brutal and sustained sexual assault
and beating before being saved by a group of women and an estimated 20 Egyptian soldiers," CBS News said in its unusually detailed
statement that was e-mailed to the media on Tuesday afternoon.After the attack, Logan rejoined her CBS News team, returned to her hotel and
then returned to the United States, the network said.CBS News said it had no further comment.Logan has reported from numerous foreign
locales as a reporter, including Iraq and Afghanistan. The South African native has regularly risked her life while following U.S. troops into
combat.Logan, 39, joined CBS in 2002. Her husband is Joe Burkett, a defense contractor; they met in Baghdad while she was covering the
war. Logan and Burkett own a home in Washington.International reporters came under attack during the protests in Egypt by assailants
apparently aligned with the Mubarak regime, but the assaults appeared to diminish with Mubarak's departure from power Friday.
Among the dozens of correspondents who were harassed or physically assaulted: CNN anchor Anderson Cooper, who was punched repeatedly
before retreating to the safety of his hotel; ABC correspondent Christiane Amanpour, whose car was surrounded by men and who was sprayed
with glass when a rock was thrown through the windshield; and CBS News's Katie Couric, who was confronted by protesters and left the
country.

170

And Egyptian news journalist Ahmed Mohammed Mahmoud was shot to death Jan. 28 while photographing a clash between protesters and
security forces.On Feb. 3, news sources reported that Logan and her crew had been detained by Egyptian police outside Cairo's Israeli
Embassy and that she had been taken to the airport the next morning and expelled from the country.Her detention came shortly after Logan
reported on the stepped-up efforts by Mubarak's regime to crack down on foreign journalists covering the protests.
CBS declined to discuss Logan's detention and expulsion at that time, telling the media that for security reasons, it would not comment on
personnel activity or location.On Feb. 11, the same day Logan was sexually assaulted and beaten, according to CBS, she told an Esquire
magazine blog, the Politics, that she had returned to Cairo that day, just as Mubarak was leaving.
"Lara Logan, you see, is not afraid," Esquire reported on Feb. 11."There's no doubt in my mind that the situation we were caught in before, we
are now arriving into again," she told the blog that day.As she rang off, the blogger asked her one last question: "Is CBS insured for this
[expletive]? Are you insane?""You know, I don't worry about things like that," she responded with characteristic bravado.

Appendix IV
Al-Masry Al-Youm’s Samples:
Title Early Rehearsal for “Day of Rage”
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Jan 25, 2011 Section: Front
page
‫ﺑﺮوﻓﺔ‬‫ﻣﺒﻜﺮة‬‫ﻟـ‬"‫ﺟﻤﻌﺔ‬‫اﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬"
‫ﺷﻬﺪت‬،‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬‫ﻏﻀﺐ‬ً‫ا‬‫ﻣﺒﻜﺮ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬‫واﻟﻤﺰارﻋﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﻄﻼب‬‫وﺳﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬،‫اﻟﺘﺎآﺴﻲ‬‫ﻧﻈﻤﻮا‬‫ﺧﻼﻟﻪ‬١٢،‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫آﺎن‬‫أهﻤﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫واﻟﺠﻴﺰة‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﺘﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬‫واﻟﻤﻜﺎﻓﺂت‬‫ورﻓﻊ‬،‫اﻷﺟﻮر‬‫وﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫أﺧﺮى‬.‫ﻓﺄﻣﺎم‬‫وزارة‬‫اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ‬‫ﺗﻈﺎهﺮ‬٣٠٠‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻗﺘﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﺮآﺰ‬‫ﺑﺤﻮث‬،‫اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬،‫ﺑﺘﺜﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ‬‫هﺎﺗﻔﻴﻦ‬:»‫ﻳﺎ‬‫اﻟﺘﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﺑﻼش‬‫ﻃﻠﺐ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬‫ﻣﺎﻳﻨﻔﻌﻨﺎش‬«،‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬‫إن‬
‫ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‬‫ﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬١٨ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣ‬‫ﺑﻌﻘﻮد‬‫ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‬‫وﻳﺘﻘﺎﺿﻮن‬‫ًا‬‫ﺮ‬‫أﺟ‬‫ًﺎ‬‫ﺘ‬‫ﺛﺎﺑ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎ‬‫ﻳﺒﻠﻎ‬٢١٤ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻬ‬.‫ودﺧﻞ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬٨٠٠‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﺮاآﺰ‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﻮث‬‫اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺸﻤﺎل‬‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎء‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫اﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫وإﺿﺮاﺑ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﻄﻌﺎم‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫وزارة‬،‫اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﻘﻮد‬‫ﻣﻤﻴﺰة‬.‫وﻓﻰ‬،‫ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺪ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻪ‬‫ﻟﺪﻳﻮان‬‫ﻋﺎم‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬٤‫وﻗﻔﺎت‬‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬.‫وﺗﺠﻤﻬﺮ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺰة‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أهﺎﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
،‫اﻟﻮراق‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫اﻋﺘﺮاﺿ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻗﺮار‬‫ﻧﺰع‬‫ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬‫أراﺿﻴﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز‬٦٠٠‫ﻓﺪان‬‫ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬‫ﻣﺸﺮوع‬‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺷﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺰة‬.‫وﺗﻈﺎهﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺸﺮات‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺻﺤﺎب‬‫اﻟﺘﺎآﺴﻰ‬‫اﻷﺑﻴﺾ‬‫ﻣﺠﺪدا‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬،‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺻﺒﺎح‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬»‫ﻋﺪم‬‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬‫وزﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫وﻋﻮدﻩ‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻀﻤﻬﻢ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﻤﺰاﻳﺎ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫اﻷوﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺸﺮوع‬‫اﻹﺣﻼل‬«.‫وﻧﻈﻢ‬‫اﻟﻌﺸﺮات‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮاﺋﺐ‬‫اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫وﻗﻔﺔ‬،‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻀﺮاﺋﺐ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎء‬‫ﺻﻨﺪوق‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ‬‫وزﻳﺎدة‬‫دﻋﻢ‬‫ﺻﻨﺪوق‬
‫اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑـ‬٥٠‫ﺷﻬﺮا‬‫ﻟﻴﺼﻞ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬١٦٠،ً‫ا‬‫ﺷﻬﺮ‬‫وﺻﺮف‬‫اﻟﻤﻜﺎﻓﺂت‬،‫اﻟﻤﺘﺄﺧﺮة‬‫وﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ‬‫أوﺿﺎع‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬‫ﺣﺴﺐ‬‫ﻣﺆهﻼﺗﻬﻢ‬.
‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎق‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‬،‫اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮ‬‫أواﺋﻞ‬‫ﺧﺮﻳﺠﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬‫اﻷزهﺮ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮاﺗﻬﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﻴﻮم‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻰ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺘﻮاﻟﻰ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻌﻴﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻌﻴﺪﻳﻦ‬
Title Conspiracy by “Security” to Support the Scenario of Chaos
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Jan 30, 2011 Section: Front
page
‫ﻣﺆاﻣﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬"‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬"‫ﻟﺪﻋﻢ‬‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ‬
‫ﻗﺮر‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻠﻮاء‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬،‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻧﺎﺋﺒ‬‫ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬،‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫وأدى‬‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎن‬‫اﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬‫ﺑﻤﻘﺮ‬
‫رﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫آﻠﻒ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫اﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﺷﻔﻴﻖ‬‫ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬.‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻬﺔ‬،‫أﺧﺮى‬‫ﻋﻠﻤﺖ‬»‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬«‫أن‬
ً‫ﻻ‬‫ﻣﺴﺆو‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫أﻣﻨﻴ‬‫رﻓﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى‬‫أﺻﺪر‬‫أواﻣﺮﻩ‬‫ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت‬‫وزارة‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺈﺧﻼء‬،‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻌﻬﻢ‬‫واﻻﻧﺴﺤﺎب‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫واﻟﻤﻘﺎر‬
‫وﻧﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ‬،‫واﻟﻤﺮور‬‫وﺗﺮك‬‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬،‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫آﺸﻒ‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫ﺷﻬﻮد‬‫ﻋﻴﺎن‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎم‬‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫أﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺈﺣﺮاق‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫أﻗﺴﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬.‫وﻗﺎل‬‫ﻣﺼﺪر‬‫أﻣﻨﻰ‬‫إن‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫ﺟﻬﺔ‬‫أﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﻟﻮزارة‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﺮﺿﺖ‬‫آﻠﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺧﻄﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻮزارة‬‫وﻗﺮرت‬‫اﻻﻧﺴﺤﺎب‬
‫ودﻋﻢ‬‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ‬،‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ‬‫وإﻃﻼق‬‫ﺳﺮاح‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺟﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬‫واﻟﻤﺴﺠﻠﻴﻦ‬،‫ﺧﻄﺮ‬‫واﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أﻋﻤﺎل‬‫اﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬‫واﻟﻨﻬﺐ‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫ﻏﺾ‬
‫اﻟﻄﺮف‬‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬.‫وأﺿﺎف‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺪر‬‫أن‬‫هﻨﺎك‬‫روﺣﺎ‬‫اﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﻴﺎدات‬‫اﻻﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫اﻻﺣﺪاث‬‫اﻟﺪاﻣﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺖ‬‫ﺑﺎﻧﺴﺤﺎب‬
‫ﻗﻮات‬‫اﻻﻣﻦ‬‫اﻣﺲ‬.‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮة‬‫أن‬»‫اﻧﺴﺤﺎب‬‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮور‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‬‫ﺟﺰء‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ‬‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ‬‫اﻟﺬي‬‫ﻳﺘﺒﻨﺎﻩ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎدات‬
‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬».
Title Human Scenes in the Heart of Tahrir Protests

171

Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 1, 2011 Section: Page
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‫ﻣﺸﺎهﺪ‬‫إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻗﻠﺐ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫أﻋﻤﺎر‬‫ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ‬..‫وﺟﻮﻩ‬‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬..‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻦ‬‫وﻗﻔﻮا‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻗﻠﺐ‬،‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮون‬‫ﺳﻮى‬»‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬‫أﻓﻀﻞ‬«‫ﺳﺒﻖ‬‫ووﻋﺪهﻢ‬‫ﺑﻪ‬
»‫اﻟﺤﺰب‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬«‫ﻟﺴﻨﻮات‬‫ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬.»‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬«‫اﻟﺘﻘﺖ‬»‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬«‫ورﺟﺎل‬‫ﻣﻤﻦ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻳﻄﻠﻖ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬»‫ﺟﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬«‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮف‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أﺳﺒﺎب‬‫ﻗﺪوﻣﻬﻢ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺗﺪﻓﻘﻮا‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬‫ﺑﺎﻵﻻف‬.

