![for pumping-engines was limited, that their Cornish prospects were
still gloomy, and that they must very soon look out for new fields.
One of his schemes was the applying of the steam-engine to the
winding of coals. “A hundred engines at 100l. a year each,” he said,
“would be a better thing than all Cornwall.” But the best field of all,
he still held, was mills. “Let us remember,” said he, “the Birmingham
motto, to ‘strike while the iron is hot.’”
Watt, as usual, was not so sanguine as his partner, and rather
doubtful of the profit to be derived from this source. From a
correspondence between him and Mr. William Wyatt, of London, on
the subject, we find him discouraging the scheme of applying steam-
engines to drive corn-mills; on which Boulton wrote to Wyatt,—
“You have had a correspondence with my friend Watt, but I know not
the particulars.... You must make allowance in what Mr. Watt says ... he
under values the merits of his own works.... I will take all risks in erecting
an engine for a corn-mill.... I think I can safely say our engine will grind
four times the quantity of corn per bushel of coal compared with any
engine hitherto erected.”[251]
About the same time we find Boulton writing to Watt,—
“You seem to be fearful that mills will not answer, and that you
cannot make Reynolds’s amount to more than 20l. a year. For my part, I
think that mills, though trifles in comparison with Cornish engines, present
a field that is boundless, and that will be more permanent than these
transient mines, and more satisfactory than these inveterate, ungenerous,
and envious miners and mine lords. As to the trouble of small engines, I
would curtail it by making a pattern card of them (which may be done in
the course of next year), and confine ourselves to those sorts and sizes
until our convenience admits of more.”[252]
In the mean time Watt, notwithstanding his doubts, had been
proceeding with the completion of his rotative machine, and by the
end of the year applied it with success to a tilt-hammer, as well as to
a corn-mill at Soho. Some difficulties presented themselves at first,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-35-320.jpg)
![but they were speedily surmounted. The number of strokes made by
the hammer was increased from 18 per minute in the first
experiment, to 25 in the second; and Watt contemplated increasing
the speed to even 250 or 300 strokes a minute, by diminishing the
height to which the hammer rose before making its descending
blow. “There is now no doubt,” said he, “that fire-engines will drive
mills; but I entertain some doubts whether anything is to be got by
them, as by any computation I have yet made of the mill for
Reynolds [recently ordered] I cannot make it come to more than 20l.
per annum, which will do little more than pay trouble. Perhaps some
others may do better.”[253]
“OLD BESS.”[254]
The problem of producing rotary motion by steam-power was
thus solved to the satisfaction even of Watt himself. But though a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-36-320.jpg)
![boundless field for the employment of the engine now presented
itself, Watt was anything but elated at the prospect. For some time
he doubted whether it would be worth the while of the Soho firm to
accept orders for engines of this sort. When Boulton went to Dublin
to endeavour to secure a patent for Ireland, Watt wrote to him thus:
—“Some people at Burton are making application to us for an engine
to work a cotton-mill; but from their letter and the man they have
sent here, I have no great opinion of their abilities.... If you come
home by way of Manchester, please not to seek for orders for
cotton-mill engines, because I hear that there are so many mills
erecting on powerful streams in the north of England, that the trade
must soon be overdone, and consequently our labour may be lost.”
Boulton, however, had no such misgivings. He foresaw that before
long the superior power, regularity, speed, and economy, of the
steam-engine, must recommend it for adoption in all branches of
manufacture in which rotative motion was employed; and he had no
hesitation in applying for orders notwithstanding the opposition of
his partner. The first rotary engine was made for Mr. Reynolds, of
Ketley, towards the end of 1782, and was used to drive a corn-mill.
It was some time before another order was received, though various
inquiries were made about engines for the purpose of polishing
glass, grinding malt, rolling iron, and such like.[255]
The first engine
of the kind erected in London was at Goodwyn and Co.’s brewery;
and the second, still working, though in an altered form, at the
Messrs. Whitbread’s. These were shortly followed by other engines
of the same description, until there was scarcely a brewery in
London that was not supplied with one.
In the mean time, the works at Soho continued to be fully
employed in the manufacture of pumping-engines. But as the county
of Cornwall was becoming well supplied,—no fewer than twenty-one
having now been erected there, only one of the old Newcomen
construction continuing in work,—it was probable that before long
the demand from that quarter must slacken, if not come to an end.
There were, however, other uses to which the pumping-engine
might be applied; and one of the most promising was the drainage](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-37-320.jpg)
![of the Fen lands. Some adventurers at Soham, near Cambridge,
having made inquiries on the subject, Watt wrote to his partner, “I
look upon these Fens as the only trump card we have left in our
hand.”[256]
The adventurers proposed that Boulton and Watt should
take an interest in their scheme by subscribing part of the necessary
capital. But Watt decidedly objected to this, as he did not wish to
repeat his Cornish difficulties in the Fens. He was willing to supply
engines on reasonable terms, but as for shares he would have none
of them. The conclusion he eventually arrived at with respect to his
proposed customers was this,—“Consider Fen men as Cornish men,
only more cunning.”
In the midst of his great labours, Boulton was reminded that he
was human. He had for years been working at too high pressure,
and the tear and wear began to tell upon his health. Watt
expostulated with him, telling him that he was trying to do half-a-
dozen men’s work; but in vain. He was committed to so many
important enterprises—he had so much at stake—the liabilities he
had to meet from day to day were so heavy—that he was in a
measure forced to be active. To his friend Matthews he lamented
that he was under the necessity of “slaving from morning till night,
working fourteen hours a day, in the drudgery of a Birmingham
manufacturer and hardware merchant.” But this could not last, and
before long he was threatened with a break-down. His friends Drs.
Withering and Darwin urged him at once to “knock off” and take a
long holiday—to leave Soho and its business, its correspondence,
and its visitors, and get as far away from it as possible.
Acting on their advice, he resolved on making a long-promised
visit to Scotland, and he set out on his tour in the autumn of 1783.
He went by Newcastle, where he visited the principal coal mines,
and from thence to Edinburgh, where he had some pleasant
intercourse with Dr. Black and Professor Robison. It is evident from
his letters that he did not take much ease during his journey, for he
carried about with him his steam-engine—at least in his head. “I
talked with Dr. Black and another chemical friend,” he wrote,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-38-320.jpg)
![“respecting my plan for saving alkali at such bleach-grounds as our
fire-engines are used at instead of water-wheels: the Doctor did not
start any objections, but, on the contrary, much approved it.” From
Edinburgh he proceeded to the celebrated ironworks at Carron, a
place in which he naturally felt a peculiar interest. There his friend
Roebuck had started his great enterprise, and there Watt had
erected his first engine. His visit there, however, was not so much
for curiosity or pleasure, but for business and experiment. “During
my residence in Scotland,” said he, “one month of my time was
closely employed at Carron Ironworks in settling accounts, but
principally in making a great number of experiments on all their iron
ores, and in putting them into the train of making good bar-iron, in
which I succeeded to my wishes, although they had never made a
single bar of tough iron at Carron before.”[257]
In the course of his
journey he made a large collection of fossils for his museum, and the
weight of his bags sensibly increased almost daily. On his way
through Ayrshire he called on Lord Dundonald, a kindred spirit in
chemical and mechanical scheming, and examined his mineral tar
works. He wrote to Mr. Gilbert, the Duke of Bridgewater’s manager
at Worsley, that “the tar is better for the bottoms of vessels than the
vegetable tar; and the coal-oil hath many uses. Query—if such a
work might not be a useful appendage to your colliery and canal.”
Boulton returned to Soho greatly improved in health, and was
shortly immersed as before in the business of the factory. He found
considerable arrears of correspondence requiring to be brought up.
Several of the letters waiting for him were from schemers of new
inventions connected with the steam-engine. Whenever an inventor
thought he had discovered anything new, he at once rushed to
Boulton with it. He was looked upon as the lord and leader of steam
power. His reputation for enterprise and business aptitude, and the
energetic manner in which he had pushed Watt’s invention, were
now so widely known, that every new schemer saw a fortune within
his reach could he but enlist Boulton on his side. Hence much of his
time was occupied in replying to letters from schemers,—from
inventors of perpetual motion, of flying-machines, of locomotion by](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-39-320.jpg)
![steam, and of various kinds of rotary motion. In one of his letters we
find him complaining of so much of his time being “taken up in
answering great numbers of letters he had lately been plagued with
from eccentric persons of no business;” for it was his practice never
to leave a letter unanswered, no matter how insignificant or
unreasonable his correspondent might be.[258]
After a short visit to London, Boulton proceeded into Cornwall to
look after the engines there, and watch the progress of the mining
operations in which by this time he had become so largely
interested. He found the adventurers in a state of general grumble
at the badness of the times, the lowness of prices, the losses
incurred in sinking for ore that could not be found, and the
heaviness of the dues for engine-power payable to Boulton and
Watt. At such times, the partners were usually beset with
applications for abatement, to which they were under the necessity
of submitting to prevent the mines being altogether closed. Thus the
dues at Chacewater were reduced from 2500l. to 1000l. a year, and
the adventurers were still pressing for further reductions.[259]
What
provoked Boulton most, however, was, not the loss of dues so much
as the threats which were constantly held out to him that unless the
demands of the adventurers were complied with, they would employ
the Hornblowers.
“It is a disagreeable thing,” he wrote, “to live amongst one’s enemies,
and all the adventurers are so, except Phillips and the Foxes, who are fair
men although they would rather have engines free. I have had many hints
given me that the Trumpeters were reviving their mischief, and many
causes for uneasiness, but I did not wish you to partake of them, and
therefore have been silent; but they are now striking at the root of us,
and therefore we must defend ourselves or fall.... I think if we could but
keep up our spirits and be active we might vanquish all the host. But I
must own that I have been low-spirited ever since I have been here—have
been indolent, and feel as if the springs of life were let down.”
It does not, however, appear from the letter to Watt in which
this complaint occurs, that Boulton had been at all indolent, as he](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-40-320.jpg)
![speaks of being in almost daily attendance at the miners’ meetings;
one day at Poldice, the next at Consolidated Mines, and so on. Of
the latter meeting he says,—
“There was a full attendance; Jethro looked impudent, but mortified
to see the new little engine drawing kibbles from two pits exceedingly well
and very manageable, and afterwards it worked six stamps each 2½ = 14
cwt., lifted twice at each revolution, or four times for every stroke of the
engine. I suppose there were a thousand people present to see the
engine work.”
Watt was, on his part, rather opposed to making further
concessions, which only seemed to have the effect of inviting
demands for more.
“People,” said he, “do not employ us out of personal regard, but to
serve themselves; and why should not we look after ourselves in like
manner.... John Taylor died the other day worth 200,000l., without ever
doing one generous action. I do not mean that we should follow his
example. I should not consent to oppression or to take any unfair
advantage of my neighbour’s necessity, but I think it blameable to
exercise generosity towards men who display none towards us. It is
playing an unfair game when the advantage is wholly on their side. If
Wheal Virgin threatened to stop unless we abated one-half, they should
stop for me; but if it appeared that, according to the mode settled in
making the agreement, we had too high a premium, I should voluntarily
reduce it to whatever was just.”
While Boulton was fighting for dues in Cornwall, and labouring
as before to improve the business management of the mines in
which he was interested as a shareholder, Watt was busily occupied
at Soho in turning out new engines for various purposes, as well as
in perfecting several long-contemplated inventions. The
manufactory, which had for a time been unusually slack, was again
in full work. Several engines were in hand for the London brewers.
Wedgwood had ordered an engine to grind flints;[260]
and orders
were coming in for rotative engines for various purposes, such as](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-41-320.jpg)
![driving saw-mills in America and sugar-mills in the West Indies. Work
was, indeed, so plentiful that Watt was opposed to further orders for
rotatives being taken, as the drawings for them occupied so much
time, and they brought in but small profit. “I see plainly,” said he,
“that every rotation engine will cost twice the trouble of one for
raising water, and will in general pay only half the money. Therefore
I beg you will not undertake any more rotatives until our hands are
clear, which will not be before 1785. We have already more work in
hand than we have people to execute it in the interval.”[261]
One reason why Watt was more than usually economical of his
time was, that he was then in the throes of the inventions patented
by him in the course of this year. Though racked by headaches
which, he complained, completely “dumfounded” him and perplexed
his mind, he could not restrain his irrepressible instinct to invent;
and the result was the series of inventions embodied in his patent of
1784, including, among other things, the application of the steam-
engine to the working of a tilt-hammer for forging iron and steel, to
driving wheel-carriages for carrying persons and goods, and for
other purposes. The specification also included the beautiful
invention of the parallel motion, of which Watt himself said, “Though
I am not over anxious after fame, yet I am more proud of the
parallel motion than of any other mechanical invention I have ever
made.” Watt was led to meditate this contrivance by the practical
inconvenience which he experienced in communicating the direct
vertical motion of the piston-rod by means of racks and sectors, to
the angular motion of the working beam. He was gradually led to
entertain the opinion that some means might be contrived for
accomplishing this object by motions turning upon centres; and,
working upon this idea, he gradually elaborated his invention. So
soon as he caught sight of the possible means of overcoming the
difficulty, he wrote to Boulton in Cornwall,—
“I have started a new hare. I have got a glimpse of a method of
causing a piston-rod to move up and down perpendicularly by only fixing
it to a piece of iron upon the beam, without chains or perpendicular](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-42-320.jpg)
![guides or untowardly friction, arch heads, or other pieces of clumsiness;
by which contrivance it answers fully to expectation. About 5 feet in the
height of her house may be saved in 8-feet strokes, which I look upon as
a capital saving, and it will answer for double engines as well as for single
ones. I have only tried it in a slight model yet, so cannot build upon it,
though I think it a very probable thing to succeed. It is one of the most
ingenious, simple pieces of mechanism I have ever contrived, but I beg
nothing may be said on it till I specify.”[262]
THE PARALLEL MOTION.
He immediately set to work to put his idea to the practical proof,
and only eleven days later he wrote,—
“I have made a very large model of the new substitute for racks and
sectors, which seems to bid fair to answer. The rod goes up and down
quite in a perpendicular line without racks, chains, or guides. It is a
perpendicular motion derived from a combination of motions about
centres—very simple, has very little friction, has nothing standing higher
than the back of the beam, and requires the centre of the beam to be
only half the stroke of the engine higher than the top of the piston-rod
when at lowest, and has no inclination to pull the piston-rod either one
way or another, only straight up and down.... However, don’t pride
yourself on it—it is not fairly tried yet, and may have unknown faults.”[263]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-43-320.jpg)
![precision the passage of the steam between the boiler and the
cylinder. When the pressure of steam is great, and the tendency of
the engine is to go faster, the governor shuts off the steam; and
when it is less, the governor opens the throttle-valve and increases
the supply. By this simple and elegant contrivance the engine is
made to regulate its own speed with the most beautiful precision.
Among the numerous proposed applications of the steam-
engine about this time, was its employment as a locomotive in
driving wheel-carriages. It will be remembered that Watt’s friend
Robison had, at a very early period, directed his attention to the
subject; and the idea had since been revived by Mr. Edgeworth, who
laboured with great zeal to indoctrinate Watt with his views. The
latter, though he had but little faith in the project, nevertheless
included a plan of a locomotive engine in his patent of 1784; but he
took no steps to put it in execution, being too much engrossed with
other business at the time. His plan contemplated the employment
of steam either in the form of high-pressure or low-pressure,
working the pistons by the force of steam only, and discharging it
into the atmosphere after it had performed its office, or discharging
it into an air-tight condenser made of thin plates or pipes, with their
outsides exposed to the wind or to an artificial current of air, thereby
economising the water which would otherwise be lost.
Watt did not carry his design into effect; and, so far as he was
concerned, the question of steam locomotion would have gone no
further. But the subject had already attracted the attention of
William Murdock, who had for some time been occupied during his
leisure hours in constructing an actual working model of a
locomotive. When his model was finished, he proceeded to try it in
the long avenue leading to the parsonage at Redruth, in the summer
of 1784; and in so doing nearly frightened out of his wits the village
pastor, who encountered the hissing, fiery little machine, while
enjoying his evening walk.[264]
When Watt heard of this experiment, he wrote to Boulton,
advising that Murdock should be gently counselled to give up his](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-45-320.jpg)
![scheme, which might have the effect of withdrawing him from the
work of the firm, in which he had become increasingly useful.
“As to my own part,” wrote Watt, “I shall form no obstacle to the
scheme. My only reasons against it were that I feared it would deprive us
of a valuable man; that it would, if we were to be concerned in it, divert
us from more valuable business, and perhaps prove a sinking fund; and
lastly, that I did not like that a scheme which I had revolved in my mind
for years and hoped to be able at some favourable time to bring to
perfection, if capable of it, should be wrested from me, or that I should be
compelled to go into it as a secondary person. But I have now made the
latter objection give way. And as to the first, I think it will take place at
any rate, so we must make the best of it.”[265]
Boulton was accordingly recommended in the first place to
endeavour to dissuade Murdock from pursuing the subject further,
but if he could not succeed in that, rather than lose him, he was to
let him have an advance to the extent of 100l., to enable him to
prosecute his experiments; and if within a year he succeeded in
making an engine capable of drawing a postchaise carrying two
ordinary persons and the driver, with 200 lbs. of luggage, fuel for
four hours, and water for two hours, going at the rate of four miles
an hour, then a partnership was to be entered into, in which Boulton
and Watt were to find the capital, and Murdock was to conduct the
business and take his share of the profits.
Murdock, however, had so many urgent matters to attend to,
that, sanguine though he continued to be as to the success of his
scheme, he could not find time to pursue it. He was a man after
Boulton’s own heart, unsparing of himself and indefatigable in
whatsoever he undertook; nor was Boulton sparing of praises of him
in his confidential letters to Watt.
“We want more Murdocks,” he wrote on one occasion, “for, of all our
men he is the most active. He is the best engine erector I ever saw, and
of his energy I had one of the best proofs this day. They stopped Poldice
lower engine last Monday and took her all to pieces; took out the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-46-320.jpg)
![condenser, took up out of the shaft the greatest part of the pumps, took
the nozzles to pieces, cut out the iron seatings and put in brass ones with
new valves, mended the eduction-pipe, and did a great number of repairs
about the beam and engine; put the pumps down into the new engine
shaft, did much work at the new engine; and this done, about noon both
the engines, new and old, were set to work again complete. When I look
at the work done it astonishes me, and is entirely owing to the spirit and
activity of Murdock, who hath not gone to bed for three nights, and I
expect the mine will be in full fork again by Wednesday night. I have got
him into good humour again without any coaxing, have prevailed on him
not to give up Wheal Virgin engine, which he had been resolved to do
from the ungenerous treatment he received from the captains. I have also
prevailed on him to put off his determined journey to Scotland until North
Downs engines are got to work, and have quieted his mind about wheel
carriages till then.”[266]
Notwithstanding Watt’s fears of a falling off, the engine business
still continued to prosper in Cornwall. Although the mining interests
were suffering from continued depression, new mines were being
opened out, for which pumping-engines were wanted; and Boulton
and Watt’s continued to maintain their superiority over all others.
None of their threatened rivals had yet been able to exhibit an
engine in successful work; and those of the old construction had
been almost completely superseded. In 1784, new engines were in
course of erection at Poldice, New Poldory, Wheal Maid, Polgooth,
and other mines. Almost the last of the Newcomen engines in
Cornwall had been discarded at Polgooth in favour of one of Boulton
and Watt’s 58-inch cylinder engines.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-47-320.jpg)
![POLGOOTH.
[By R. P. Leitch.]
The dues paid yearly in respect of these and other engines
previously erected were very considerable; Boulton estimating that,
if duly paid, they would amount to about 12,000l. a year. There
seemed, therefore, every reasonable prospect of the financial
difficulties of the firm at last coming to an end.
Boulton’s visit to Cornwall on this occasion was enlivened by the
companionship of his wife, and her friend Miss Mynd. Towards
midsummer he looked forward with anticipations of increased
pleasure to the visit of his two children—his son Matt and his
daughter Nancy—during their school holidays. It was a source of
much regret to him, affectionate as his nature was, that the
engrossing character of his business prevented him enjoying the
society of his family so much as he desired. But he endeavoured to
make up for it by maintaining a regular correspondence with them
when absent. His letters to his children were full of playfulness,
affection, and good advice. To his son at school he wrote telling him](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-48-320.jpg)
![manufacturing nation to tax the raw materials of wealth was a
suicidal measure, calculated, if persevered in, to involve the
producers of wealth in ruin. “Let taxes,” he said, “be laid upon
luxuries, upon vices, and if you like upon property; tax riches when
got, and the expenditure of them, but not the means of getting
them; of all things, don’t cut open the hen that lays the golden
eggs.”[267]
Petitions and memorials were forthwith got up in the midland
counties, and presented against the measure; and Boulton being
recognised as the leader of the movement in his district, was
summoned by Mr. Pitt to London to an interview with him on the
subject. He then took the opportunity of pressing upon the Minister
the necessity of taking measures to secure reciprocity of trade with
foreign nations, as being of vital importance to the trade of England.
Writing to his partner Scale, he said, “Surely our Ministers must be
bad politicians, to suffer the gates of nearly every commercial city in
the world to be shut against us.” “There is no doubt,” he wrote to his
friend Garbett, “but the edicts, prohibitions, and high duties laid
upon our manufacturers by foreign powers will be severely felt,
unless some new commercial treaties are entered into with such
powers. I fear our young Minister is not sufficiently aware of the
importance of the subject, and I likewise fear he will pledge himself
before Parliament meets to carry other measures in the next session
that will be as odious to the country as his late attempts.”
As Boulton had anticipated, the Ministry introduced several
important measures, calculated to have a highly injurious effect
upon English industry, and he immediately bestirred himself, in
conjunction with Josiah Wedgwood, of Etruria, to organise a
movement in opposition to them. Wedgwood and Boulton met at
Birmingham in February, 1785, and arranged to assemble a meeting
of delegates from the manufacturing districts, who were to meet and
sit in London “all the time the Irish commercial affairs were
pending.” A printed statement of the objects of the movement was
circulated, and Boulton and Wedgwood wrote to their friends in all](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-51-320.jpg)
![affirm the resolutions adopted by the British Parliament, in which
case it might be necessary again to oppose the Ministerial measures;
and to provide for this contingency, the delegates separated, with
the resolution to maintain and extend their organisation in the
manufacturing districts. Watt did not, however, like the idea of his
partner becoming engrossed in political agitation, even in matters
relating to commerce. He accordingly wrote to Boulton in London, “I
find myself quite unequal to the various business now lying behind,
and wish much you were at home, and that you would direct your
attention solely to your own and to Boulton and Watt’s business until
affairs can be brought into reasonable compass.”[268]
Later he wrote,
—“At Manchester they are busy making a collection for the Chamber
of Manufacturers, which I fancy will be in vogue again next winter.
But I hope that neither you nor I will be mad enough to be
demagogues then. Let us leave that to those who can defy Ministers,
and get our property secured, which may be done in the confusion.”