٢٥ ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣ‬‫ﻗﻀﺎهﺎ‬‫روﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬،‫رﻓﻌﺖ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﻌﺮف‬‫ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬»‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬«،ً‫ﺎ‬‫رﺋﻴﺴ‬‫رﺑﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﺮاﻩ‬‫اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‬‫أﻓﻀﻞ‬ً‫ﻻ‬‫ﺣﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫آﺜﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬،‫ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‬‫ﻓﻘﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺠﺢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﺼﺎرﻳﻒ‬،‫زواﺟﻪ‬‫ﻟﻜﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺎب‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﺻﻞ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫دﺑﻠﻮم‬،‫زراﻋﺔ‬‫ﻳﺮى‬‫أﻧﻪ‬»‫ﺗﻌﻴﺲ‬«‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬‫راﺗﺒﻪ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﺘﻌﺪى‬٧٠٠
،‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻇﻞ‬‫ﺳﺪادﻩ‬٣٠٠‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬»‫أول‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮ‬«‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬‫إﻳﺠﺎر‬،‫اﻟﺸﻘﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻳﺴﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﺴﻼم‬.

‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﻤﺎﻧﻊ‬‫زوﺟﺔ‬»‫روﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬«،‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬‫ﺑﺄﺣﺪ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺼﺎﻧﻊ‬‫ﻗﺮارﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﻓﻘﺪ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻗﺮارﻩ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ‬:‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻟﻴﻮم‬
،‫واﺣﺪ‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬»‫دﻟﻮﻗﺘﻰ‬‫ﻣﺶ‬‫هﺎرﺟﻊ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﻟﻤﺎ‬‫أﺧﺪ‬‫ﺣﻖ‬‫آﻞ‬‫واﺣﺪ‬‫ﻣﺎت‬‫ﻗﺪام‬‫ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‬».

‫روﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬‫ﺷﺎهﺪ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬،ً‫ا‬‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮ‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬‫ﻳﺮى‬‫أن‬»‫آﻞ‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﻗﺎﻟﻪ‬‫ﻏﻠﻂ‬«‫وأوﺿﺢ‬:»‫إﺣﻨﺎ‬‫ﻣﺶ‬‫ﺑﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‬«..‫ﻗﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬‫روﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬
ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒ‬‫ﺑﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮﻩ‬‫أﺛﻨﺎء‬‫ﺣﺮاﺳﺘﻪ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎل‬‫اﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻت‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻢ‬‫ﻧﻬﺒﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺷﺎرع‬‫ﻗﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﻌﻴﻨﻰ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻠﺼﻮص‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ‬‫ﻟﻴﻠﺔ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬،‫إﺑﺮاهﻴﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﻘﻴﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫دار‬،‫اﻟﺴﻼم‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫واﻗﻔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻳﻬﺘﻒ‬‫ﺑﺠﻮار‬
‫ﻣﺪرﻋﺎت‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬»‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ‬‫إﺳﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬«،‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫أﺗﻢ‬٢٨،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣ‬‫وﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺰواج‬،‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أرﺟﻊ‬‫اﻟﺴﺒﺐ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺪم‬‫ﻗﺪرﺗﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺘﻜﻔﻞ‬‫ﺑﻤﺼﺎرﻳﻒ‬٨‫إﺧﻮة‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫وﻓﺎة‬‫واﻟﺪﻩ‬.

‫اﻟﺸﺎب‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬»ً‫ا‬‫ﺣﺪاد‬«‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬٢٥ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻬ‬،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫إﻧﻪ‬‫ﻳﺪﻓﻊ‬‫ﺑﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫أﺷﻘﺎﺋﻪ‬٦٠٠‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳ‬‫إﻳﺠﺎر‬،‫ﺷﻘﺔ‬‫ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ‬‫ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬‫وﺟﻮد‬‫وﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬‫ﺗﻨﻘﻞ‬،‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ‬‫وهﻮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺟﻌﻠﻪ‬‫ﻳﺸﺘﺮى‬»‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺳﻴﻜﻞ‬‫ﺻﻴﻨﻰ‬«‫ﺛﻤﻨﻪ‬٥‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻂ‬»٢٠٠‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮ‬«،
‫آﻤﺎ‬،‫ﻗﺎل‬‫ﺧﻄﻮة‬‫ا‬‫ﻟﺸﺎب‬‫ﺟﺎءت‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺮﻏﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺛﻘﺘﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ‬‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻊ‬‫دراﺟﺘﻪ‬‫اﻟﺒﺨﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز‬‫أﻟﻒ‬،‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬‫أوﺿﺢ‬»‫ﻟﻤﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﺧﺮﺑﻮا‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫ﻳﻤﺸﻮا‬‫هﻴﺒﻘﻰ‬‫ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ‬‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻨﺎ‬‫زى‬‫اﻟﺼﻴﻦ‬‫وأﺣﺴﻦ‬».

‫ﺟﻤﺎل‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬،‫ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ‬‫أرﺑﻌﻴﻨﻰ‬‫وﻗﻒ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫ﺁﻻف‬،‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫إﻧﻪ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺸﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﻷﻧﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﺪ‬
‫وﺻﻔﻪ‬»‫ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻰ‬‫ﻟﺠﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬«،‫وأن‬‫إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ‬‫ﺑﺤﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻴﺮة‬‫اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ذروة‬‫اﻷﺣﺪاث‬‫ورﻏﺒﺘﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺸﺎهﺪة‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﺠﺮى‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫آﺎﻧﺎ‬‫اﻟﺪاﻓﻊ‬‫اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬‫ﻟﻨﺰوﻟﻪ‬‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‬.

«‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬«‫اﻟﻤﻮﻇﻒ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫وزارة‬»‫اﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬‫واﻟﻤﻌﺎﺷﺎت‬«،‫ﻳﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﻘﺮب‬‫ﻣﻦ‬٣‫ﺁﻻف‬،‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬‫وﻳﻌﺎﻧﻰ‬‫هﻮ‬‫اﻵﺧﺮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺳﻤﺎﻩ‬»‫آﺬب‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬«،‫وﻗﺎل‬»‫أﻧﺎ‬‫ﻋﻨﺪى‬‫إﻋﺎﻗﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫رﺟﻠﻰ‬‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬‫هﻴﺪوﻧﺎ‬‫ﺷﻘﻖ‬‫وﻣﺎﺷﻮﻓﻨﺎش‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬«.‫وأﺿﺎف‬:»‫أﻧﺎ‬‫وﺣﻴﺪ‬‫وﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬‫آﺪﻩ‬‫ورﺛﺖ‬
‫اﻟﺸﻘﺔ‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫اﺗﺠﻮزت‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫واﻟﺪى‬،‫وواﻟﺪﺗﻰ‬‫ودﻩ‬‫اﻟﺴﺒﺐ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫إﻧﻰ‬‫ﻗﺪرت‬‫أﺗﺠﻮز‬».

‫اﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺗﺘﻜﻮن‬‫أﺳﺮﺗﻪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫زوﺟﺔ‬‫وﻃﻔﻠﻴﻦ‬»‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬‫وﺳﻠﻤﻰ‬«،‫ﻳﺮى‬‫أن‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺗﺄﺧﺮ‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬»‫ﻟﺤﺪ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫وﻟﻌﺖ‬«‫وﺗﻤﻨﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﺎل‬»‫ﻳﺎرﻳﺖ‬‫ﻳﻜﻮن‬‫ﺻﺎدق‬‫اﻟﻤﺮة‬‫دى‬‫وﻳﺤﻞ‬‫اﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎن‬‫وﻳﻌﺪل‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬«.‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬،‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫وﻗﺎل‬»‫هﻮ‬‫هﻴﻘﻮل‬‫إﻳﻪ‬‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ؟‬‫ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬٣٠‫ﺳﻨﺔ‬‫ﺑﻴﻘﻮل‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬‫أﻓﻀﻞ‬»،

‫هﻜﺬا‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫اﻟﺸﺎب‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻳﺪرس‬‫ﺑﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة‬‫رﻏﻢ‬‫ﺑﻠﻮﻏﻪ‬٢٥،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣ‬‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻊ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬،‫واﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﺪ‬،‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻩ‬‫ورﻏﻢ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ‬‫ﺷﺮآﺔ‬‫ﺻﻐﻴﺮة‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮرﻳﺪات‬،‫اﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬»‫ﻣﺶ‬‫ﻻﻗﻰ‬‫أآﻞ‬‫زى‬‫آﻞ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬«،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌ‬‫ﺳﺒﺐ‬‫رﻏﺒﺘﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬»‫إﺳﻘﺎط‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬«‫إﻟﻰ‬‫دﻓﻌﻪ‬‫ﺿﺮاﺋﺐ‬‫ﺗﻔﻮق‬‫رﺑﺢ‬،‫ﺷﺮآﺘﻪ‬‫ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬»‫اﻟﺮﺷﺎوى‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﺑﺪﻓﻌﻬﺎ‬‫ﻏﺼﺐ‬‫ﻋﻨﻰ‬‫ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺼﺎت‬‫ﺗﺮﺳﻰ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺸﺮآﺔ‬«،‫واﺧﺘﺘﻢ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫آﻼﻣﻪ‬‫ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬»‫ﻣﺶ‬‫هﺮوح‬‫ﺑﻴﺘﻰ‬‫هﻔﻀﻞ‬‫ﻣﻜﻤﻞ‬«،‫ﻗﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ً‫ا‬‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺁﺛﺎر‬‫دﻣﺎء‬‫ﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﺒﻴﻨﻪ‬‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬
‫رﺻﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻃﻴﺔ‬.

‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﺗﺠﺎﻩ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬،‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫هﻮ‬‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻋﺒﺮت‬‫ﻋﻨﻪ‬‫ﻓﺘﺎﺗﺎن‬‫اﻧﻀﻤﺘﺎ‬‫ﻹﺣﺪى‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫وﻗﺎﻟﺖ‬‫إﺣﺪاهﻤﺎ‬»‫ﻋﺎﻳﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬‫هﻮ‬‫ﻳﻤﺸﻰ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬«،‫ﻣﺒﺮرة‬‫ذﻟﻚ‬‫ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬‫ﻣﺎت‬‫ﻋﻨﺪﻩ‬٢١‫ﺳﻨﺔ‬‫وﻣﺶ‬‫هﻨﻘﻮل‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫دﻩ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﺣﺴﺒﻨﺎ‬‫اﷲ‬‫وﻧﻌﻢ‬‫اﻟﻮآﻴﻞ‬«،‫أﻣﺎ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻬﻦ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬،‫اﻵن‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﺪ‬‫ﻗﻮﻟﻬﻤﺎ‬:»‫أى‬‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﺗﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫هﺘﻴﺠﻰ‬‫هﺘﻜﻮن‬‫أﺳﻮأ‬..‫ﻣﺎدام‬‫ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻮا‬٣٠‫ﺳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻣﺶ‬‫ﻋﺎرف‬‫ﻳﺤﻜﻢ‬‫ﻳﻴﺠﻰ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬«،‫وﻗﺎﻟﺖ‬‫إﺣﺪاهﻤﺎ‬:‫إن‬ً‫ا‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬٤‫أﻳﺎم‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺘﻌﺮض‬‫ﻟﻬﻦ‬»‫آﻠﻬﻢ‬‫دﻟﻮﻗﺘﻰ‬‫إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ‬‫وﺑﻴﺤﺎﻓﻈﻮا‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‬..‫ﻣﺎﺣﺪش‬‫ﺿﺮب‬‫اﻟﺒﻨﺎت‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫اﻷﻣﻦ‬».

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫إﺣﺪى‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫ﻋﻄﺎ‬‫ﻋﺒﺪاﷲ‬،‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞ‬‫إﻧﻪ‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﻨﺰل‬‫إﻻ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺑﺤﺜ‬‫ﻋﻤﺎ‬‫ﺳﻤﺎﻩ‬»‫ﻋﺪل‬
‫رﺑﻨﺎ‬«‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻳﺮى‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﺳﻴﺤﻞ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﺑﻤﺠﺮد‬‫رﺣﻴﻞ‬‫هﺬا‬،‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬‫اﻟﺸﺎب‬‫اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬٣٧‫ﺳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬»‫اﺳﺘﻮرﺟﻰ‬«‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺘﻰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫دهﺎن‬‫اﻟﺨﺸﺐ‬‫ﺑﺘﻮﺻﻞ‬٤٠،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻬ‬‫ﺑﺲ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬‫ﺷﻐﻞ‬‫وﻋﺸﺮة‬‫ﻷ‬..

‫ﻋﻄﺎ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺟﺎء‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻗﺎدﻣ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻴﺎ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬٢٠،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬:‫إن‬‫أهﻢ‬‫أﺳﺒﺎب‬‫ﺗﻈﺎهﺮﻩ‬»‫ﻣﺶ‬‫ﻋﺎﻳﺰ‬‫أﺑﻘﻰ‬‫ﻣﺎﺷﻰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﺎرع‬‫ﻳﻘﺎﺑﻠﻨﻰ‬
‫ﺿﺎﺑﻂ‬‫ﻳﻠﺒﺴﻨﻰ‬‫ﺗﻬﻤﺔ‬‫وﻳﺎﺧﺪﻧﻰ‬‫ﺗﺤﺮى‬‫وأﻓﻀﻞ‬‫أﻟﻒ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻷﻗﺴﺎم‬«،‫اﻟﺸﺎب‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺘﺰوج‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﻳﻘﻴﻢ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬»‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬«‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻴﺎ‬
‫وﺑﻨﻰ‬‫ﺳﻮﻳﻒ‬‫وﻧﺼﻴﺒﻪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫إﻳﺠﺎر‬‫اﻟﺸﻘﺔ‬١٠٠‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳ‬.

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‫أﻣﺎ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬،‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬‫ﻓﺄآﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻗﺮار‬‫ﺣﻈﺮ‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﻮل‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﻌﻨﻴﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫اﻹﻃﻼق‬‫وأوﺿﺢ‬»‫ﻣﺎﻳﻨﻔﻌﺶ‬‫ﻧﺮﺟﻊ‬‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻨﺎ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫آﻞ‬‫دﻩ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺤﻘﻖ‬‫أى‬،‫ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬‫إﺣﻨﺎ‬‫هﻨﺎ‬‫ﻟﺤﺪ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫آﻞ‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﺧﺮﺑﻮا‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫ﻳﻤﺸﻮا‬».

«‫اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬«‫اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻗﺪ‬‫ﻳﺪﻓﻊ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﻮدة‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﺪ‬،‫ﻗﻮﻟﻪ‬‫هﻮ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎآﻤﺔ‬‫آﻞ‬،‫اﻟﻔﺎﺳﺪﻳﻦ‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬‫اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻏﺮﻗﺖ‬‫واﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﺑﻠﻨﺎ‬‫ﻣﺒﻴﺪات‬‫ﻣﺴﺮﻃﻨﺔ‬‫واﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﺿﺮﺑﻮا‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‬‫ﻧﺎر‬.

‫ووﻗﻒ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻗﺪم‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﻔﻴﻮم‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺻﺎرﺧ‬‫ﺑﺄﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺻﻮﺗﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬»‫ﻟﻮ‬‫ﻣﺎﻗﺪرﺗﺶ‬‫أﻣﺸﻰ‬‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬..
‫هﺎﺣﺮق‬‫ﻧﻔﺴﻰ‬‫وﻋﻴﺎﻟﻰ‬‫ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬‫ﻣﺶ‬‫ﻻﻗﻰ‬‫أﺟﻴﺐ‬‫أآﻠﻬﻢ‬».

‫اﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫أﺗﻢ‬٣٠،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﺑـ‬»‫اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬«‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺷﺎرع‬،‫اﻟﻌﺘﺒﺔ‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬‫أﻗﺴﻢ‬»‫واﷲ‬‫ﺑﺘﻮع‬‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‬‫ﻃﺮدوﻧﻰ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬‫ﻟﻰ‬
‫روح‬‫إن‬‫ﺷﺎء‬‫اﷲ‬‫ﺗﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺨﺪرات‬«،‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﺪ‬‫ﻗﻮﻟﻪ‬.
Title Crisis Follow-Ups: “Transportation” (Sectors) Daily Losses LE15 Million,
Remittances Ceased... Stock Market, Banks Remain Closed for the Fifth Day

‫ﺗﻮاﺑﻊ‬‫اﻷزﻣﺔ‬:15‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮن‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬"‫اﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬"‫وﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻳﻼت‬..‫واﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ‬‫واﻟﺒﻨﻮك‬‫ﻣﻐﻠﻘﺔ‬‫ﻟﻴﻮم‬‫اﻟﺨﻤﻴﺲ‬
‫واﺻﻠﺖ‬‫اﻟﺒﻮرﺻﺔ‬‫واﻟﺒﻨﻮك‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫إﻏﻼﻗﻬﺎ‬‫ﻟﻠﻴﻮم‬‫اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺘﻮاﻟﻰ‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎت‬‫ﺻﺒﺎح‬‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺎء‬‫ﺑﻌﻮدﺗﻬﺎ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ‬‫اﻷﺣﺪ‬
،‫اﻟﻤﻘﺒﻞ‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬،‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬،‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺳﺎهﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﻬﺪﺋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺨﺎوف‬.

،‫وارﺗﻔﻌﺖ‬،‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺎء‬‫أﺳﻌﺎر‬‫ﺷﻬﺎدات‬‫اﻹﻳﺪاع‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﺮآﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺑﻮرﺻﺔ‬،‫ﻟﻨﺪن‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬»‫أوراﺳﻜﻮم‬‫ﺗﻠﻴﻜﻮم‬«‫و‬»‫أوراﺳﻜﻮم‬
‫ﻟﻺﻧﺸﺎء‬«،‫و‬»‫اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫هﻴﺮﻣﺲ‬«‫و‬»‫اﻟﺒﻨﻚ‬‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرى‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻰ‬«،‫واﻧﻌﻜﺴﺖ‬‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮات‬‫اﻟﺨﻄﺎب‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻷﺳﻮاق‬‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬.

‫وﺣﺬر‬‫ﺧﺒﺮاء‬‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻴﻮن‬‫واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﻮن‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أن‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬‫اﻟﺒﻨﻮك‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﺳﻴﺤﺮم‬‫ﺁﻻف‬‫اﻷﺳﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺗﺴﻠﻢ‬‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻼت‬‫أﻗﺎرﺑﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺨﺎرج‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫إﻃﺎر‬‫اﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮات‬،‫اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻗﺎﻟﺖ‬‫ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ‬‫إن‬‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت‬‫اﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬‫ﺗﺒﻠﻎ‬15‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮن‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴ‬‫ﺟﺮاء‬‫اﻷﺣﺪاث‬‫اﻟﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬.
‫وﻗﺎل‬‫اﻟﻤﻬﻨﺪس‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬،‫ﺷﻴﻤﻰ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬»‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻟﻤﺘﺮو‬‫اﻷﻧﻔﺎق‬«،‫إن‬‫اﻟﺨﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺮو‬‫ﺗﺒﻠﻎ‬‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮن‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬.‫أﻣﺎ‬‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻟﺴﻜﻚ‬
‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ‬‫ﻓﺘﺒﻠﻎ‬4‫ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴ‬‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﺒﻠﻎ‬‫ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻧﺊ‬10‫ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻪ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴ‬.

‫وﺗﻮاﺻﻠﺖ‬‫اﻷﺿﺮار‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد‬،‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻰ‬‫إذ‬‫أﻋﻠﻨﺖ‬‫ﺷﺮآﺘﺎ‬»‫إﻳﻪ‬.‫ﺑﻰ‬.‫ﺳﻰ‬«‫و‬»‫ﻧﺴﺘﻠﻪ‬«‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺴﺮﻳﺘﺎن‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻳﺒﻠﻎ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
3‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬‫ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﻤﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬‫اﻟﻈﺮوف‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬.