Watt was at this time distressed by an adverse decision against
the firm in one of the Scotch courts. “I have generally observed,” he
wrote, “that there is a tide in our affairs. We have had peace for
some time, but now cross accidents have begun, and more are to be
feared.” His anxieties were increased by the rumour which reached
his ears from several quarters of a grand combination of opulent
manufacturers to make use of every beneficial patent that had been
taken out, and cut them down by scire facias, as they had already
cut down Arkwright’s. It was said that subscriptions had been
obtained by the association amounting to 50,000l. Watt was
requested to join a counter combination of patentees to resist the
threatened proceedings. To this, however, he objected, on the
ground that the association of men to support one another in
lawsuits was illegal, and would preclude the members from giving
evidence in support of each other’s rights. “Besides,” said he, “the
greater number of patentees are such as we could not associate
with, and if we did it would do us more harm than good.”[269]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-54-320.jpg)
![Towards the end of 1785 the engines which had been in hand
were nearly finished, and work was getting slacker than usual at
Soho. Though new orders gave Watt trouble, and occasioned him
anxiety, still he would rather not be without them. “It will be well,”
he wrote to his partner, “if we can get some orders now for engines
worth while. What we have been doing lately has been very trifling,
and if we don’t get orders soon, our men will be idle. As it happens
at present, we have at least three engineers too few here, there
being eight engines to be done in two or three months, and only
three engineers.”[270]
It was matter of gratification to Watt to be able
to report that the engines last delivered had given great satisfaction.
The mechanics were improving in skill, and their workmanship was
becoming of a superior character. “Strood and Curtis’s engine,” said
he, “has been at work some time, and does very well. Whitbread’s
has also been tried, and performs exceedingly well.” The success of
Whitbread’s engine was such that it had the honour of a visit from
the King, who was greatly pleased with its performances. Not to be
outdone, “Felix Calvert,” wrote Watt, “has bespoken one, which is to
outdo Whitbread’s in magnificence.”
The slackness of work at Soho was not of long continuance.
Orders for rotative engines came in gradually; one from Harris, of
Nottingham; another from Macclesfield, to drive a silk-mill; a third
from Edinburgh, for the purposes of a distillery; and others from
different quarters. The influx of orders had the effect at the same
time of filling Soho with work, and plunging Watt into his usual
labyrinth of perplexity and distress. In September we find him
writing to Boulton,—
“My health, is so bad that I do not think I can hold out much longer,
at least as a man of business, and I wish to consolidate something before
I give over.” ... Again, “I cannot help being dispirited, because I find my
head fail me much, business an excessive burden to me, and little
prospect of my speedy release from it. Were we both young and healthy, I
should see no reason to despair, but very much the contrary. However, we
must do the best we can, and hope for quiet in heaven when our weary
bones are laid to rest.”[271]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-55-320.jpg)
![which Boulton took the leading part; the Governor and Directors
pressing him not to leave Cornwall until they were definitely settled.
It happened to suit his convenience to remain until the Wheal
Fortune engine was finished—one of the most formidable engines
the firm had yet erected in Cornwall. In the mean time he entered
into correspondence with various consumers of copper at home and
abroad, with the object of finding a vend for the metal. He
succeeded in obtaining a contract through Mr. Hope, of Amsterdam,
for supplying the copper required for the new Dutch coinage; and he
opened out new markets for the produce in other quarters. Being a
large holder of mining shares, Boulton also tried to introduce new
and economical methods of working the mines; but with
comparatively little result. To Wilkinson he wrote,—“Poldice is in a
desponding way, and must give up unless better managed. North
Downs is managed as badly by incapable, ignorant, drunken
captains, who hold their posts not by merit, but by their cousinship
to some of the adventurers.... I should spend a great part of next
year in Cornwall, and make myself master of the minutiæ. I think I
could then accomplish many necessary regulations.”[272]
Though actively bestirring himself for the good of the mining
interest, Boulton had but small thanks for his pains. The prominence
of his position had this disadvantage, that if the price of the ore
went down, or profits declined, or the yield fell off, or the mines
were closed, or anything went wrong, the miners were but too ready
to identify him in some way with the evil; and the services which he
had rendered to the mining interest[273]
were in a moment forgotten.
On one occasion the discontent of the miners broke out into open
revolt, and Boulton was even threatened with personal violence. The
United Mines having proved unprofitable in the working, notice was
given by the manager of an intended reduction of wages, this being
the only condition on which the mines could be carried on. If this
could not be arranged, the works must be closed, as the adventurers
declined to go on at a loss. On the announcement of the intended
lowering of wages being made, there was great excitement and
discontent among the workpeople. Several hundreds of them hastily](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-57-320.jpg)
![the Cornish Anabaptists, Boulton was equally so by the Cornish
Quakers. We find him, in one of his letters to Mrs. Boulton,
describing to her a great meeting of Friends at Truro which he had
attended, “when,” he said, “I heard our friend Catherine Phillips
preach with great energy and good sense for an hour and a half,
although so weak in body that she was obliged to lie abed for
several days before.” Boulton afterwards dined with the whole body
of Friends at the principal inn, being the only person present who
was not of the Society; and he confessed to have spent in their
company a very pleasant evening.[274]
We return to the progress of the engine business at Soho. The
most important work in hand about this time was the double-acting
engine intended for the Albion Mill, in Southwark.[275]
This was the
first rotative with a parallel motion erected in London; and as the
more extended use of the engine would in a great measure depend
upon its success, the firm naturally looked forward with very great
interest to its performances. The Albion Mill scheme was started by
Boulton as early as 1783. Orders for rotatives were then coming in
very slowly, and it occurred to him that if he had but the opportunity
of exhibiting the powers of the new engine in its best form, and in
connexion with the best machinery, the results would be so
satisfactory and conclusive as to induce manufacturers generally to
follow the example. On applying to the London capitalists, Boulton
found them averse to the undertaking; and at length Boulton and
Watt became persuaded that if the concern was to be launched at
all, they must themselves find the principal part of the capital. A
sufficient number of shareholders was got together to make a start,
and application was made for a charter of incorporation in 1784; but
it was so strongly opposed by the millers and mealmen, on the
ground that the application of steam-power to flour-grinding would
throw wind and water mills out of work, take away employment from
the labouring classes, and reduce the price of bread,[276]
that the
charter was refused; and the Albion Mill Company was accordingly
constituted on the ordinary principles of partnership.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-59-320.jpg)
![By the end of the year the Albion Mill engines, carefully
designed by Watt, were put in hand at Soho; the building was in
course of erection, after the designs of Mr. Wyatt, the architect;
while John Rennie, the young Scotch engineer, was engaged to
design and fit up the flour-grinding and dressing machinery. “I am
glad,” wrote Boulton to Watt, “you have agreed with Rennie. Mills
are a great field. Think of the crank—of Wolf, Trumpeter, Wasp, and
all the ghosts we are haunted by.” The whole of the following year
was occupied in the erection of the buildings and machinery; and it
was not until the spring of 1786 that the mill was ready to start.
Being the first enterprise of the kind, on an unprecedented scale,
and comprising many novel combinations of machinery, there were
many “hitches” before it could be got to work satisfactorily. After the
first trial, at which Boulton was present, he wrote his partner
expressing his dissatisfaction with the working of the double-acting
engine, expressing the opinion that it would have been better if they
had held by the single-acting one.[277]
Watt was urged to run up to
town himself and set matters to rights; but he was up to the ears in
work at Soho, and could not leave for a day.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-60-320.jpg)
![“Above all, patience must be exercised and things coolly examined
and put to rights, and care be taken not to blame innocent parts.
Everything must, as much as possible, be tried separately. Remind those
who begin to growl, that in new, complicated, and difficult things, human
foresight falls short—that time and money must be given to perfect things
and find out their defects, otherwise they cannot be remedied.”[278]
Not being able to persuade Watt to come to his help, Boulton
sent to Cornwall for Murdock, always ready to lend a hand on an
emergency, and in the course of a few weeks he was in town at
work upon the engines. The result is best told in Wyatt’s letter to
Boulton, who had by this time returned to Birmingham:—
“Mr. Murdock has just set the engine to work. All the rods are altered.
I think he has done more good than all the doctors we have had before;
and his manner of doing it has been very satisfactory—so different from
what we have been used to. He has been through all the flues himself,
and really takes uncommon pains. Pray write to him; thank him for his
attention. He will not have left town before he gets your letter, and press
him to stay as long as he can be essentially serviceable.”
There was, however, so great a demand for Murdock’s presence
in Cornwall, that he could not be spared for another day, and he
hurried back again to his multifarious duties at the mines.
The cost of erecting the mill proved to be considerably in excess
of the original estimate, and Watt early feared that it would turn out
a losing concern. He had no doubt about the engines or the
machinery being able to do all that had been promised; but he
feared that the absence of business capacity on the part of the
managers would be fatal to its commercial success.[279]
He was
especially annoyed at finding the mill made a public show of, and
that it was constantly crowded with curious and frivolous people,
whose presence seriously interfered with the operations of the
workmen. It reached his ears that the managers of the mill even
intended to hold a masquerade in it, with the professed object of
starting the concern with eclat! Watt denounced this as sheer](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/62226-250308190152-2b10fd7f/85/Linux-Administration-A-Beginner-s-Guide-8th-Edition-Wale-Soyinka-62-320.jpg)
Linux Administration: A Beginner's Guide 8th Edition Wale Soyinka
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- 8. Contents 1. Cover 2. Title Page 3. Copyright Page 4. Dedication 5. About the Author 6. Contents at a Glance 7. Contents 8. Acknowledgments 9. Introduction 10. Part I Introduction and Installation 1. Chapter 1 Introduction to Linux, Distributions, and FOSS 1. Linux: The Operating System 2. Open Source Software and GNU: Overview 1. The GNU Public License 2. Upstream and Downstream 3. The Advantages of Open Source Software 4. Understanding the Differences Between Windows and Linux 1. Single Users vs. Multiple Users vs. Network Users 2. The Monolithic Kernel and the Micro- Kernel 3. Separation of the GUI and the Kernel 4. My Network Places 5. The Registry vs. Text Files 6. Domains and Active Directory 5. Summary
- 9. 2. Chapter 2 Installing a Linux Server 1. Hardware and Environmental Considerations 2. Server Design 1. Uptime 3. Methods of Installation 4. Installing Fedora 1. Project Prerequisites 5. The Installation 6. Installation Summary 1. Localization Section 2. Software Section 3. System Section 4. User Settings Section 5. The Installation 7. Installing Ubuntu Server 1. Start the Installation 2. Configure the Network 3. Configure Proxy 4. Configure Ubuntu Archive Mirror 5. File System Setup 6. Profile Setup 7. SSH Setup 8. Featured Server Snaps 9. Install Complete 8. Summary 3. Chapter 3 Deploying Linux Servers in the Cloud 1. Behind the Cloud
- 10. 2. Obtaining and Spinning Up New Virtual Linux Servers 1. Free-to-Run Virtual Linux Servers 2. Commercial Cloud Service Providers 3. Summary 11. Part II Single-Host Administration 1. Chapter 4 The Command Line 1. An Introduction to Bash 1. Job Control 2. Environment Variables 3. Pipes 4. Redirection 2. Command-Line Shortcuts 1. Filename Expansion 2. Environment Variables as Parameters 3. Multiple Commands 4. Backticks 3. Documentation Tools 1. The man Command 2. The texinfo System 4. Files (Types, Ownership, and Permissions) 1. Normal Files 2. Directories 3. Hard Links 4. Symbolic Links 5. Block Devices 6. Character Devices 7. Listing Files: ls 8. Change Ownership: chown
- 11. 9. Change Group: chgrp 10. Change Mode: chmod 5. File Management and Manipulation 1. Copy Files: cp 2. Move Files: mv 3. Link Files: ln 4. Find a File: find 5. File Compression: gzip 6. File Compression: bzip2 7. File Compression: xz 8. Create a Directory: mkdir 9. Remove Files or Directories: rm 10. Show Present Working Directory: pwd 11. Tape Archive: tar 12. Concatenate Files: cat 13. Display a File One Screen at a Time: more or less 14. Show the Directory Location of a File: which 15. Locate a Command: whereis 6. Editors 1. vi 2. emacs 3. pico 4. sed 7. Miscellaneous Tools 1. Disk Utilization: du 2. Disk Free: df 3. List Processes: ps 4. Show an Interactive List of Processes: top 5. Send a Signal to a Process: kill 6. Show System Information: uname 7. Who Is Logged In: who 8. A Variation on who: w 9. Switch User: su
- 12. 8. Putting It All Together (Moving a User and Its Home Directory) 9. Summary 2. Chapter 5 Managing Software 1. The Red Hat Package Manager 2. Managing Software Using RPM 1. Querying for Information the RPM Way (Getting to Know One Another) 2. Installing Software with RPM (Moving in Together) 3. Uninstalling Software with RPM (Ending the Relationship) 4. Other Things RPM Can Do 3. Yum 4. DNF 5. GUI RPM Package Managers 1. Fedora or Ubuntu 2. openSUSE and SLE 6. The Debian Package Management System 1. APT 7. Software Management in Ubuntu 1. Querying for Information 2. Installing Software in Ubuntu 3. Removing Software in Ubuntu 8. Compile and Install GNU Software 1. Getting and Unpacking the Source Package 2. Looking for Documentation 3. Configuring the Package 4. Compiling the Package
- 13. 5. Installing the Package 6. Testing the Software 7. Cleanup 9. Common Problems when Building from Source Code 1. Problems with Libraries 2. Missing Configure Script 3. Broken Source Code 10. Summary 3. Chapter 6 Managing Users and Groups 1. What Exactly Constitutes a User? 2. Where User Information Is Kept 1. The /etc/passwd File 2. The /etc/shadow File 3. The /etc/group File 3. User Management Tools 1. Command-Line User Management 2. GUI User Managers 4. Users and Access Permissions 1. Understanding SetUID and SetGID Programs 2. Sticky Bit 5. Pluggable Authentication Modules 1. How PAM Works 2. PAM’s Files and Their Locations 3. Configuring PAM 4. A Sample PAM Configuration File 5. The “Other” File 6. D’oh! I Can’t Log In! 7. Debugging PAM
- 14. 6. A Grand Tour 1. Creating Users with useradd 2. Creating Groups with groupadd 3. Modifying User Attributes with usermod 4. Modifying Group Attributes with groupmod 5. Deleting Users and Groups with userdel and groupdel 7. Summary 4. Chapter 7 Booting and Shutting Down 1. Boot Loaders 1. GRUB Legacy 2. GRUB 2 3. Bootstrapping 2. The init Process 3. Systemd Scripts 1. Writing Your Own rc Script 4. Enabling and Disabling Services 1. Enabling a Service 2. Disabling a Service 5. Odds and Ends of Booting and Shutting Down 1. fsck! 2. Booting into Single-User (“Recovery”) Mode 6. Summary 5. Chapter 8 File Systems
- 15. 1. The Makeup of File Systems 1. i-Nodes 2. Blocks 3. Superblocks 4. ext4 5. Btrfs 6. XFS 2. Managing File Systems 1. Mounting and Unmounting Local Disks 2. Using fsck 3. Adding a New Disk 1. Overview of Partitions 2. Traditional Disk and Partition Naming Conventions 4. Volume Management 1. Creating Partitions and Logical Volumes 5. Creating File Systems 6. Summary 6. Chapter 9 Core System Services 1. systemd 1. systemd’s Role 2. How systemd Works 2. xinetd 1. The /etc/xinetd.conf File 2. Examples: A Simple (echo) Service Entry 3. The Logging Daemon
- 16. 1. rsyslogd 2. systemd-journald (journald) 4. The cron Program 1. The crontab File 2. Editing the crontab File 5. Summary 7. Chapter 10 The Linux Kernel 1. What Exactly Is a Kernel? 2. Finding the Kernel Source Code 1. Getting the Correct Kernel Version 2. Unpacking the Kernel Source Code 3. Building the Kernel 1. Preparing to Configure the Kernel 2. Kernel Configuration 3. Compiling the Kernel 4. Installing the Kernel 5. Booting the Kernel 6. The Author Lied! It Didn’t Work! 4. Patching the Kernel 1. Downloading and Applying Patches 2. If the Patch Worked 3. If the Patch Didn’t Work 5. Summary 8. Chapter 11 Knobs and Dials: API (Virtual) File Systems 1. What’s Inside the /proc Directory? 1. Tweaking Files Inside of /proc
- 17. 2. Some Useful /proc Entries 1. Enumerated /proc Entries 3. Common proc Settings and Reports 1. SYN Flood Protection 2. Issues on High-Volume Servers 4. SysFS 5. cgroupfs 6. tmpfs 1. tmpfs Example 7. Summary 12. Part III Networking and Security 1. Chapter 12 TCP/IP for System Administrators 1. The Layers 1. Packets 2. TCP/IP Model and the OSI Model 2. Headers 1. Ethernet 2. IP (IPv4) 3. TCP 4. UDP 3. A Complete TCP Connection 1. Opening a Connection 2. Transferring Data 3. Closing the Connection 4. How ARP Works
- 18. 1. The ARP Header: ARP Works with Other Protocols, Too! 5. Bringing IP Networks Together 1. Hosts and Networks 2. Subnetting 3. Netmasks 4. Static Routing 5. Dynamic Routing with RIP 6. tcpdump Bits and Bobs 1. Reading and Writing Dumpfiles 2. Capturing More or Less per Packet 3. Performance Impact 4. Don’t Capture Your Own Network Traffic 5. Troubleshooting Slow Name Resolution (DNS) Issues 7. IPv6 1. IPv6 Address Format 2. IPv6 Address Types 3. IPv6 Backward Compatibility 8. Summary 2. Chapter 13 Network Configuration 1. Modules and Network Interfaces 1. Network Device Configuration Utilities (ip, ifconfig, and nmcli) 2. Sample Usage: ifconfig, ip, and nmcli 3. Setting Up NICs at Boot Time 2. Managing Routes 1. Sample Usage: Route Configuration 2. Displaying Routes
- 19. 3. A Simple Linux Router 1. Routing with Static Routes 4. VPCs, Subnets, IPs, and Route Configuration (AWS Cloud Example) 1. VPCs and Subnets (AWS) 2. Internet Gateways and Routing (AWS) 3. Security Groups (AWS) 4. Launch a Linux Server in Its Own Subnet (AWS) 5. Hostname Configuration 6. Summary 3. Chapter 14 Linux Firewall (Netfilter) 1. How Netfilter Works 1. A NAT Primer 2. Chains 2. Installing Netfilter 1. Enabling Netfilter in the Kernel 3. Configuring Netfilter 1. Saving Your Netfilter Configuration 2. The iptables Command 3. firewalld 4. Cookbook Solutions 1. Simple NAT: iptables 2. Simple NAT: nftables 3. Simple Firewall: iptables 5. Summary
- 20. 4. Chapter 15 Local Security 1. Common Sources of Risk 1. SetUID Programs 2. Unnecessary Processes 2. Picking the Right Runlevel 3. Nonhuman User Accounts 4. Limited Resources 5. Mitigating Risk 1. chroot 2. SELinux 3. AppArmor 6. Monitoring Your System 1. Logging 2. Using ps and netstat 3. Watch That Space (Using df) 4. Automated Monitoring 5. Staying in the Loop (Mailing Lists) 7. Summary 5. Chapter 16 Network Security 1. TCP/IP and Network Security 1. The Importance of Port Numbers 2. Tracking Services 1. Using the netstat Command 2. Security Implications of netstat’s Output 3. Binding to an Interface 4. Shutting Down Services
- 21. 1. Shutting Down xinetd and inetd Services 2. Shutting Down Non-xinetd Services 5. Monitoring Your System 1. Making the Best Use of syslog 2. Monitoring Bandwidth with MRTG 6. Handling Attacks 1. Trust Nothing (and No One) 2. Change Your Passwords 3. Pull the Plug 7. Network Security Tools 1. nmap 2. Snort 3. Nessus and OpenVAS 4. Wireshark/tcpdump 8. Summary 13. Part IV Internet Services 1. Chapter 17 Domain Name System (DNS) 1. The Hosts File 2. How DNS Works 1. Domain and Host Naming Conventions 2. The Root Domain 3. Subdomain 4. The in-addr.arpa Domain 5. Types of Servers 3. Installing a DNS Server 1. Understanding the BIND Configuration File 2. The Specifics
- 22. 4. Configuring a DNS Server 1. Defining a Primary Zone in the named.conf File 2. Defining a Secondary Zone in the named.conf File 3. Defining a Caching Zone in the named.conf File 5. DNS Records Types 1. SOA: Start of Authority 2. NS: Name Server 3. A and AAAA: Address Records 4. PTR: Pointer Record 5. MX: Mail Exchanger 6. CNAME: Canonical Name 7. RP and TXT: The Documentation Entries 6. Setting Up BIND Database Files 1. DNS Server Setup Walkthrough 7. The DNS Toolbox 1. host 2. dig 3. resolvectl 4. nslookup 5. whois 6. nsupdate 7. The rndc Tool 8. Configuring DNS Clients 1. The Resolver 2. Configuring the Client (Traditional) 9. Summary
- 23. 2. Chapter 18 File Transfer Protocol (FTP) 1. The Mechanics of FTP 1. Client/Server Interactions 2. Obtaining and Installing vsftpd 1. Configuring vsftpd 2. Starting and Testing the FTP Server 3. Customizing the FTP Server 1. Setting Up an Anonymous-Only FTP Server 2. Setting Up an FTP Server with Virtual Users 4. Summary 3. Chapter 19 Apache Web Server 1. Understanding HTTP 1. Headers 2. Ports 3. Process Ownership and Security 2. Installing the Apache HTTP Server 1. Apache Modules 3. Starting Up and Shutting Down Apache 1. Starting Apache at Boot Time 4. Testing Your Installation 5. Configuring Apache
- 24. 1. Creating a Simple Root-Level Page 2. Apache Configuration Files 3. Common Configuration Options 6. Troubleshooting Apache 7. Summary 4. Chapter 20 Simple Mail Transfer Protocol (SMTP) 1. Understanding SMTP 1. Rudimentary SMTP Details 2. Security Implications 3. E-mail Components 2. Installing the Postfix Server 1. Installing Postfix via DNF in Fedora, CentOS, or RHEL 2. Installing Postfix via APT in Ubuntu 3. Configuring the Postfix Server 1. The main.cf File 2. Checking Your Configuration 4. Running the Server 1. Checking the Mail Queue 2. Flushing the Mail Queue 3. The newaliases Command 4. Making Sure Everything Works 5. Summary 5. Chapter 21 Post Office Protocol and Internet Mail Access Protocol (POP and IMAP) 1. POP3 and IMAP Protocol Basics 2. Dovecot (IMAP and POP3 Server) 3. Installing Dovecot
- 25. 1. Dovecot Configuration Files and Options 2. Configuring Dovecot 3. Running Dovecot 4. Checking Basic POP3 Functionality 5. Checking Basic IMAP Functionality 4. Other Issues with Mail Services 1. SSL/TLS Security 2. Availability 3. Log Files 5. Summary 6. Chapter 22 Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) 1. VoIP Overview 1. VoIP Server 2. Analog Telephone Adapter (ATA) 3. IP Phones 4. VoIP Protocols 2. VoIP Implementations 3. Asterisk 1. How Asterisk Works 4. Asterisk Installation 1. Starting and Stopping Asterisk 5. Understanding Asterisk Configuration Files and Structure 1. The Dialplan: extensions.conf 2. Modules: modules.conf 6. Asterisk Network, Port, and Firewall Requirements 1. Configuring the Local Firewall for Asterisk
- 26. 7. Configuring the PBX 1. Local Extensions 2. Outside Connection (VoIP Trunking) 3. Trunking Using Twilio Elastic SIP Trunks 8. Asterisk Maintenance and Troubleshooting 1. Asterisk CLI Commands 2. Helpful CLI Commands 3. Common Issues with VoIP 9. Summary 7. Chapter 23 Secure Shell (SSH) 1. Understanding Public Key Cryptography 1. Key Characteristics 2. SSH Backstory (Versions) 1. OpenSSH and OpenBSD 2. Alternative Vendors for SSH Clients 3. Installing OpenSSH on RPM-Based Systems 4. Installing OpenSSH via APT in Ubuntu 3. Server Startup and Shutdown 4. SSHD Configuration File 5. Using OpenSSH 1. Secure Shell (ssh) Client Program 2. Secure Copy (scp) Program 3. Secure FTP (sftp) Program 6. Files Used by the OpenSSH Client 7. Summary 14. Part V Intranet Services
- 27. 1. Chapter 24 Network File System (NFS) 1. The Mechanics of NFS 1. Versions of NFS 2. Security Considerations for NFS 3. Mount and Access a Partition 2. Enabling NFS in Fedora, RHEL, and CentOS 3. Enabling NFS in Ubuntu and Debian 4. The Components of NFS 1. Kernel Support for NFS 5. Configuring an NFS Server 1. The /etc/exports Configuration File 6. Configuring NFS Clients 1. The mount Command 2. Soft vs. Hard Mounts 3. Cross-Mounting Disks 4. The Importance of the intr Option 5. Performance Tuning 7. Troubleshooting Client-Side NFS Issues 1. Stale File Handles 2. Permission Denied 8. Sample NFS Client and NFS Server Configuration 9. Common Uses for NFS 10. Summary 2. Chapter 25 Samba 1. The Mechanics of SMB
- 28. 1. Usernames and Passwords 2. Encrypted Passwords 3. Samba Daemons 4. Installing Samba via RPM 5. Installing Samba via APT 2. Samba Administration 1. Starting and Stopping Samba 3. Creating a Share 1. Using smbclient 4. Mounting Remote Samba Shares 5. Samba Users 1. Creating Samba Users 2. Allowing Null Passwords 3. Changing Passwords with smbpasswd 6. Using Samba to Authenticate Against a Windows Server 1. winbindd Daemon 7. Troubleshooting Samba 8. Summary 3. Chapter 26 Distributed File Systems (DFS) 1. DFS Overview 2. DFS Implementations 1. GlusterFS 3. Summary 4. Chapter 27 Lightweight Directory Access Protocol (LDAP) 1. LDAP Basics
- 29. 1. LDAP Directory 2. Client/Server Model 3. Uses of LDAP 4. LDAP Terminology 2. OpenLDAP 1. Server-Side Daemons 2. OpenLDAP Utilities 3. Installing OpenLDAP 4. Configuring OpenLDAP 5. Configuring slapd 6. Starting and Stopping slapd 3. Configuring OpenLDAP Clients 1. Creating Directory Entries 4. Searching, Querying, and Modifying the Directory 5. Using OpenLDAP for User Authentication 1. Configuring the Server 2. Configuring the Client 6. Summary 5. Chapter 28 Printing 1. Printing Terminologies 2. The CUPS System 1. Running CUPS 2. Installing CUPS 3. Configuring CUPS 3. Adding Printers 1. Local Printers and Remote Printers 2. Using the Web Interface to Add a Printer 3. Using Command-Line Tools to Add a Printer