‫آﺎﻧﺖ‬‫ﺷﺮآﺔ‬»‫ﻻﻓﺎرج‬«‫ﻟﻸﺳﻤﻨﺖ‬‫أوﻗﻔﺖ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻬﺎ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻘﺖ‬‫ﺷﺮآﺔ‬»‫ﺑﻰ‬.‫ﺟﻰ‬«‫اﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻐﺎز‬‫أﻋﻤﺎل‬،‫اﻟﺤﻔﺮ‬‫وﻋﻠﻘﺖ‬
‫ﺷﺮآﺔ‬»‫إﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻟﻮآﺲ‬«‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪﻳﺔ‬‫ﺻﻔﻘﺔ‬‫ﺷﺮاء‬»‫أوﻟﻴﻤﺒﻚ‬‫ﺟﺮوب‬«‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬.
Title Marches Support the President in Governorates... Thousands Chant: “‘Oh Mubarak
the Pilot, Don't Leave It (Egypt) Burning’"

‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬..‫واﻵﻻف‬‫ﻳﻬﺘﻔﻮن‬:»‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻃﻴﺎر‬‫إوﻋﻰ‬‫ﺗﺴﻴﺒﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﻮﻟﻊ‬‫ﻧﺎر‬»
‫ﺧﺮج‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬،‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬‫وﺻﺒﺎح‬،‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺎء‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ‬‫وﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻋﺪد‬‫آﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮارع‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺗﻤﺴﻜﻬﻢ‬،‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻟﺤﻴﻦ‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫وﻻﻳﺘﻪ‬،‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ورددوا‬‫اﻟﻬﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪة‬
‫ﻟﻪ‬‫ورﻓﻌﻮا‬‫ﺻﻮر‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫وﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﺗﺪﻋﻮ‬‫ﻟﻼﻟﺘﻔﺎف‬‫ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‬‫ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﻪ‬،‫اﻹﺻﻼﺣﻰ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫أﻋﻠﻦ‬‫ﻋﻨﻪ‬‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﺑﻨﻰ‬،‫ﺳﻮﻳﻒ‬‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬5‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬،‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺧﺮﺟﺖ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ‬‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن‬‫وﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬‫وﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬‫ﺑﻨﻰ‬‫ﺳﻮﻳﻒ‬،‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬‫واﺷﺘﺮك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺰب‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬
‫وﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺳﺎﺗﺬة‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬‫ﺑﻨﻰ‬‫ﺳﻮﻳﻒ‬‫وﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫ورﻓﻌﻮا‬‫ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ‬،‫اﻷﻋﻼم‬‫وﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬،‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫وﻧﺸﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎدة‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫زآﻰ‬‫رأﻓﺖ‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺮآﺰ‬‫وﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﺑﻨﻰ‬‫ﺳﻮﻳﻒ‬‫وﺑﺎﺳﻞ‬‫ﻋﺮﻳﺐ‬‫أﻣﻴﻦ‬‫ﺷﺆون‬‫اﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺰب‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬
‫أﺛﻨﺎء‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﺧﺮﺟﺖ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﺑﻦ‬‫ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬‫ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬:»‫اﻟﺤﺰب‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬‫ﻃﻠﻊ‬‫اﻟﻨﺎس‬‫ﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬،‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻓﺮد‬‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬‫إﺣﻨﺎ‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﻃﻠﻌﻨﺎهﺎ‬‫هﻮ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺣﺰب‬‫اﻧﺘﻮا‬‫ﺧﺮﺑﺘﻮا‬،‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬‫وﺗﺪﺧﻞ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﻔﺾ‬‫اﻟﻤﺸﺎﺟﺮة‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬.

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‫وﻓﻰ‬‫أﺳﻴﻮط‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺮاآﺰ‬‫وﻗﺮى‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫وﻗﻴﺎدات‬‫وأﻋﻀﺎء‬‫اﻟﺤﺰب‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬‫وﻧﻮاب‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮرى‬‫ﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫وﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻘﺎء‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬‫وﺣﻤﻠﻮا‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫اﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫وﺟﺎﺑﻮا‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫وﻣﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻣﺮددﻳﻦ‬‫اﻷﻏﺎﻧﻰ‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫واﻟﻬﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬7‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻋﻤﺎل‬‫ﻏﺰل‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻠﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬،‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫وﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮا‬‫ﺑﺒﻘﺎﺋﻪ‬‫ﻟﺤﻴﻦ‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫ﻓﺘﺮة‬‫وﻻﻳﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻺﺷﺮاف‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺧﻄﻮات‬،‫اﻹﺻﻼح‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ‬‫اﻷﺧﻴﺮ‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﻳﺔ‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫اﻟﻌﺸﺮات‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪة‬،‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺮددﻳﻦ‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫ﻣﻨﺪدة‬‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‬،‫اﻟﻐﺎﺿﺒﺔ‬‫وﺷﻬﺪ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬
‫ﻓﻜﺘﻮر‬‫ﻋﻤﺎﻧﻮﻳﻞ‬‫ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﺳﻤﻮﺣﺔ‬‫وﻣﻦ‬‫ﻋﺪة‬‫أﻣﺎآﻦ‬‫ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ‬‫ﺗﺠﻮب‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫ﺧﺮوج‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪة‬،‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ورددوا‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬:»‫ﻣﺶ‬‫هﻴﻤﺸﻰ‬«،‫و‬»‫ﺑﻨﺤﺒﻚ‬‫ﻳﺎﻣﺒﺎرك‬«،‫و‬»‫ﺻﻠﺢ‬‫ﺻﻠﺢ‬‫وإﺣﻨﺎ‬‫ﻣﻌﺎك‬«‫و‬»‫ﻳﺎﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻃﻴﺎر‬‫إوﻋﻰ‬‫ﺗﺴﺒﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﻮﻟﻊ‬‫ﻧﺎر‬».

‫وﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺸﺒﺮا‬‫اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮة‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎهﺮة‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﺑﺼﻮرة‬‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪهﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫راﻓﻌﻴﻦ‬،‫ﺻﻮرﻩ‬‫وﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬‫ﺷﻌﺎرات‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﻟﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬‫اﻷوﺿﺎع‬‫ﺑﺼﻮرة‬‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬‫وﻧﻌﻢ‬‫ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
،‫اﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫وزﻋﻮا‬‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮرات‬‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮان‬»‫دﻋﻮة‬‫ﻟﺤﺐ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬«‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻴﻦ‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫ﺑﻨﺒﺬ‬‫اﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫أﺑﻨﺎء‬،‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫وﻳﻨﻈﻢ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﺑﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬‫ﻋﻘﺐ‬‫ﺻﻼة‬‫اﻟﻈﻬﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬‫ﺗﺤﺘﺪ‬‫ﺷﻌﺎر‬‫ﻧﻌﻢ‬‫ﻟﻘﺮار‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻹﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫اﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﻤﻤﺮ‬‫وﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮرى‬
‫واﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬‫وﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻷهﺎﻟﻰ‬‫وﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮا‬‫ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﺒﻘﺎء‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫واﻋﺘﺪى‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫وأﺻﺤﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫اﻟﺮاﻓﻀﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﺒﻘﺎء‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺼﻰ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮم‬‫وﺗﺪﺧﻞ‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ﻟﻔﺾ‬‫اﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎك‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻨﻴﺎ‬‫دﻓﻊ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻧﻮاب‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫واﻟﺸﻮرى‬‫ﺑﺄﻧﺼﺎرهﻢ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرآﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﺑﻜﻮرﻧﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬‫ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻴﺎ‬‫ﻟﺪﻋﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫وﺧﺼﺺ‬‫اﻟﻨﻮاب‬‫ﺳﻴﺎرات‬‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺑﺎص‬‫ﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻘﺮى‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫دﻣﻴﺎط‬‫وﺻﻞ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬‫ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫دﻣﻴﺎط‬‫إﻟﻰ‬8‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ووﻗﻌﺖ‬‫اﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬،‫وﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺮﺣﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫وﺗﺪﺧﻞ‬‫أﻓﺮاد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ﻟﻔﺾ‬‫اﻻﺷﺘﺒﺎآﺎت‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬،‫ﻗﻨﺎ‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬8‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن‬‫أﻋﻼم‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﺻﻮر‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫وهﻢ‬‫ﻳﻬﺘﻔﻮن‬»‫ﺑﻨﺤﺐ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻣﺎﺗﺨﺮﺑﺶ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬«
‫و‬»‫ﻣﻌﺎ‬‫ﻻﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎل‬‫ﻣﺪة‬‫وﻻﻳﺘﻪ‬«‫ورددت‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮة‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫ﻣﻌﺎدﻳﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺒﺮادﻋﻰ‬‫ووﺻﻔﺘﻪ‬‫ﺑﻌﻤﻴﻞ‬‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎن‬‫وﺷﻬﺪت‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﺸﺎرآﺔ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬‫آﺜﻴﻔﺔ‬‫وﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺪﻗﻬﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬،‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻃﺎﻓﺖ‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮرة‬‫وردد‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬»‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫واﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬«‫و‬»‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮوح‬‫واﻟﺪم‬‫ﻧﻔﺪﻳﻚ‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬«‫و‬»‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﻳﺤﺐ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻣﺎﻳﺨﺮﺑﺶ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬».

‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫ﺷﻴﻮخ‬‫وﻗﺴﺎوﺳﺔ‬‫ﺑﻤﻼﺑﺴﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻤﻴﺰة‬.‫وأآﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫أﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻳﺆﻳﺪون‬‫ﺑﻘﺎء‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻟﺪﻋﻢ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫آﻔﺮ‬‫اﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬7‫ﺁﻻف‬‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫وﻣﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‬‫ﺑﻘﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺑﺮج‬‫اﻟﺒﺮﻟﺲ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻈﺎهﺮة‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪا‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮب‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻧﻌﻢ‬‫ﻟﻤﺒﺎرك‬..‫ﻻ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺗﺰﻗﺔ‬«‫و‬»‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﻼﻳﻴﻦ‬«‫و‬»‫ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺘﺮآﻨﺎ‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬«‫و‬»‫ﻣﺶ‬‫ﺣﻨﺴﻴﺒﻚ‬«..»‫ﻣﺶ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻤﺸﻰ‬‫وﺗﺴﻴﺒﻨﺎ‬».

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﺳﻮهﺎج‬‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮات‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫وﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫رﻓﺾ‬‫ﻃﻠﺐ‬‫ﻗﻮى‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺎرﺿﺔ‬‫ﺑﺘﻨﺤﻴﻪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻞ‬‫اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أﻣﻦ‬‫واﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺒﺤﺮ‬‫اﻷﺣﻤﺮ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪت‬‫ﻣﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬‫وﺷﻮارع‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﻐﺮدﻗﺔ‬‫ﺧﺮوج‬‫اﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﻇﻬﺮ‬‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬‫وذﻟﻚ‬‫ﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺟﺎء‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬‫ﺣﻮل‬‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻮاد‬‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫واﺣﺘﺮام‬‫أﺣﻜﺎم‬‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬‫ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬
‫وﻋﺪم‬‫اﻟﺘﺮﺷﺢ‬‫ﻟﻔﺘﺮة‬‫ﻗﺎدﻣﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬.