- 30. 4. Routine CUPS Administration 1. Setting the Default Printer 2. Enabling, Disabling, and Deleting Printers 3. Accepting and Rejecting Print Jobs 4. Managing Printing Privileges 5. Managing Printers via the Web Interface 5. Using Client-Side Printing Tools 1. lpr 2. lpq 3. lprm 6. Summary 6. Chapter 29 Dynamic Host Configuration Protocol (DHCP) 1. The Mechanics of DHCP 2. The DHCP Server 1. Installing DHCP Software via RPM 2. Installing DHCP Software via APT in Ubuntu 3. Configuring the DHCP Server 4. A Sample dhcpd.conf File 3. The DHCP Client Daemon 4. Summary 7. Chapter 30 Virtualization 1. Why Virtualize? 1. Virtualization Concepts 2. Virtualization Implementations 1. Hyper-V 2. Kernel-Based Virtual Machine (KVM)
- 31. 3. QEMU 4. VirtualBox 5. VMware 6. Xen 3. KVM 1. KVM Example 2. Managing KVM Virtual Machines 4. Setting Up KVM in Ubuntu/Debian 5. Containers 1. Containers vs. Virtual Machines 2. Docker 6. Summary 8. Chapter 31 Backups 1. Evaluating Your Backup Needs 1. Amount of Data 2. Backup Hardware and Backup Medium 3. Network Throughput 4. Speed and Ease of Data Recovery 5. Data Deduplication 6. Tape Management 2. Command-Line Backup Tools 1. dump and restore 2. tar 3. rsync 3. Miscellaneous Backup Solutions 4. Summary 15. Part VI Appendixes 1. A Creating a Linux Installer on Flash/USB Devices 1. Overview
- 32. 1. Native Solutions 2. Distro-Specific Solutions 3. Universal Solutions 2. B Demo Virtual Machine and Container 1. Basic Host System Requirements 2. Installing the Virtualization Applications and Utilities 3. Download and Prep the Demo VM Image File 4. Import the Demo VM Image and Create a New VM Instance 1. Managing the Demo Virtual Machine 5. Connecting to the Demo VM 1. Virtual Network Computing (VNC) 2. Virtual Serial TTY Console 3. Connecting via SSH 4. Cockpit Application 5. Just Use It! 6. Demo Containers (Docker, podman, buildah, and kubectl) 7. Feedback 16. Index Guide 1. Cover 2. Title Page 3. Linux Administration: A Beginner’s Guide, Eighth Edition Page List 1. i
- 33. 2. ii 3. iii 4. iv 5. v 6. vi 7. vii 8. viii 9. ix 10. x 11. xi 12. xii 13. xiii 14. xiv 15. xv 16. xvi 17. xvii 18. xviii 19. xix 20. xx 21. xxi 22. xxii 23. xxiii 24. xxiv 25. xxv 26. xxvi 27. xxvii 28. xxviii 29. xxix 30. xxx 31. 1 32. 2 33. 3 34. 4 35. 5 36. 6 37. 7 38. 8 39. 9 40. 10 41. 11 42. 12
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- 35. for pumping-engines was limited, that their Cornish prospects were still gloomy, and that they must very soon look out for new fields. One of his schemes was the applying of the steam-engine to the winding of coals. “A hundred engines at 100l. a year each,” he said, “would be a better thing than all Cornwall.” But the best field of all, he still held, was mills. “Let us remember,” said he, “the Birmingham motto, to ‘strike while the iron is hot.’” Watt, as usual, was not so sanguine as his partner, and rather doubtful of the profit to be derived from this source. From a correspondence between him and Mr. William Wyatt, of London, on the subject, we find him discouraging the scheme of applying steam- engines to drive corn-mills; on which Boulton wrote to Wyatt,— “You have had a correspondence with my friend Watt, but I know not the particulars.... You must make allowance in what Mr. Watt says ... he under values the merits of his own works.... I will take all risks in erecting an engine for a corn-mill.... I think I can safely say our engine will grind four times the quantity of corn per bushel of coal compared with any engine hitherto erected.”[251] About the same time we find Boulton writing to Watt,— “You seem to be fearful that mills will not answer, and that you cannot make Reynolds’s amount to more than 20l. a year. For my part, I think that mills, though trifles in comparison with Cornish engines, present a field that is boundless, and that will be more permanent than these transient mines, and more satisfactory than these inveterate, ungenerous, and envious miners and mine lords. As to the trouble of small engines, I would curtail it by making a pattern card of them (which may be done in the course of next year), and confine ourselves to those sorts and sizes until our convenience admits of more.”[252] In the mean time Watt, notwithstanding his doubts, had been proceeding with the completion of his rotative machine, and by the end of the year applied it with success to a tilt-hammer, as well as to a corn-mill at Soho. Some difficulties presented themselves at first,
- 36. but they were speedily surmounted. The number of strokes made by the hammer was increased from 18 per minute in the first experiment, to 25 in the second; and Watt contemplated increasing the speed to even 250 or 300 strokes a minute, by diminishing the height to which the hammer rose before making its descending blow. “There is now no doubt,” said he, “that fire-engines will drive mills; but I entertain some doubts whether anything is to be got by them, as by any computation I have yet made of the mill for Reynolds [recently ordered] I cannot make it come to more than 20l. per annum, which will do little more than pay trouble. Perhaps some others may do better.”[253] “OLD BESS.”[254] The problem of producing rotary motion by steam-power was thus solved to the satisfaction even of Watt himself. But though a
- 37. boundless field for the employment of the engine now presented itself, Watt was anything but elated at the prospect. For some time he doubted whether it would be worth the while of the Soho firm to accept orders for engines of this sort. When Boulton went to Dublin to endeavour to secure a patent for Ireland, Watt wrote to him thus: —“Some people at Burton are making application to us for an engine to work a cotton-mill; but from their letter and the man they have sent here, I have no great opinion of their abilities.... If you come home by way of Manchester, please not to seek for orders for cotton-mill engines, because I hear that there are so many mills erecting on powerful streams in the north of England, that the trade must soon be overdone, and consequently our labour may be lost.” Boulton, however, had no such misgivings. He foresaw that before long the superior power, regularity, speed, and economy, of the steam-engine, must recommend it for adoption in all branches of manufacture in which rotative motion was employed; and he had no hesitation in applying for orders notwithstanding the opposition of his partner. The first rotary engine was made for Mr. Reynolds, of Ketley, towards the end of 1782, and was used to drive a corn-mill. It was some time before another order was received, though various inquiries were made about engines for the purpose of polishing glass, grinding malt, rolling iron, and such like.[255] The first engine of the kind erected in London was at Goodwyn and Co.’s brewery; and the second, still working, though in an altered form, at the Messrs. Whitbread’s. These were shortly followed by other engines of the same description, until there was scarcely a brewery in London that was not supplied with one. In the mean time, the works at Soho continued to be fully employed in the manufacture of pumping-engines. But as the county of Cornwall was becoming well supplied,—no fewer than twenty-one having now been erected there, only one of the old Newcomen construction continuing in work,—it was probable that before long the demand from that quarter must slacken, if not come to an end. There were, however, other uses to which the pumping-engine might be applied; and one of the most promising was the drainage
- 38. of the Fen lands. Some adventurers at Soham, near Cambridge, having made inquiries on the subject, Watt wrote to his partner, “I look upon these Fens as the only trump card we have left in our hand.”[256] The adventurers proposed that Boulton and Watt should take an interest in their scheme by subscribing part of the necessary capital. But Watt decidedly objected to this, as he did not wish to repeat his Cornish difficulties in the Fens. He was willing to supply engines on reasonable terms, but as for shares he would have none of them. The conclusion he eventually arrived at with respect to his proposed customers was this,—“Consider Fen men as Cornish men, only more cunning.” In the midst of his great labours, Boulton was reminded that he was human. He had for years been working at too high pressure, and the tear and wear began to tell upon his health. Watt expostulated with him, telling him that he was trying to do half-a- dozen men’s work; but in vain. He was committed to so many important enterprises—he had so much at stake—the liabilities he had to meet from day to day were so heavy—that he was in a measure forced to be active. To his friend Matthews he lamented that he was under the necessity of “slaving from morning till night, working fourteen hours a day, in the drudgery of a Birmingham manufacturer and hardware merchant.” But this could not last, and before long he was threatened with a break-down. His friends Drs. Withering and Darwin urged him at once to “knock off” and take a long holiday—to leave Soho and its business, its correspondence, and its visitors, and get as far away from it as possible. Acting on their advice, he resolved on making a long-promised visit to Scotland, and he set out on his tour in the autumn of 1783. He went by Newcastle, where he visited the principal coal mines, and from thence to Edinburgh, where he had some pleasant intercourse with Dr. Black and Professor Robison. It is evident from his letters that he did not take much ease during his journey, for he carried about with him his steam-engine—at least in his head. “I talked with Dr. Black and another chemical friend,” he wrote,
- 39. “respecting my plan for saving alkali at such bleach-grounds as our fire-engines are used at instead of water-wheels: the Doctor did not start any objections, but, on the contrary, much approved it.” From Edinburgh he proceeded to the celebrated ironworks at Carron, a place in which he naturally felt a peculiar interest. There his friend Roebuck had started his great enterprise, and there Watt had erected his first engine. His visit there, however, was not so much for curiosity or pleasure, but for business and experiment. “During my residence in Scotland,” said he, “one month of my time was closely employed at Carron Ironworks in settling accounts, but principally in making a great number of experiments on all their iron ores, and in putting them into the train of making good bar-iron, in which I succeeded to my wishes, although they had never made a single bar of tough iron at Carron before.”[257] In the course of his journey he made a large collection of fossils for his museum, and the weight of his bags sensibly increased almost daily. On his way through Ayrshire he called on Lord Dundonald, a kindred spirit in chemical and mechanical scheming, and examined his mineral tar works. He wrote to Mr. Gilbert, the Duke of Bridgewater’s manager at Worsley, that “the tar is better for the bottoms of vessels than the vegetable tar; and the coal-oil hath many uses. Query—if such a work might not be a useful appendage to your colliery and canal.” Boulton returned to Soho greatly improved in health, and was shortly immersed as before in the business of the factory. He found considerable arrears of correspondence requiring to be brought up. Several of the letters waiting for him were from schemers of new inventions connected with the steam-engine. Whenever an inventor thought he had discovered anything new, he at once rushed to Boulton with it. He was looked upon as the lord and leader of steam power. His reputation for enterprise and business aptitude, and the energetic manner in which he had pushed Watt’s invention, were now so widely known, that every new schemer saw a fortune within his reach could he but enlist Boulton on his side. Hence much of his time was occupied in replying to letters from schemers,—from inventors of perpetual motion, of flying-machines, of locomotion by
- 40. steam, and of various kinds of rotary motion. In one of his letters we find him complaining of so much of his time being “taken up in answering great numbers of letters he had lately been plagued with from eccentric persons of no business;” for it was his practice never to leave a letter unanswered, no matter how insignificant or unreasonable his correspondent might be.[258] After a short visit to London, Boulton proceeded into Cornwall to look after the engines there, and watch the progress of the mining operations in which by this time he had become so largely interested. He found the adventurers in a state of general grumble at the badness of the times, the lowness of prices, the losses incurred in sinking for ore that could not be found, and the heaviness of the dues for engine-power payable to Boulton and Watt. At such times, the partners were usually beset with applications for abatement, to which they were under the necessity of submitting to prevent the mines being altogether closed. Thus the dues at Chacewater were reduced from 2500l. to 1000l. a year, and the adventurers were still pressing for further reductions.[259] What provoked Boulton most, however, was, not the loss of dues so much as the threats which were constantly held out to him that unless the demands of the adventurers were complied with, they would employ the Hornblowers. “It is a disagreeable thing,” he wrote, “to live amongst one’s enemies, and all the adventurers are so, except Phillips and the Foxes, who are fair men although they would rather have engines free. I have had many hints given me that the Trumpeters were reviving their mischief, and many causes for uneasiness, but I did not wish you to partake of them, and therefore have been silent; but they are now striking at the root of us, and therefore we must defend ourselves or fall.... I think if we could but keep up our spirits and be active we might vanquish all the host. But I must own that I have been low-spirited ever since I have been here—have been indolent, and feel as if the springs of life were let down.” It does not, however, appear from the letter to Watt in which this complaint occurs, that Boulton had been at all indolent, as he
- 41. speaks of being in almost daily attendance at the miners’ meetings; one day at Poldice, the next at Consolidated Mines, and so on. Of the latter meeting he says,— “There was a full attendance; Jethro looked impudent, but mortified to see the new little engine drawing kibbles from two pits exceedingly well and very manageable, and afterwards it worked six stamps each 2½ = 14 cwt., lifted twice at each revolution, or four times for every stroke of the engine. I suppose there were a thousand people present to see the engine work.” Watt was, on his part, rather opposed to making further concessions, which only seemed to have the effect of inviting demands for more. “People,” said he, “do not employ us out of personal regard, but to serve themselves; and why should not we look after ourselves in like manner.... John Taylor died the other day worth 200,000l., without ever doing one generous action. I do not mean that we should follow his example. I should not consent to oppression or to take any unfair advantage of my neighbour’s necessity, but I think it blameable to exercise generosity towards men who display none towards us. It is playing an unfair game when the advantage is wholly on their side. If Wheal Virgin threatened to stop unless we abated one-half, they should stop for me; but if it appeared that, according to the mode settled in making the agreement, we had too high a premium, I should voluntarily reduce it to whatever was just.” While Boulton was fighting for dues in Cornwall, and labouring as before to improve the business management of the mines in which he was interested as a shareholder, Watt was busily occupied at Soho in turning out new engines for various purposes, as well as in perfecting several long-contemplated inventions. The manufactory, which had for a time been unusually slack, was again in full work. Several engines were in hand for the London brewers. Wedgwood had ordered an engine to grind flints;[260] and orders were coming in for rotative engines for various purposes, such as
- 42. driving saw-mills in America and sugar-mills in the West Indies. Work was, indeed, so plentiful that Watt was opposed to further orders for rotatives being taken, as the drawings for them occupied so much time, and they brought in but small profit. “I see plainly,” said he, “that every rotation engine will cost twice the trouble of one for raising water, and will in general pay only half the money. Therefore I beg you will not undertake any more rotatives until our hands are clear, which will not be before 1785. We have already more work in hand than we have people to execute it in the interval.”[261] One reason why Watt was more than usually economical of his time was, that he was then in the throes of the inventions patented by him in the course of this year. Though racked by headaches which, he complained, completely “dumfounded” him and perplexed his mind, he could not restrain his irrepressible instinct to invent; and the result was the series of inventions embodied in his patent of 1784, including, among other things, the application of the steam- engine to the working of a tilt-hammer for forging iron and steel, to driving wheel-carriages for carrying persons and goods, and for other purposes. The specification also included the beautiful invention of the parallel motion, of which Watt himself said, “Though I am not over anxious after fame, yet I am more proud of the parallel motion than of any other mechanical invention I have ever made.” Watt was led to meditate this contrivance by the practical inconvenience which he experienced in communicating the direct vertical motion of the piston-rod by means of racks and sectors, to the angular motion of the working beam. He was gradually led to entertain the opinion that some means might be contrived for accomplishing this object by motions turning upon centres; and, working upon this idea, he gradually elaborated his invention. So soon as he caught sight of the possible means of overcoming the difficulty, he wrote to Boulton in Cornwall,— “I have started a new hare. I have got a glimpse of a method of causing a piston-rod to move up and down perpendicularly by only fixing it to a piece of iron upon the beam, without chains or perpendicular
- 43. guides or untowardly friction, arch heads, or other pieces of clumsiness; by which contrivance it answers fully to expectation. About 5 feet in the height of her house may be saved in 8-feet strokes, which I look upon as a capital saving, and it will answer for double engines as well as for single ones. I have only tried it in a slight model yet, so cannot build upon it, though I think it a very probable thing to succeed. It is one of the most ingenious, simple pieces of mechanism I have ever contrived, but I beg nothing may be said on it till I specify.”[262] THE PARALLEL MOTION. He immediately set to work to put his idea to the practical proof, and only eleven days later he wrote,— “I have made a very large model of the new substitute for racks and sectors, which seems to bid fair to answer. The rod goes up and down quite in a perpendicular line without racks, chains, or guides. It is a perpendicular motion derived from a combination of motions about centres—very simple, has very little friction, has nothing standing higher than the back of the beam, and requires the centre of the beam to be only half the stroke of the engine higher than the top of the piston-rod when at lowest, and has no inclination to pull the piston-rod either one way or another, only straight up and down.... However, don’t pride yourself on it—it is not fairly tried yet, and may have unknown faults.”[263]
- 44. THE GOVERNOR. Another of Watt’s beautiful inventions of the same period, was the Governor, contrived for the purpose of regulating the speed of the engine. This was a point of great importance in all cases where steam-power was employed in processes of manufacture. To modify the speed of the piston in the single-acting pumping-engine, Watt had been accustomed to use what is called a throttle valve, which was regulated by hand as occasion required. But he saw that to ensure perfect uniformity of speed, the action of the engine must be made automatic if possible, and with this object he contrived the Governor, which has received no improvement since it left his hand. Two balls are fixed to the ends of arms connected with the engine by a moveable socket, which plays up and down a vertical rod revolving by a band placed upon the axis or spindle of the fly-wheel. According to the centrifugal force with which the balls revolve, they diverge more or less from the central fixed point, and push up or draw down the moveable collar; which, being connected by a crank with the throttle-valve, thereby regulates with the most perfect
- 45. precision the passage of the steam between the boiler and the cylinder. When the pressure of steam is great, and the tendency of the engine is to go faster, the governor shuts off the steam; and when it is less, the governor opens the throttle-valve and increases the supply. By this simple and elegant contrivance the engine is made to regulate its own speed with the most beautiful precision. Among the numerous proposed applications of the steam- engine about this time, was its employment as a locomotive in driving wheel-carriages. It will be remembered that Watt’s friend Robison had, at a very early period, directed his attention to the subject; and the idea had since been revived by Mr. Edgeworth, who laboured with great zeal to indoctrinate Watt with his views. The latter, though he had but little faith in the project, nevertheless included a plan of a locomotive engine in his patent of 1784; but he took no steps to put it in execution, being too much engrossed with other business at the time. His plan contemplated the employment of steam either in the form of high-pressure or low-pressure, working the pistons by the force of steam only, and discharging it into the atmosphere after it had performed its office, or discharging it into an air-tight condenser made of thin plates or pipes, with their outsides exposed to the wind or to an artificial current of air, thereby economising the water which would otherwise be lost. Watt did not carry his design into effect; and, so far as he was concerned, the question of steam locomotion would have gone no further. But the subject had already attracted the attention of William Murdock, who had for some time been occupied during his leisure hours in constructing an actual working model of a locomotive. When his model was finished, he proceeded to try it in the long avenue leading to the parsonage at Redruth, in the summer of 1784; and in so doing nearly frightened out of his wits the village pastor, who encountered the hissing, fiery little machine, while enjoying his evening walk.[264] When Watt heard of this experiment, he wrote to Boulton, advising that Murdock should be gently counselled to give up his
- 46. scheme, which might have the effect of withdrawing him from the work of the firm, in which he had become increasingly useful. “As to my own part,” wrote Watt, “I shall form no obstacle to the scheme. My only reasons against it were that I feared it would deprive us of a valuable man; that it would, if we were to be concerned in it, divert us from more valuable business, and perhaps prove a sinking fund; and lastly, that I did not like that a scheme which I had revolved in my mind for years and hoped to be able at some favourable time to bring to perfection, if capable of it, should be wrested from me, or that I should be compelled to go into it as a secondary person. But I have now made the latter objection give way. And as to the first, I think it will take place at any rate, so we must make the best of it.”[265] Boulton was accordingly recommended in the first place to endeavour to dissuade Murdock from pursuing the subject further, but if he could not succeed in that, rather than lose him, he was to let him have an advance to the extent of 100l., to enable him to prosecute his experiments; and if within a year he succeeded in making an engine capable of drawing a postchaise carrying two ordinary persons and the driver, with 200 lbs. of luggage, fuel for four hours, and water for two hours, going at the rate of four miles an hour, then a partnership was to be entered into, in which Boulton and Watt were to find the capital, and Murdock was to conduct the business and take his share of the profits. Murdock, however, had so many urgent matters to attend to, that, sanguine though he continued to be as to the success of his scheme, he could not find time to pursue it. He was a man after Boulton’s own heart, unsparing of himself and indefatigable in whatsoever he undertook; nor was Boulton sparing of praises of him in his confidential letters to Watt. “We want more Murdocks,” he wrote on one occasion, “for, of all our men he is the most active. He is the best engine erector I ever saw, and of his energy I had one of the best proofs this day. They stopped Poldice lower engine last Monday and took her all to pieces; took out the
- 47. condenser, took up out of the shaft the greatest part of the pumps, took the nozzles to pieces, cut out the iron seatings and put in brass ones with new valves, mended the eduction-pipe, and did a great number of repairs about the beam and engine; put the pumps down into the new engine shaft, did much work at the new engine; and this done, about noon both the engines, new and old, were set to work again complete. When I look at the work done it astonishes me, and is entirely owing to the spirit and activity of Murdock, who hath not gone to bed for three nights, and I expect the mine will be in full fork again by Wednesday night. I have got him into good humour again without any coaxing, have prevailed on him not to give up Wheal Virgin engine, which he had been resolved to do from the ungenerous treatment he received from the captains. I have also prevailed on him to put off his determined journey to Scotland until North Downs engines are got to work, and have quieted his mind about wheel carriages till then.”[266] Notwithstanding Watt’s fears of a falling off, the engine business still continued to prosper in Cornwall. Although the mining interests were suffering from continued depression, new mines were being opened out, for which pumping-engines were wanted; and Boulton and Watt’s continued to maintain their superiority over all others. None of their threatened rivals had yet been able to exhibit an engine in successful work; and those of the old construction had been almost completely superseded. In 1784, new engines were in course of erection at Poldice, New Poldory, Wheal Maid, Polgooth, and other mines. Almost the last of the Newcomen engines in Cornwall had been discarded at Polgooth in favour of one of Boulton and Watt’s 58-inch cylinder engines.