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﻮﻓﻴﺔ‬‫اﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬،‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬‫وﺻﺒﺎح‬‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺎء‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﻣﺪن‬‫وﻣﺮاآﺰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬‫وﻋﻠﻘﻮا‬
‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻻ‬‫ﻟﻠﻔﻮﺿﻰ‬..‫ﻧﻌﻢ‬‫ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬«‫ورددوا‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬»‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻃﻴﺎر‬..‫إوﻋﻰ‬‫ﺗﺴﻴﺒﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﻮﻟﻊ‬‫ﻧﺎر‬«
‫و‬»‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ‬‫إﺻﻼح‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬».

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻷﻗﺼﺮ‬‫ﺗﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬1000‫ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪا‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻮر‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬‫اﻷﺧﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫أﻟﻘﺎﻩ‬‫ﻣﺴﺎء‬،‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎء‬‫وﺟﺎب‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫اﻷﻗﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬‫وهﺘﻔﻮا‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫ﻣﻜﺒﺮات‬‫اﻟﺼﻮت‬‫ﺑﺸﻌﺎرات‬‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪة‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻣﺮددﻳﻦ‬»‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻨﺎ‬
‫إوﻋﻰ‬‫ﺗﻤﺸﻰ‬‫وﺗﺴﻴﺒﻨﺎ‬«‫ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬»‫ﻻ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺪﺳﺔ‬«‫و‬»‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫أﻣﺎﻧﺔ‬..‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻮا‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬»،

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺒﺤﻴﺮة‬‫ﺧﺮج‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬50‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎم‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬‫ﺑﺪﻣﻨﻬﻮر‬‫ﻓﻮر‬‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬‫ﺧﻄﺎب‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫وهﻢ‬‫ﻳﻬﺘﻔﻮن‬»‫ﻋﺎﻳﺰﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬..‫ﻋﺎﻳﺰﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬«‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﻃﺎف‬‫ﻧﺤﻮ‬70‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬‫ﺷﻮارع‬‫دﻣﻨﻬﻮر‬‫وهﻢ‬‫ﻳﻬﺘﻔﻮن‬‫ﻧﻔﺲ‬‫اﻟﻬﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫وﻣﻌﻬﻢ‬‫ﺳﻴﻮف‬‫وأﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬‫وﺷﻮم‬.

174

Title Wedding Ceremony in Tahrir Square on the Rhythm: “Down with the Regime”
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 7, 2011 Section: Front
Page
‫ﺣﻔﻞ‬‫زﻓﺎف‬‫ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫إﻳﻘﺎع‬"‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ‬‫إﺳﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬"
‫وﺳﻂ‬‫اﻟﻬﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫ﺑﺮﺣﻴﻞ‬،‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﻓﻮﺟﺊ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻮن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﻜﺮوﻓﻮن‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻰ‬،‫ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻳﻌﻠﻦ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺣﻔﻞ‬
‫زواج‬‫ﻻﺛﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻴﻦ‬‫وﺗﺤﺮك‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﺑﺤﺜﺎ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﺮوﺳﻴﻦ‬،‫ﻟﺘﻬﻨﺌﺘﻬﻤﺎ‬‫ﻟﻜﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﺜﻮر‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﺻﻌﺒﺎ‬‫ﻟﻌﺪم‬‫ارﺗﺪاﺋﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻼﺑﺲ‬‫اﻟﺰﻓﺎف‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺎدة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﺪﻟﺔ‬‫وﻓﺴﺘﺎن‬‫أﺑﻴﺾ‬.

‫وأﻋﻠﻨﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﻜﺮوﻓﻮﻧﺎت‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﺳﻤﻰ‬‫اﻟﻌﺮوﺳﻴﻦ‬‫وهﻤﺎ‬‫اﻟﺪآﺘﻮر‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ذﻋﻔﺎن‬‫وﻋﻼ‬،‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬‫وﺗﻼ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮخ‬‫أدﻋﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺰواج‬‫ﺑﺼﻮت‬‫ﻋﺎل‬
‫ورددهﺎ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر‬‫اﻟﻐﻔﻴﺮ‬‫ﺧﻠﻔﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺻﻮت‬‫ﺗﺮدد‬‫ﺻﺪاﻩ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺪﻋﻮ‬‫ﻟﻬﻤﺎ‬‫اﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬‫ﺻﻔﻮت‬،‫ﺣﺠﺎزى‬‫ﻣﺸﻴﺪا‬
‫ﺑﺰواﺟﻬﻤﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻊ‬‫اﻟﻄﻴﺐ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻨﺎس‬.‫وﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫أﻋﻠﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺄذون‬‫ﻋﻘﺪ‬‫اﻟﻘﺮان‬‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺖ‬‫أﺻﻮات‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﺰﻏﺎرﻳﺪ‬،‫واﻟﺘﺼﻔﻴﻖ‬
‫وأﻃﻠﻘﻮا‬‫اﻟﺼﻔﺎرات‬‫وهﺘﻔﻮا‬»‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ‬‫إﺳﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬«.‫وزاد‬‫ﺣﻤﺎس‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻓﺮددوا‬‫هﺘﺎﻓﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﻴﺮ‬»‫ﻣﺶ‬‫هﻨﻤﺸﻰ‬‫هﻮ‬
‫ﻳﻤﺸﻰ‬«‫و‬»‫ﻋﺎوزﻳﻦ‬‫ﻓﻠﻮﺳﻨﺎ‬«،‫واﻋﺘﺒﺮ‬‫آﺜﻴﺮون‬‫أن‬‫زواﺟﻬﻤﺎ‬»‫ﺑﺸﺮة‬‫ﺧﻴﺮ‬«‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬.

‫واﻟﺘﻒ‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﺣﻮل‬‫اﻟﻌﺮوﺳﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﺘﻬﻨﺌﺘﻬﻤﺎ‬‫واﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ‬‫اﻟﺰﻏﺎرﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬‫أﻧﺤﺎء‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫واآﺘﻔﻰ‬‫اﻟﻌﺮﻳﺲ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮل‬»‫ﻓﺮﺣﻰ‬‫اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬‫ﻟﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻨﺠﺢ‬«‫ورﻓﺾ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻪ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ‬‫أﺻﺮوا‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻘﺘﻪ‬‫وﺗﻘﺒﻴﻠﻪ‬.

‫وردد‬‫اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‬‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎت‬‫ﻃﺮﻳﻔﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫زواج‬»‫ذﻋﻔﺎن‬«‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا‬‫إﻧﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺟﺎء‬‫ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫ﻳﻨﺸﺪ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻟﺒﻠﺪﻩ‬‫ﻓﺈﻧﻪ‬‫ﻗﻴﺪ‬‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬،‫ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‬‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺎل‬‫ﺁﺧﺮون‬‫إﻧﻪ‬‫ﺗﺨﻠﺺ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﻟﻴﺠﻠﺐ‬‫ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ‬»‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬«‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺒﻴﺖ‬.

‫وﻋﻠﻖ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫إﺑﺮاهﻴﻢ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫زواج‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﺑﺄن‬‫هﺬا‬‫ﻳﺆآﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻘﻮا‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪون‬‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬،‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬
‫وﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻳﺮﻏﺒﻮن‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮارهﺎ‬‫ﺑﺼﻮرة‬،‫أﻓﻀﻞ‬‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮا‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻨﺎس‬‫أن‬‫ﺗﺪرك‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬‫هﻮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻳﻘﻮم‬‫ﺑﺘﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬»‫ذل‬«‫اﻟﻨﺎس‬‫وﻟﻴﺲ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬.

‫وﻗﺎﻟﺖ‬‫اﻟﻌﺮوس‬‫ﻋﻼ‬»‫ﻗﺮرﻧﺎ‬‫ﻋﻘﺪ‬‫اﻟﻘﺮان‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻟﻨﻜﻮن‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫ﺻﻨﺎع‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫وهﻢ‬‫أﻓﻀﻞ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻧﺤﺘﻔﻞ‬‫ﻣﻌﻬﻢ‬‫ﺑﺰواﺟﻨﺎ‬«.‫وﻗﺎل‬
‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬»‫ﺷﺎرآﻨﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫ﺑﺪاﻳﺘﻬﺎ‬‫وآﺎن‬‫ﻣﻮﻋﺪ‬‫ﻋﻘﺪ‬‫اﻟﻘﺮان‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺪد‬‫ﺳﻠﻔﺎ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫ﻧﺠﺎح‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫ﻓﻘﺮرﻧﺎ‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎل‬‫هﻨﺎ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬».
Title Rebels’ Signs and Posters: Hardboards, Cloth and Umbrellas...Flag’s Colours,
Martyrs’ Pictures Fill the Square
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 11, 2011 Section: Page
8
‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫اﻟﺜﻮار‬:‫آﺮﺗﻮن‬‫وﻗﻤﺎش‬‫وﺷﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬..‫وأﻟﻮان‬‫اﻟﻌﻠﻢ‬‫وﺻﻮر‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬‫ﺗﻤﻸ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬
‫رق‬،‫آﺎرﺗﻮن‬‫ﻗﻄﻊ‬‫ﻗﻤﺎش‬‫وﺑﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚ‬‫وﺷﺎش‬،‫ﻃﺒﻰ‬،‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬‫أﺷﻴﺎء‬‫اﺳﺘﻐﻠﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎهﺮو‬»‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬«‫أﻳﺎم‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬»‫اﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬«‫ﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬
،‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‬‫اﻷﻟﻮان‬،‫واﻷﺣﺠﺎم‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫آﺘﺎﺑﺎت‬‫ﺗﻌﺒﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬،‫ﺣﺎﻟﻬﻢ‬‫وﻣﺎ‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻧﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻧﻔﻮﺳﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮ‬،‫وأﻓﻜﺎر‬‫وﻣﺎ‬‫دﻓﻊ‬
‫اﻷﻃﻔﺎل‬‫واﻟﻨﺴﺎء‬‫واﻟﺸﻴﻮخ‬‫واﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ‬‫واﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﻠﻨﺰول‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫أو‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺗﻄﻠﻖ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎﺗﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬»‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬«،‫هﻮ‬‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬
‫اﻟﺬى‬‫دﻓﻊ‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺨﻄﺎﻃﻴﻦ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺒﻴﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ‬‫اﻧﺪﻻع‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬»‫اﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬«‫ﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺗﻄﻮﻋ‬‫ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻠﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﻬﺎرﺗﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫رﺳﻢ‬‫اﻟﺤﺮوف‬‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬،‫واﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬‫آﻰ‬‫ﺗﺼﻞ‬‫رﺳﺎﻟﺘﻬﻢ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫أﻧﺤﺎء‬،‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻟﻔﻦ‬.