- 48. POLGOOTH. [By R. P. Leitch.] The dues paid yearly in respect of these and other engines previously erected were very considerable; Boulton estimating that, if duly paid, they would amount to about 12,000l. a year. There seemed, therefore, every reasonable prospect of the financial difficulties of the firm at last coming to an end. Boulton’s visit to Cornwall on this occasion was enlivened by the companionship of his wife, and her friend Miss Mynd. Towards midsummer he looked forward with anticipations of increased pleasure to the visit of his two children—his son Matt and his daughter Nancy—during their school holidays. It was a source of much regret to him, affectionate as his nature was, that the engrossing character of his business prevented him enjoying the society of his family so much as he desired. But he endeavoured to make up for it by maintaining a regular correspondence with them when absent. His letters to his children were full of playfulness, affection, and good advice. To his son at school he wrote telling him
- 49. of his life in Cornwall, describing to him the house at Cosgarne, the garden and the trees he had planted in it, the pleasant rides in the neighbourhood, and the visit he had just been paying to the top of Pendennis Castle, from which he had seen about a hundred sail of ships at sea, and a boundless prospect of land and water. He proceeded to tell him of the quantity of work he did connected with the engine business, how he had no clerk to assist him, but did all the writing and drawing of plans himself: “When I have time,” said he, “I pick up curiosities in ores for the purpose of assays, for I have a laboratory here. There is nothing would so much add to my pleasure as having your assistance in making solutions, precipitates, evaporations, and crystallisations.” After giving his son some good advice as to the cultivation of his mind, as calculated to render him an intelligent and useful member of society, he proceeded to urge upon him the duty of cultivating polite manners, as a means of making himself agreeable to others, and at the same time of promoting his own comfort. “But remember,” he added, “I do not wish you to be polite at the expense of honour, truth, sincerity, and honesty; for these are the props of a manly character, and without them politeness is mean and deceitful. Therefore, be always tenacious of your honour. Be honest, just, and benevolent, even when it appears difficult to be so. I say, cherish those principles, and guard them as sacred treasures.” At length his son and daughter joined him and took part in his domestic and out-door enjoyments. They accompanied him in his drives and rides, and Matt took part in his chemical experiments. One of their great delights was the fabrication of an immense paper balloon, and the making of the hydrogen gas to fill it with. After great preparations the balloon was made and filled, and sent up in the field behind the house, to the delight of all concerned. To Mrs. Watt he wrote expressing to her how much pleasanter his residence in Cornwall had become since his son and daughter’s visit. “I shall be happier,” he said, “during the remainder of my residence here than in the former part of it; for I am ill calculated to live alone in an enemy’s country, and to contest lawsuits. Besides, the only source of
- 50. happiness I look for in my future life is in my children. Matt behaves extremely well, is active and good-humoured; and my daughter, too, has, I think, good dispositions and sentiments, which I shall cherish, and prevent as much as possible from being sullied by narrow and illiberal-minded companions.” After a few months’ pleasant social intercourse with his family at Cosgarne, varied by occasional bickerings with the adventurers out of doors about dues, Boulton returned to Birmingham, to enter upon new duties and undertake new enterprises. CHAPTER XVII. Commercial Politics—The Albion Mills—Riots in Cornwall—Prosperity of Boulton and Watt. When Boulton returned to Birmingham, he was urgently called upon to take part in a movement altogether foreign to his habits. He had heretofore been too much engrossed by business to admit of his taking any active part in political affairs. Being, however, of an active temperament, and mixing with men of all classes, he could not but feel an interest in the public movements of his time. Early in 1784, we find him taking the lead in getting up a loyal address to the King on the resignation of the Portland Administration and the appointment of Mr. Pitt as Prime Minister. It appears, however, that Pitt disappointed his expectations. One of his first projects was a scheme of taxation, which he introduced for the purpose of remedying the disordered state of the finances, but which, in Boulton’s opinion, would, if carried, have the effect of seriously damaging the national industry. The Minister proposed to tax coal, iron, copper, and other raw materials of manufacture, to the amount of about a million a year. Boulton immediately bestirred himself to oppose the adoption of the scheme. He held that for a
- 51. manufacturing nation to tax the raw materials of wealth was a suicidal measure, calculated, if persevered in, to involve the producers of wealth in ruin. “Let taxes,” he said, “be laid upon luxuries, upon vices, and if you like upon property; tax riches when got, and the expenditure of them, but not the means of getting them; of all things, don’t cut open the hen that lays the golden eggs.”[267] Petitions and memorials were forthwith got up in the midland counties, and presented against the measure; and Boulton being recognised as the leader of the movement in his district, was summoned by Mr. Pitt to London to an interview with him on the subject. He then took the opportunity of pressing upon the Minister the necessity of taking measures to secure reciprocity of trade with foreign nations, as being of vital importance to the trade of England. Writing to his partner Scale, he said, “Surely our Ministers must be bad politicians, to suffer the gates of nearly every commercial city in the world to be shut against us.” “There is no doubt,” he wrote to his friend Garbett, “but the edicts, prohibitions, and high duties laid upon our manufacturers by foreign powers will be severely felt, unless some new commercial treaties are entered into with such powers. I fear our young Minister is not sufficiently aware of the importance of the subject, and I likewise fear he will pledge himself before Parliament meets to carry other measures in the next session that will be as odious to the country as his late attempts.” As Boulton had anticipated, the Ministry introduced several important measures, calculated to have a highly injurious effect upon English industry, and he immediately bestirred himself, in conjunction with Josiah Wedgwood, of Etruria, to organise a movement in opposition to them. Wedgwood and Boulton met at Birmingham in February, 1785, and arranged to assemble a meeting of delegates from the manufacturing districts, who were to meet and sit in London “all the time the Irish commercial affairs were pending.” A printed statement of the objects of the movement was circulated, and Boulton and Wedgwood wrote to their friends in all
- 52. quarters to meet and appoint delegates to the central committee in London. Boulton was unanimously appointed the delegate for Birmingham, and he proceeded to London furnished with a bundle of petitions from his neighbourhood. The delegates proceeded to form themselves into a Chamber of Manufacturers, over the deliberations of which Wedgwood, Boulton, or John Wilkinson usually presided. The principal object of these meetings and petitionings was to prevent, if possible, the imposition of the proposed taxes on coal, iron, and raw materials generally, as well as the proposed export duties on manufactured articles. At a time when foreign governments were seeking to exclude English manufactures from their dominions by heavy import duties, it was felt that this double burden was more than English industry could bear. The Irish Parliament were at the same time legislating in a hostile spirit towards English commerce; imposing taxes upon all manufactures imported into Ireland from England, while Irish manufactures were not only sent into England duty free, but their own parliament encouraged them by a bounty on exportation. The committee strongly expostulated against the partial and unjust spirit of this legislation, and petitioned for free interchange on equal terms. So long as such a state of things continued, the petitioners urged that “every idea of reciprocity in the interchange of manufactures between Britain and Ireland was a mere mockery of words.” Although Watt was naturally averse to taking any public part in politics, his services were enlisted in the cause, and he drew up for circulation “An answer to the Treasury Paper on the Iron Trade of England and Ireland.” The object of his statement was to show that the true way of encouraging manufactures in Ireland was, not by bounties, not by prohibitions, but by entire freedom of industry. It was asserted by the supporters of the propositions, that the natives of Ireland were ignorant, indolent, and poor. “If they be so,” said Watt, “the best method of giving them vigour is to have recourse to British manufacturers, possessed of capital, industry, and knowledge
- 53. of trade.” The old covenanting spirit of his race fairly breaks out in the following passage:— “It is contemptible nonsense to argue that because Ireland has never had iron manufactories she cannot soon have them.... One hundred years ago the Irish had no linen manufacture; they imported linen; and now they sell to us to the amount of a million annually. How came this about? The civil wars under Charles I., and the tyranny of the Scotch Privy Council under Charles II., chased the people out of Scotland, because they were Presbyterians. Ireland received and protected them; they peopled the northern provinces; many of them were weavers; they followed their business in Ireland, and taught others. Philip II. chased the inhabitants out of Flanders, on account of religion; Queen Elizabeth received and protected them; and England learnt to manufacture woollen cloth. The persecutions of Lewis XIV. occasioned the establishment of a colony in Spitalfields. And the Parliament of Britain, under the auspices of —— and ——, and others, imposed oppressive duties on glass; and ——’s Act gave the Irish liberty to export it to our Colonies; the glass-makers fled from the tyranny of the Excise; Ireland has now nine glass-houses. Britain has lost the export trade of that article! More examples of the migrations of manufactures could be adduced, but it seems unnecessary; for it cannot be denied that men will fly from tyranny to liberty, whether Philip’s Priests, Charles’s Dragoons, or our Excisemen be the instruments of the tyranny. And it must also be allowed that even the Inquisition itself is not more formidable than our Excise Laws (as far as property is concerned) to those who unhappily are subjected to them.” Towards the end of the statement he asks, “Would it not be more manly and proper at once to invite the Irish to come into a perfect union with Britain, and to pay the same duties and excises that we do? Then every distinction of country might with justice be done away with, and they would have a fair claim to all the advantages which we enjoy.” The result of the agitation was that most of the proposals to impose new taxes on the raw materials of manufacture were withdrawn by the Ministry, and the Irish resolutions were considerably modified. But the relations of British and Irish industry were by no means settled. The Irish Parliament might refuse to
- 54. affirm the resolutions adopted by the British Parliament, in which case it might be necessary again to oppose the Ministerial measures; and to provide for this contingency, the delegates separated, with the resolution to maintain and extend their organisation in the manufacturing districts. Watt did not, however, like the idea of his partner becoming engrossed in political agitation, even in matters relating to commerce. He accordingly wrote to Boulton in London, “I find myself quite unequal to the various business now lying behind, and wish much you were at home, and that you would direct your attention solely to your own and to Boulton and Watt’s business until affairs can be brought into reasonable compass.”[268] Later he wrote, —“At Manchester they are busy making a collection for the Chamber of Manufacturers, which I fancy will be in vogue again next winter. But I hope that neither you nor I will be mad enough to be demagogues then. Let us leave that to those who can defy Ministers, and get our property secured, which may be done in the confusion.” Watt was at this time distressed by an adverse decision against the firm in one of the Scotch courts. “I have generally observed,” he wrote, “that there is a tide in our affairs. We have had peace for some time, but now cross accidents have begun, and more are to be feared.” His anxieties were increased by the rumour which reached his ears from several quarters of a grand combination of opulent manufacturers to make use of every beneficial patent that had been taken out, and cut them down by scire facias, as they had already cut down Arkwright’s. It was said that subscriptions had been obtained by the association amounting to 50,000l. Watt was requested to join a counter combination of patentees to resist the threatened proceedings. To this, however, he objected, on the ground that the association of men to support one another in lawsuits was illegal, and would preclude the members from giving evidence in support of each other’s rights. “Besides,” said he, “the greater number of patentees are such as we could not associate with, and if we did it would do us more harm than good.”[269]
- 55. Towards the end of 1785 the engines which had been in hand were nearly finished, and work was getting slacker than usual at Soho. Though new orders gave Watt trouble, and occasioned him anxiety, still he would rather not be without them. “It will be well,” he wrote to his partner, “if we can get some orders now for engines worth while. What we have been doing lately has been very trifling, and if we don’t get orders soon, our men will be idle. As it happens at present, we have at least three engineers too few here, there being eight engines to be done in two or three months, and only three engineers.”[270] It was matter of gratification to Watt to be able to report that the engines last delivered had given great satisfaction. The mechanics were improving in skill, and their workmanship was becoming of a superior character. “Strood and Curtis’s engine,” said he, “has been at work some time, and does very well. Whitbread’s has also been tried, and performs exceedingly well.” The success of Whitbread’s engine was such that it had the honour of a visit from the King, who was greatly pleased with its performances. Not to be outdone, “Felix Calvert,” wrote Watt, “has bespoken one, which is to outdo Whitbread’s in magnificence.” The slackness of work at Soho was not of long continuance. Orders for rotative engines came in gradually; one from Harris, of Nottingham; another from Macclesfield, to drive a silk-mill; a third from Edinburgh, for the purposes of a distillery; and others from different quarters. The influx of orders had the effect at the same time of filling Soho with work, and plunging Watt into his usual labyrinth of perplexity and distress. In September we find him writing to Boulton,— “My health, is so bad that I do not think I can hold out much longer, at least as a man of business, and I wish to consolidate something before I give over.” ... Again, “I cannot help being dispirited, because I find my head fail me much, business an excessive burden to me, and little prospect of my speedy release from it. Were we both young and healthy, I should see no reason to despair, but very much the contrary. However, we must do the best we can, and hope for quiet in heaven when our weary bones are laid to rest.”[271]
- 56. A few months later, so many more orders had come in, that Watt described Soho as “fast for the next four months,” but the additional work only had the effect of increasing his headaches. “In the anguish of my mind,” he wrote, “amid the vexations occasioned by new and unsuccessful schemes, like Lovelace I ‘curse my inventions,’ and almost wish, if we could gather our money together, that somebody else should succeed in getting our trade from us. However, all may yet be well. Nature can be conquered if we can but find out her weak side.” We return to the affairs of the Cornish copper-miners, which were now in a very disheartening condition. The mines were badly and wastefully worked; and the competition of many small companies of poor adventurers kept the copper trade in a state of permanent depression. In this crisis of their affairs it was determined that a Copper Company should be formed, backed by ample capital, with the view of regulating this important branch of industry, and rescuing the mines and miners from ruin. Boulton took an active part in its formation, and induced many of his intimate friends in the north to subscribe largely for shares. An arrangement was entered into by the Company with the adventurers in the principal mines, to buy of them the whole of the ore raised, at remunerative prices, for a period of eleven years. At the first meeting, held in September, 1785, for the election of Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Directors, Boulton held in his hands the power of determining the appointments, representing, as he did by proxy, shares held by his northern friends to the amount of 86,000l. The meeting took place in the Town-hall at Truro, and the proceedings passed off satisfactorily; Boulton using his power with due discretion. “We met again on Friday,” he wrote to Matthews, “and chose the assayers and other subordinate officers, after which we paid our subscriptions, and dined together, all in good humour; and thus this important revolution in the copper trade was finally settled for eleven years.” Matters were not yet, however, finally settled, as many arrangements had to be made for setting the Company to work, in
- 57. which Boulton took the leading part; the Governor and Directors pressing him not to leave Cornwall until they were definitely settled. It happened to suit his convenience to remain until the Wheal Fortune engine was finished—one of the most formidable engines the firm had yet erected in Cornwall. In the mean time he entered into correspondence with various consumers of copper at home and abroad, with the object of finding a vend for the metal. He succeeded in obtaining a contract through Mr. Hope, of Amsterdam, for supplying the copper required for the new Dutch coinage; and he opened out new markets for the produce in other quarters. Being a large holder of mining shares, Boulton also tried to introduce new and economical methods of working the mines; but with comparatively little result. To Wilkinson he wrote,—“Poldice is in a desponding way, and must give up unless better managed. North Downs is managed as badly by incapable, ignorant, drunken captains, who hold their posts not by merit, but by their cousinship to some of the adventurers.... I should spend a great part of next year in Cornwall, and make myself master of the minutiæ. I think I could then accomplish many necessary regulations.”[272] Though actively bestirring himself for the good of the mining interest, Boulton had but small thanks for his pains. The prominence of his position had this disadvantage, that if the price of the ore went down, or profits declined, or the yield fell off, or the mines were closed, or anything went wrong, the miners were but too ready to identify him in some way with the evil; and the services which he had rendered to the mining interest[273] were in a moment forgotten. On one occasion the discontent of the miners broke out into open revolt, and Boulton was even threatened with personal violence. The United Mines having proved unprofitable in the working, notice was given by the manager of an intended reduction of wages, this being the only condition on which the mines could be carried on. If this could not be arranged, the works must be closed, as the adventurers declined to go on at a loss. On the announcement of the intended lowering of wages being made, there was great excitement and discontent among the workpeople. Several hundreds of them hastily
- 58. assembled at Redruth, and took the road for Truro, to pull down the offices of the Copper Mining Company, and burn the house of the manager. They were especially furious with Boulton, vowing vengeance on him, and declaring that they would pull down every pumping-engine he had set up in Cornwall. When the rioters reached Truro, they found a body of men, hastily armed with muskets taken from the arsenal, stationed in front of the Copper Mining Company’s premises, supported by six pieces of cannon. At sight of this formidable demonstration the miners drew back, and, muttering threats that they would repeat their visit, returned to Redruth as they had come. Two companies of soldiers and two of local militia were brought into the town immediately after; and the intended assault was not made. When Watt was informed of the violence with which his partner had been threatened, he wrote,—“In my opinion nothing can be more ungrateful than the behaviour of those people who endeavour to make you the object of the resentment of the mob, at a time when (setting aside former services) you are doing all that lies in your power to serve them.... If you still find the same spirit continue, for God’s sake leave them immediately. The law can reach the adventurers, if it cannot the miners.” This was, however, but the wild and unreasoning clamour of misguided and ignorant men. Boulton was personally much esteemed by all who were able to appreciate his character, and to understand the position of himself and his partner with reference to the engine patent. The larger mining owners invited him to their houses, and regarded him as their friend. The more intelligent of the managers were his strenuous supporters. First and foremost among these was Mr. Phillips, manager of the Chacewater mines, of whom he always spoke with the highest respect, as a man of the most scrupulous integrity and honour. Mr. Phillips was a member of the Society of Friends, and his wife Catherine was one of the most celebrated preachers of the body. Boulton and Watt occasionally resided with them before the house at Cosgarne was taken, and conceived for both the warmest friendship. If Watt was attracted by
- 59. the Cornish Anabaptists, Boulton was equally so by the Cornish Quakers. We find him, in one of his letters to Mrs. Boulton, describing to her a great meeting of Friends at Truro which he had attended, “when,” he said, “I heard our friend Catherine Phillips preach with great energy and good sense for an hour and a half, although so weak in body that she was obliged to lie abed for several days before.” Boulton afterwards dined with the whole body of Friends at the principal inn, being the only person present who was not of the Society; and he confessed to have spent in their company a very pleasant evening.[274] We return to the progress of the engine business at Soho. The most important work in hand about this time was the double-acting engine intended for the Albion Mill, in Southwark.[275] This was the first rotative with a parallel motion erected in London; and as the more extended use of the engine would in a great measure depend upon its success, the firm naturally looked forward with very great interest to its performances. The Albion Mill scheme was started by Boulton as early as 1783. Orders for rotatives were then coming in very slowly, and it occurred to him that if he had but the opportunity of exhibiting the powers of the new engine in its best form, and in connexion with the best machinery, the results would be so satisfactory and conclusive as to induce manufacturers generally to follow the example. On applying to the London capitalists, Boulton found them averse to the undertaking; and at length Boulton and Watt became persuaded that if the concern was to be launched at all, they must themselves find the principal part of the capital. A sufficient number of shareholders was got together to make a start, and application was made for a charter of incorporation in 1784; but it was so strongly opposed by the millers and mealmen, on the ground that the application of steam-power to flour-grinding would throw wind and water mills out of work, take away employment from the labouring classes, and reduce the price of bread,[276] that the charter was refused; and the Albion Mill Company was accordingly constituted on the ordinary principles of partnership.
- 60. By the end of the year the Albion Mill engines, carefully designed by Watt, were put in hand at Soho; the building was in course of erection, after the designs of Mr. Wyatt, the architect; while John Rennie, the young Scotch engineer, was engaged to design and fit up the flour-grinding and dressing machinery. “I am glad,” wrote Boulton to Watt, “you have agreed with Rennie. Mills are a great field. Think of the crank—of Wolf, Trumpeter, Wasp, and all the ghosts we are haunted by.” The whole of the following year was occupied in the erection of the buildings and machinery; and it was not until the spring of 1786 that the mill was ready to start. Being the first enterprise of the kind, on an unprecedented scale, and comprising many novel combinations of machinery, there were many “hitches” before it could be got to work satisfactorily. After the first trial, at which Boulton was present, he wrote his partner expressing his dissatisfaction with the working of the double-acting engine, expressing the opinion that it would have been better if they had held by the single-acting one.[277] Watt was urged to run up to town himself and set matters to rights; but he was up to the ears in work at Soho, and could not leave for a day.
- 61. DOUBLE-ACTING ENGINE, ALBION MILL. “I can by no means leave home at present,” he wrote, “otherwise we shall suffer much greater losses than can come from the Albion Mill. The work for Cornwall which must be planned and put in train is immense, and there will more come from that quarter. Besides, I am pulled to pieces by demands for forwardness from every side. I have lost ten days by William Murdock, Wilson, Wilkinson, and headaches, and I have neither health nor spirits to make the necessary exertions. If I went to London I should be in torment all the while with the thoughts of what was lying behind here.” After pointing out what course should be taken to discover and remedy the faults of the engine, he proceeded:—
- 62. “Above all, patience must be exercised and things coolly examined and put to rights, and care be taken not to blame innocent parts. Everything must, as much as possible, be tried separately. Remind those who begin to growl, that in new, complicated, and difficult things, human foresight falls short—that time and money must be given to perfect things and find out their defects, otherwise they cannot be remedied.”[278] Not being able to persuade Watt to come to his help, Boulton sent to Cornwall for Murdock, always ready to lend a hand on an emergency, and in the course of a few weeks he was in town at work upon the engines. The result is best told in Wyatt’s letter to Boulton, who had by this time returned to Birmingham:— “Mr. Murdock has just set the engine to work. All the rods are altered. I think he has done more good than all the doctors we have had before; and his manner of doing it has been very satisfactory—so different from what we have been used to. He has been through all the flues himself, and really takes uncommon pains. Pray write to him; thank him for his attention. He will not have left town before he gets your letter, and press him to stay as long as he can be essentially serviceable.” There was, however, so great a demand for Murdock’s presence in Cornwall, that he could not be spared for another day, and he hurried back again to his multifarious duties at the mines. The cost of erecting the mill proved to be considerably in excess of the original estimate, and Watt early feared that it would turn out a losing concern. He had no doubt about the engines or the machinery being able to do all that had been promised; but he feared that the absence of business capacity on the part of the managers would be fatal to its commercial success.[279] He was especially annoyed at finding the mill made a public show of, and that it was constantly crowded with curious and frivolous people, whose presence seriously interfered with the operations of the workmen. It reached his ears that the managers of the mill even intended to hold a masquerade in it, with the professed object of starting the concern with eclat! Watt denounced this as sheer
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