‫اﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أﺷﻜﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬‫وأﻟﻮاﻧﻬﺎ‬‫وأﺣﺠﺎﻣﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬‫وﺳﻦ‬‫واﻟﻘﺪرة‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻟﺤﺎﻣﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫وإن‬‫آﺎﻧﻮا‬‫اﺗﻔﻘﻮا‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫إﻇﻬﺎر‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬
‫ﻷآﺒﺮ‬‫ﻗﺪر‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎهﻴﺮ‬‫ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬،‫اﻹﻋﻼم‬‫ﻓﻤﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫رﻓﻊ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺘﻪ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬،‫رأﺳﻪ‬‫وﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺣﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫ﺻﺪرﻩ‬‫وﺁﺧﺮ‬‫زﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﺟﺒﻴﻨﻪ‬.

‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وﻗﻒ‬»‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬‫ﻋﺎدل‬«،‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﺑﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬‫دار‬،‫اﻟﻌﻠﻮم‬‫ﻋﻨﺪ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﺧﻞ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻰ‬‫ﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻟﻜﻰ‬‫ﻳﻤﺮ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﻣﺮورهﻢ‬‫ﺑﻨﻘﺎط‬‫اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫ﻻﻓﺘﺘﻪ‬‫وﻟﻜﻰ‬‫ﺗﺼﻞ‬‫رﺳﺎﻟﺘﻪ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أآﺒﺮ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫ﺣﺮص‬»‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬«‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫آﺘﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺘﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫واﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬.

«I dont think Mubarak has a tv»،«‫هﻮ‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻋﻨﺪوش‬‫ﺗﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‬‫وﻻ‬‫إﻳﻪ؟‬«،‫دوﻧﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬«‫ﺑﺨﻂ‬،‫ﻳﺪﻩ‬‫وزﻳﻦ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺘﻪ‬‫ﺑﺄﻟﻮان‬
‫ﻋﻠﻢ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻋﻼ‬،‫ﺟﺒﻬﺘﻪ‬‫إذ‬‫ﻟﻮن‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫آﻠﻤﺎت‬‫اﻟﻠﻮﺣﺔ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻮن‬،‫اﻷﺣﻤﺮ‬‫واﺳﺘﺨﺪم‬‫ﻗﻠﻤﺎ‬‫أﺳﻮد‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫آﺘﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎ‬‫وﺗﺮك‬‫ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻠﻮﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎء‬.

‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أﻣﺘﺎر‬‫ﺟﻠﺴﺖ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ‬‫ﺣﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬،‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫ﺣﻠﻮان‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫آﺮﺳﻴﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺮك‬‫ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺔ‬‫ﺣﻔﻴﺪﺗﻬﺎ‬‫ﻟﺘﻀﻴﻒ‬ً‫ﻼ‬‫ﺷﻜ‬‫ﺁﺧﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺷﻜﺎل‬
‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻋﺒﺎرة‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺗﺎج‬‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮع‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻮرق‬،‫اﻟﻤﻘﻮى‬‫وﺿﻌﺘﻪ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬،‫رأﺳﻬﺎ‬‫وآﺘﺒﺖ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬‫ﺑﺨﻂ‬‫ﻳﺪهﺎ‬»‫اﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬«،‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻮن‬،‫اﻷﺧﻀﺮ‬‫وآﺄن‬‫ﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎ‬‫آﺄم‬‫ﻳﺪﻋﻮ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪاء‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫ﺑﻨﻌﻴﻢ‬‫اﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬.

‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﻜﺘﻒ‬»‫ﺣﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬«‫ﺑﺘﺎج‬،‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬‫ﺑﻞ‬‫ﺣﺮﺻﺖ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻹﻣﺴﺎك‬‫ﺑﻠﻮﺣﺔ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮب‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻋﺎﺷﺖ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﺣﺮة‬«،‫وﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت‬‫أﻟﻮان‬

175

‫ﻋﻠﻢ‬،‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﻗﺎﻟﺖ‬:»‫ﻋﻤﻠﻮا‬‫إﻳﻪ‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﺎﺗﻮا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬،‫ذﻧﺐ‬‫أﻧﺎ‬‫ﺟﻴﺖ‬‫ﻟﺤﺪ‬‫هﻨﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬‫أﻗﻮل‬‫ﻟﻠﺮﻳﺲ‬‫إرﺣﻞ‬‫وآﻔﺎﻳﺎ‬‫اﻟﻔﻠﻮس‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬
‫أﺧﺪﺗﻮهﺎ‬«،‫وﻃﻮال‬‫ﻣﺪة‬‫ﺟﻠﻮﺳﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﺮﺻﺖ‬»‫ﺣﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬«‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺗﺒﺎدل‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻣﻊ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪات‬‫اﻟﺠﺎﻟﺴﺎت‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫اﻟﻜﺮاﺳﻰ‬‫اﻟﺨﺸﺒﻴﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺠﺎورة‬
‫واﻟﻼﺗﻰ‬‫ﺟﺌﻦ‬‫ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺘﻬﺎ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬.

‫وﻋﻠﻘﺖ‬‫إﺣﺪى‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪات‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺔ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫ﺻﺪرهﺎ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻟﻦ‬‫ﻧﻨﺴﻰ‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬«،‫وأﻣﺴﻜﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻳﺪهﺎ‬‫اﻷﺧﺮى‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺔ‬‫أﺧﺮى‬‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬‫ﻋﺒﺎرة‬
»‫اﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫اﻟﺨﺒﺰ‬«،‫وﻟﺨﻔﻮت‬‫ﺻﻮﺗﻪ‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫اﺣﺘﺸﺪوا‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺠﺪ‬‫اﻟﻄﻔﻞ‬»‫ﻋﻤﺮو‬‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‬«‫وﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬‫ﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﻞ‬
‫رﺳﺎﻟﺘﻪ‬‫ﺳﻮى‬‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺔ‬‫ورﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻋﻨﻘﻪ‬،‫اﻟﻨﺤﻴﻞ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮب‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮى‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﺗﻤﺸﻮش‬..‫ﺧﻠﻴﻜﻢ‬‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺎ‬..‫ﻃﻔﻞ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮى‬».

«‫ﻋﻤﺮو‬«‫اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬‫ﺧﻤﺲ‬،‫ﺳﻨﻮات‬‫ﺷﺎرك‬‫واﻟﺪﻩ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫آﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫اﺧﺘﺎر‬‫ﻣﻌﻪ‬،‫أﻟﻮاﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫اﻟﻮاﻟﺪ‬:»‫ﺣﺮﺻﺖ‬‫وأﺳﺮﺗﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺒﻴﺖ‬‫ﺑﻤﻴﺪان‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫وﻟﻢ‬‫ﻧﻜﺘﺐ‬‫ﺳﻮى‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬،‫ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﻧﺪﻋﻮ‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻴﻦ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺒﻴﺖ‬‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎ‬».

‫وﻓﻰ‬‫أرآﺎن‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﺗﻨﺎﺛﺮت‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬،‫اﻟﺤﺠﻢ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫وهﻰ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫أﻋﺪهﺎ‬
،‫اﻟﺨﻄﺎﻃﻮن‬‫اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺸﺮون‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أﻣﻜﺎن‬‫ﻣﻌﺮوﻓﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬،‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺤﻰ‬‫وﻣﺤﺎآﻤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬
،‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﻣﺤﺎآﻤﺔ‬‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬،‫اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﻰ‬‫وزﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬،‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬‫وإﻧﻬﺎء‬‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻄﻮارئ‬‫وﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫إﻧﻘﺎذ‬‫وﻃﻨﻰ‬،‫ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‬‫وﺣﻞ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫واﻟﺸﻮرى‬‫وإﻧﺸﺎء‬‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬،‫اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬‫وﻣﺤﺎآﻤﺔ‬‫ﻓﻮرﻳﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺆوﻟﻴﻦ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻗﺘﻞ‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬».

‫وﻋﻠﻖ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺔ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫آﻠﻤﺔ‬‫واﺣﺪة‬»‫إرﺣﻞ‬«،‫وهﻰ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫وﻗﻊ‬‫ﻋﺪد‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫أﺳﻤﺎءهﻢ‬،‫ﻓﻮﻗﻬﺎ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬
‫دوﻧﻮا‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻳﺮددوﻧﻬﺎ‬‫أﺛﻨﺎء‬‫اﻟﺘﻈﺎهﺮ‬‫وﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻣﺶ‬‫هﻨﻤﺸﻰ‬‫ﻟﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﻤﺸﻰ‬»

‫اﻷﻣﻄﺎر‬‫وﺑﺮودة‬،‫اﻟﻄﻘﺲ‬‫اﺿﻄﺮت‬،‫إﺑﺮاهﻴﻢ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺗﻐﻠﻴﻒ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺘﻪ‬‫اﻟﻮرﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﻄﺒﻘﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﺒﻼﺳﺘﻚ‬‫اﻟﺸﻔﺎف‬،‫ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ‬‫وﺗﻘﻮل‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺔ‬»‫إذا‬
‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻳﻮﻣ‬‫أراد‬،‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬‫ﻓﻼﺑﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ‬،‫اﻟﻘﺪر‬‫وﻻﺑﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﻴﻞ‬‫أن‬،‫ﻳﻨﺠﻠﻰ‬‫وﻻﺑﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻨﻜﺴﺮ‬«،‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺣﻤﻠﺖ‬‫ﺷﻌﺎر‬‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬»‫ﻓﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺑﻮك‬«،‫وإﻟﻰ‬‫ﺟﻮارﻩ‬‫آﻠﻤﺔ‬»‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬«،‫و‬»‫ﻣﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ‬«‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬،‫اﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬‫ﻗﺎل‬:»‫ﻋﻤﺮى‬‫ﻣﺎ‬‫ﻗﻌﺪت‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻔﻴﺲ‬،‫ﺑﻮك‬‫ﺑﺲ‬‫أﻧﺎ‬‫ﻣﺆﻣﻦ‬‫إن‬
‫هﻮ‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﻤﺲ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮوا‬،‫اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ‬‫ﻷن‬‫أﺑﻨﻰ‬‫ﻟﻪ‬‫ﺣﺴﺎب‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ‬،‫دﻩ‬‫وﺑﻴﺘﺎﺑﻊ‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬،‫ﺑﻴﺤﺼﻞ‬‫وأﻧﺎ‬‫هﻨﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬12‫ﻳﻮم‬».

‫وأآﺪ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫أﻋﻀﺎء‬‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬،‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وﻳﺪﻋﻰ‬»‫ﺣﺎزم‬«‫أن‬‫هﻨﺎك‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤ‬‫وﺗﻨﺴﻴﻘﺎ‬‫ﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬‫وﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬،‫اﻟﺤﺠﻢ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ُﻜﺘﺐ‬‫ﺗ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬،‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎهﻴﺮ‬‫وﻗﺎل‬:»‫أﻏﻠﺐ‬‫اﻟﻠﻮﺣﺎت‬‫ﻣﻘﺎس‬3،‫أﻣﺘﺎر‬‫ﻧﺸﺘﺮى‬‫ﻗﻤﺎﺷﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺤﺎل‬
،‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬‫ﺑﺴﻌﺮ‬15ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻬ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺮ‬‫ﺑﺪﻻ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬27،ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻬ‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺣﺮص‬‫أﺻﺤﺎب‬‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎل‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻋﻤﻞ‬‫ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻀﺎت‬‫ﻟﻨﺎ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻋﻠﻤﻮا‬‫أﻧﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺘﺮﻳﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻧﻔﻘﺘﻨﺎ‬‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫وﻗﺪ‬‫ﺗﺼﻞ‬‫ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ‬‫اﻟﻠﻮﺣﺔ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬60ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺟﻨﻴﻬ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﺷﺮاء‬‫أﻟﻮان‬‫اﻟﻄﻼء‬،‫ﻟﺘﻠﻮﻧﻬﺎ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أن‬‫هﻨﺎك‬
‫ﻟﻮﺣﺎت‬‫ﺑﻼﺳﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬‫ﻳﺘﻢ‬‫ﻃﺒﻌﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻊ‬،‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫اﺧﺘﻴﺎر‬‫اﻟﻌﺒﺎرات‬‫واﻷﻟﻮان‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻧﺤﺪدهﺎ‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻣﺴﺒﻘ‬».

‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﻬﺪف‬‫اﻟﻠﻮﺣﺎت‬‫ﻓﻘﻂ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺑﻞ‬‫ﺣﺮص‬‫ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺣﻤﻞ‬‫ﻟﻮﺣﺎت‬‫ﺗﻌﺒﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻪ‬
،‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻮن‬‫واﻟﺬى‬‫دﻓﻌﻬﻢ‬،‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة‬‫وﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺣﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬‫ﻃﻔﻞ‬‫آﺎن‬‫ﺟﺎﻟﺴﺎ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫آﺘﻔﻰ‬،‫واﻟﺪﻩ‬‫وﻣﻜﺘﻮب‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬»9‫ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ‬‫ﻣﺼﺎﺑﻮن‬
‫ﺑﻔﻴﺮوس‬ C ‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬».

‫واﺳﺘﻐﻞ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮون‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮهﻢ‬،‫اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬‫ورﺑﻄﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﻤﻮاﻗﻒ‬‫إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻮا‬‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬،‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫ﻣﺜﻞ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻘﻬﺎ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬ً‫ا‬‫ﻣﻌﺒﺮ‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬‫ﺧﻄﻴﺒﺘﻪ‬‫ﻣﻨﻪ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫ﻋﺮﻓﺖ‬‫أﻧﻪ‬‫ﻳﺤﺐ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫أآﺜﺮ‬،‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺑﺎدرت‬‫ودﻋﺖ‬‫أهﻠﻬﺎ‬‫ﻹﺣﻀﺎر‬
،‫اﻟﻤﺄذون‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫ﺗﻀﺮع‬‫ﺁﺧﺮ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﷲ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒ‬‫اﻟﻐﻔﺮان‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺔ‬‫آﺘﺐ‬‫ﻓﻮﻗﻬﺎ‬»‫ﺳﺎﻣﺤﻨﻰ‬‫ﻳﺎرب‬‫أﻧﺎ‬‫آﻨﺖ‬‫ﺧﺎﻳﻒ‬‫وﺳﺎآﺖ‬».

‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎت‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬،‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫آﺒﻴﺮة‬،‫اﻟﺤﺠﻢ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺳﺎﺗﺮ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﺒﺎب‬‫وأﺳﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎهﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺨﻴﺎم‬‫اﺣﺘﻤﻮا‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﺮودة‬،‫اﻟﺠﻮ‬
‫واﺗﺨﺬوا‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬ً‫ﻼ‬‫ﻓﺎﺻ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺨﻴﺎم‬‫وآﺄﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻨﺒﻪ‬‫ﻳﺬآﺮهﻢ‬‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أوﻗﺎت‬،‫راﺣﺘﻬﻢ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺪف‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﺟﺎءوا‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫أﺟﻠﻪ‬‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫أن‬‫اﺳﻢ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﺨﻞ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬‫إﻃﻼﻗﺎ‬.

‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬‫أن‬‫أﻧﻬﻰ‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أول‬‫ﻳﻮم‬‫ﻟﻌﻮدة‬‫اﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫اﻷﺣﺪ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻰ‬‫ﺳﺎرع‬‫اﻟﻤﻬﻨﺪس‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬،‫ﺧﻀﺮ‬‫ﻟﻴﻮاﺻﻞ‬‫ﺗﻈﺎهﺮﻩ‬
‫واﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻪ‬‫داﺧﻞ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬‫ﻗﺮر‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮة‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻤﺴﻚ‬‫اﻟﻘﻠﻢ‬‫ﻟﻴﻜﺘﺐ‬‫ﻓﻮق‬‫إﺣﺪى‬‫اﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎت‬»‫ﻳﺴﻘﻂ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬«.‫ﻗﺎل‬:»‫اﻟﺮﺳﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻤﻞ‬
‫اﻷﺷﻴﺎء‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‬‫ﻟﻺﻧﺴﺎن‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻌﺒﺮ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻤﺎ‬،‫ﺑﺪاﺧﻠﻪ‬‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‬‫ﻻ‬‫أﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة‬‫أى‬‫ﺷﺨﺺ‬‫ﻳﺮﻏﺐ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫آﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬،‫ﻟﻮﺣﺔ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫أﻧﻨﺎ‬‫ﻧﺘﺒﺎدل‬
‫اﻷﻗﻼم‬‫اﻟﻤﻠﻮﻧﺔ‬‫آﻰ‬‫ﻳﻨﺠﺰ‬‫آﻞ‬‫واﺣﺪ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺘﻪ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أﺟﻤﻞ‬‫ﺻﻮرة‬».

‫أﺧﻮ‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ‬‫ﺣﻤﺎدة‬،‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬‫ﺟﻠﺲ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫أﺳﻮار‬‫ﺣﺪاﺋﻖ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫راﻓﻌ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺔ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬:»‫دم‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫رﻗﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎ‬«،‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬
‫اﻷﺳﻴﺎخ‬‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﻳﻌﻠﻖ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﺣﺒﺎل‬،‫ﺧﻴﻤﺘﻪ‬‫رﻓﻊ‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﻻﻓﺘﺔ‬‫ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ‬،‫ﻓﺎﻧﻠﺘﻪ‬‫وآﺘﺐ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﺒﺎرة‬»‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬
25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬«،‫ورﺳﻢ‬‫وردة‬،‫ﺣﻤﺮاء‬‫أهﺪاهﺎ‬‫ﻷرواح‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬
Title People Demanded and Brought Down the Regime: Mubarak “Steps down”, Cedes
Power to the Military...Egypt Erupts in Jubilation
Details Source: Al-Masry Al-Youm Date: Feb 12, 2011 Section: Front
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‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫أراد‬‫وأﺳﻘﻂ‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬
‫اﻟﻔﺎرق‬‫آﺒﻴﺮ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫ﺛﻮرات‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﻮب‬‫وﺛﻮرات‬،‫اﻟﺠﻴﻮش‬‫ﻓﺎﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬‫ﻟﻮ‬‫اﺣﺘﻀﻨﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‬‫أن‬‫ﻳﻘﺎل‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫اﻧﻘﻼب‬،‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮى‬‫أو‬

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‫ﺣﺮآﺔ‬،‫ﺿﺒﺎط‬‫وﻣﺎ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻻﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎت‬‫اﻟﺴﻮداء‬،‫واﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء‬‫ﺗﺒﻘﻰ‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرات‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﺧﺎرج‬‫إﻃﺎر‬،‫اﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ‬‫ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ‬‫ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫وﻟﻴﺲ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬.

‫وهﻨﺎك‬‫ﺛﻮرات‬‫ﺗﻨﻘﻞ‬‫أوﻃﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻷﻣﺎم‬‫وﺛﻮرات‬‫ﺗﻌﻮد‬‫ﺑﺒﻼدهﺎ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺨﻠﻒ‬‫وﺛﻮرات‬‫ﺗﻘﻒ‬‫ﻟﺘﺮاوح‬،‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﻓﻼ‬‫هﻰ‬‫ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺖ‬،‫ﺧﻄﻮة‬
‫وﻻ‬‫هﻰ‬‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻌﻬﺎ‬،‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ‬‫واﻟﺜﻮرات‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫أوروﺑﺎ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﻧﻘﻠﺖ‬‫ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻬﺎ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻰ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫وﺗﻨﻌﻤﺖ‬‫ﺑﻤﺰاﻳﺎ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬‫اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫إرادة‬‫ﺷﻌﺐ‬‫ﻳﺸﺎرك‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻗﺮارﻩ‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫دوﻟﺔ‬‫دﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬.

‫وﻣﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺑﻨﺖ‬‫ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‬‫ﺧﻼل‬‫اﻟـ‬٦٠ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﻣ‬‫اﻷﺧﻴﺮة‬‫ﻋﺒﺮ‬،‫ﺛﻮرﺗﻴﻦ‬‫اﻷوﻟﻰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻋﺎم‬١٩٥٢‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬‫ﺗﺤﺮك‬‫اﻷﺣﺮار‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺿﺒﺎط‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫واﻟﺘﻒ‬‫ﺣﻮﻟﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺣﻴﻦ‬‫أﺳﻘﻄﻮا‬‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬،‫اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻰ‬‫وﻣﻨﺢ‬‫ﺣﺮآﺘﻬﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺒﺎرآﺔ‬،‫ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻪ‬‫ﻓﺘﺤﻮﻟﺖ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‬‫أﺛﺮت‬
‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻰ‬،‫آﻠﻪ‬‫واﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺑﺪأت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬٢٥‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫وﻧﺠﺤﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬‫أهﺪاﻓﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﺘﺤﺮك‬‫ﺷﻌﺒﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﺢ‬‫ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫إﻳﻤﺎﻧ‬‫ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻗﻪ‬
ً‫ا‬‫وإﺻﺮار‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬،‫ﺑﻠﻮﻏﻬﺎ‬‫واﻗﺘﺮب‬‫ﺟﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬،‫اﻟﺜﻮار‬‫واﻧﺘﻬﻰ‬‫اﻷﻣﺮ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أن‬‫ﺻﺎرت‬‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬‫ودﻳﻌﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻳﺪ‬‫ﺟﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬
‫اﻟﺒﺎﺳﻞ‬‫آﻤﺎ‬‫هﻰ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫داﺋﻤ‬.

‫ﻟﻢ‬‫ﺗﻨﺘﻪ‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬٢٥‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫ﺑﺘﻨﺤﻰ‬‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬،‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‬‫ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﺪأت‬‫اﻵن‬،‫ﻓﻘﻂ‬‫واﻟﺤﻔﺎظ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ‬‫هﺬﻩ‬‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫ﺻﺎر‬‫ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮآﺔ‬‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻰ‬‫اﻟﺒﺎﺳﻞ‬‫وﺟﻤﺎهﻴﺮ‬،‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫واﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﻘﺒﻠﺔ‬‫ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫اﺳﺘﻌﺎدة‬،‫اﻟﻬﺪوء‬‫واﺳﺘﻌﺎدة‬،‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺑﻨﺎء‬
‫اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج‬‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻰ‬‫اﻟﺬى‬‫ﻧﺎﺿﻠﺖ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﺟﻠﻪ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﺎهﻴﺮ‬‫وﺳﻘﻂ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺳﺒﻴﻠﻪ‬‫ﺷﻬﺪاء‬،‫أﺑﺮار‬‫روت‬‫دﻣﺎؤهﻢ‬‫ﺷﺠﺮة‬‫اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬.‫إن‬
»‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮى‬‫اﻟﻴﻮم‬«‫ﻓﻰ‬‫هﺬا‬‫اﻟﻈﺮف‬،‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻰ‬‫ﺗﺤﻴﻰ‬‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬‫اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﺜﺒﺖ‬‫آﻞ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬‫أﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﺧﻴﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻳﺆﺗﻤﻦ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أﺣﻼم‬
،‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫وﺗﺤﻴﻰ‬‫إﻋﻼﻧﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﺤﺎﺳﻢ‬‫واﻟﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬‫أﻧﻬﺎ‬»‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ً‫ﻼ‬‫ﺑﺪﻳ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫ارﺗﻀﺎهﺎ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬«،‫وأداءهﺎ‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫اﺣﺘﺮاﻣ‬
ً‫ﺎ‬‫وﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧ‬‫ﺑﺸﻬﺪاء‬،‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وﺗﺪﻋﻮ‬‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫أﺷﻜﺎل‬‫اﻟﺪﻋﻢ‬‫واﻟﻌﻮن‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬،‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﻹﻧﺠﺎز‬‫ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬‫اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬
‫إﻃﺎر‬‫ﺟﺪول‬‫زﻣﻨﻰ‬،‫ﻣﺤﺪد‬‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬‫ﺗﻌﻮد‬‫اﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫أﺻﺤﺎﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ‬ً‫ا‬‫دﺳﺘﻮر‬ً‫ﺎ‬‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜ‬‫ﻳﻠﻴﻖ‬‫ﺑﻤﺼﺮ‬‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬‫وﺷﻌﺒﻬﺎ‬‫اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬.

‫ﻋﺎش‬‫ﺟﻴﺸﻨﺎ‬..‫وﻋﺎش‬‫آﻔﺎح‬‫ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬..‫وﺑﻘﻴﺖ‬‫ﺛﻮرﺗﻨﺎ‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻄﺎهﺮة‬ً‫ا‬‫ﺟﺴﺮ‬‫ﻳﻨﻘﻠﻨﺎ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻐﺪ‬‫ﺑﺄﻣﺎن‬،‫وﺣﺮﻳﺔ‬‫وﺳﺮﻋﺔ‬‫ﺗﻠﺤﻖ‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﺤﻀﺮ‬
Title The Military: Workers’ Strikes Threaten Egypt
‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬:‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‬‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬‫ﺧﻄﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺣﺬر‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫اﻷﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﻮات‬،‫اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺧﻄﻮرة‬‫ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ‬‫اﻟﻮﻗﻔﺎت‬‫اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻔﺌﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد‬،‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻰ‬ً‫ا‬‫ﻣﺆآﺪ‬‫أﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﺗﺆدى‬‫إﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺁﺛﺎر‬‫ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ‬‫إرﺑﺎك‬‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫وﻣﺮاﻓﻘﻬﺎ‬.‫وﻗﺎل‬‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬،‫اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬‫إﻧﻪ‬‫ﻟﻮﺣﻆ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﻔﺘﺮة‬،‫اﻷﺧﻴﺮة‬‫ورﻏﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻮدة‬‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬،‫اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎم‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬‫ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬‫وﻗﻔﺎت‬،‫اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻤﺎ‬‫ﻳﺴﺒﺐ‬‫إرﺑﺎك‬‫وﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬‫ﻋﺠﻠﺔ‬‫اﻹﻧﺘﺎج‬،‫واﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫وﻳﻌﻄﻞ‬‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫وﻳﻀﺮ‬‫ﺑﺄﻣﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺒﻼد‬ً‫ا‬‫ﻣﺸﺪد‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺿﺮورة‬‫ﺗﻀﺎﻓﺮ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﺟﻬﻮد‬‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل‬‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﺑﺮ‬،‫اﻷﻣﺎن‬
‫ﺑﻤﺎ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﺆﺛﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻋﺠﻠﺔ‬‫اﻹﻧﺘﺎج‬.‫وﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺻﻌﻴﺪ‬‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻴﺪان‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺑﺪأ‬‫اﻟﻬﺪوء‬‫ﻳﻌﻮد‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وﺗﻢ‬‫ﺗﺴﻴﻴﺮ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‬‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
،‫اﻋﺘﻴﺎدى‬‫وﻟﻢ‬‫ﻳﻌﻖ‬‫اﻟﻬﺪوء‬‫ﺳﻮى‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫ﺑﻌﺾ‬‫اﻟﻤﻈﺎهﺮات‬‫اﻟﻔﺌﻮﻳﺔ‬،‫ﺑﻪ‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﻧﻈﻢ‬‫اﻵﻻف‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺿﺒﺎط‬‫وأﻣﻨﺎء‬،‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬،‫أﻣﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮة‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫أﻣﺎم‬‫ﻗﺴﻢ‬‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ‬‫اﻟﺪﻗﻰ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬،‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وهﻢ‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن‬‫أﻋﻼم‬،‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وأدوا‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﻴﺔ‬‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺳﻤﻮهﻢ‬»‫ﺷﻬﺪاء‬‫اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬«،‫وﺣﺎول‬‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻀﺒﺎط‬‫اﻟﺘﺤﺪث‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺘﻮاﺟﺪﻳﻦ‬‫واﻻﻋﺘﺬار‬،‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬‫وأﻋﻠﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﺌﺎت‬‫ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬
‫اﻟﺘﻰ‬‫اﻧﺪﻟﻌﺖ‬‫ﻳﻮم‬25‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬‫اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻰ‬.

‫ووﻗﻒ‬‫ﻋﻤﻴﺪ‬‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ‬‫وﺳﻂ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫وهﻮ‬‫ﻳﻘﺮأ‬‫اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫أرواح‬‫اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء‬‫وﺧﻠﻔﻪ‬‫ﻣﺌﺎت‬‫اﻟﻀﺒﺎط‬‫ﺑﺰﻳﻬﻢ‬،‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻰ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪهﺎ‬‫اﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ‬
‫اﻟﻬﺘﺎﻓﺎت‬»‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫واﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬‫واﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫إﻳﺪ‬‫واﺣﺪة‬«..‫و‬»‫ﺑﻴﺤﺎﺳﺒﻮﻧﺎ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫اﻟﻠﻰ‬‫ﻓﺎت‬‫واﺣﻨﺎ‬‫ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎت‬«..‫و‬»‫ﻳﺎ‬‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬‫ﻧﺎم‬
‫واﺗﻬﻨﻰ‬..‫اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﻰ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻧﺎر‬‫وأﻧﺖ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﺟﻨﺔ‬«،‫وواﺻﻠﺖ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮة‬‫ﺗﺤﺮآﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻟﻤﻴﺪان‬‫إﻟﻰ‬‫ﻣﻘﺮ‬‫وزارة‬‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬.

‫ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺟﻬﺔ‬،‫أﺧﺮى‬‫وﻓﻰ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎق‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬‫ﺛﻮرة‬‫اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬‫ﻗﺎل‬‫واﺋﻞ‬‫ﻏﻨﻴﻢ‬‫اﻟﻤﺴﺆول‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬‫ﺟﻮﺟﻞ‬‫إن‬‫ﻗﺎدة‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫اﻟﺘﻘﻮا‬‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻄﺎء‬،‫اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﺷﺎرآﻮا‬‫ﻓﻰ‬،‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬‫وأن‬‫اﻟﻠﻮاء‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬‫ﺣﺠﺎزى‬‫أآﺪ‬‫ﻟﻬﻢ‬‫أن‬‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫ﻻ‬‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ‬‫ﺗﺴﻠﻢ‬‫اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وأن‬‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ‬‫هﻰ‬‫اﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ‬‫اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬‫ﻟﺘﻘﺪم‬،‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫وأﻧﻪ‬‫داﻓﻊ‬‫ﻋﻦ‬‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﺷﻔﻴﻖ‬.‫وﻗﺎل‬‫زﻳﺎد‬‫اﻟﻌﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬‫أﺣﺪ‬‫ﻣﻤﺜﻠﻰ‬»‫اﺋﺘﻼف‬‫ﺷﺒﺎب‬25
‫ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‬«‫إن‬ً‫ا‬‫وﻓﺪ‬‫ﻣﻦ‬‫اﻻﺋﺘﻼف‬‫ﻳﻀﻢ‬‫أﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﻣﺎهﺮ‬‫وﺧﺎﻟﺪ‬‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬‫وﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬‫ﺳﺎﻣﻰ‬‫وﻋﺒﺪاﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‬‫ﺳﻤﻴﺮ‬‫وواﺋﻞ‬‫ﻏﻨﻴﻢ‬‫وأﺳﻤﺎء‬‫ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ‬‫وﻋﻤﺮو‬
‫ﺳﻼﻣﺔ‬‫وﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬‫ﻋﺒﺎس‬‫اﻟﺘﻘﻰ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎدة‬،‫اﻟﺠﻴﺶ‬‫أﻣﺲ‬،‫اﻷول‬‫وﺳﻴﻘﺪم‬‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‬‫ﻓﻰ‬‫ﻟﻘﺎء‬‫ﺁﺧﺮ‬ً‫ا‬‫ﻏﺪ‬.

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