New Perspectives on HTML and CSS Comprehensive 6th Edition Carey Test Bank

New Perspectives on HTML and CSS Comprehensive
6th Edition Carey Test Bank download
https://testbankfan.com/product/new-perspectives-on-html-and-css-
comprehensive-6th-edition-carey-test-bank/
Find test banks or solution manuals at testbankfan.com today!

We believe these products will be a great fit for you. Click
the link to download now, or visit testbankfan.com
to discover even more!
New Perspectives on HTML CSS and XML Comprehensive 4th
Edition Carey Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/new-perspectives-on-html-css-and-xml-
comprehensive-4th-edition-carey-test-bank/
New Perspectives on Blended HTML and CSS Fundamentals
Introductory 3rd Edition Bojack Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/new-perspectives-on-blended-html-and-
css-fundamentals-introductory-3rd-edition-bojack-test-bank/
New Perspectives on XML Comprehensive 3rd Edition Carey
Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/new-perspectives-on-xml-
comprehensive-3rd-edition-carey-test-bank/
Discovering Statistics Using IBM SPSS Statistics 4th
Edition Field Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/discovering-statistics-using-ibm-spss-
statistics-4th-edition-field-test-bank/

Experience Psychology 2nd Edition King Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/experience-psychology-2nd-edition-
king-test-bank/
California Politics A Primer 4th Edition Vechten Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/california-politics-a-primer-4th-
edition-vechten-test-bank/
Practice of Computing Using Python 2nd Edition Punch
Solutions Manual
https://testbankfan.com/product/practice-of-computing-using-
python-2nd-edition-punch-solutions-manual/
Introduction to International Economics 3rd Edition
Salvatore Solutions Manual
https://testbankfan.com/product/introduction-to-international-
economics-3rd-edition-salvatore-solutions-manual/
Cosmic Perspective The Solar System 8th Edition Bennett
Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/cosmic-perspective-the-solar-
system-8th-edition-bennett-test-bank/

Environmental and Natural Resource Economics 10th Edition
Tietenberg Solutions Manual
https://testbankfan.com/product/environmental-and-natural-resource-
economics-10th-edition-tietenberg-solutions-manual/

Tutorial 6: Creating a Web Form
TRUE/FALSE
1. HTML supports tags that allow you to create forms and analyze the information submitted on forms.
ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: HTML 397
2. The earliest and most common of the languages used for server-based programs are called CGI scripts,
written in a language called Perl.
ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: HTML 398
3. PHP and ASP are popular languages widely used today for writing server-based programs.
4. The get method appends the form data to the end of the URL specified in the action attribute.
5. Typically, forms only contain form elements and no page elements.
6. Among the attributes included with the <form> tag are attributes that include information on how to
process the form.
7. A single Web page can contain at most one form.
8. One way of organizing a form is to group similar fields into field sets.
9. A password text box hides text entered by the user.
10. Access keys can be used with hyperlinks and are particularly helpful to users with impaired motor
skills who find it difficult to use a mouse.
11. Field sets are block elements that limit the numbers of characters the text box can hold.
12. HTML allows you to formally link a label with an associated text box element for scripting purposes.

13. Unlike a default field value, a placeholder is not stored in the data field and is not sent to the server as
a field value.
ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: HTML416
14. An access key is a single key that you type in conjunction with the Alt key for Macintosh users.
15. When the <input> tag is used to create radio buttons, the tag also creates labels for radio buttons.
ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: HTML429
16. Users are limited to a single selection from a selection list.
17. Check boxes are selected by default.
18. A command button runs a command that affects the contents of the Web page or the Web browser
itself.
19. Data values do not need to be tested or validated before they are used.
20. One advantage of the current validation checks is that they occur after a user has completed and
submitted the form.
MODIFIED TRUE/FALSE
1. Input boxes are a form control element used for text and numerical entries. ____________________
2. Option lists are a form control element for long lists of options. ____________________
ANS: F, Selection
PTS: 1 REF: HTML 397
3. The earliest and most common server-based programs are CGI scripts written in a language called
Perl. ____________________

4. The get method sends form data in a separate data stream. ____________________
ANS: F, post method
5. The language used to create a server-based program depends on the Web server.
____________________
6. The <table> tag identifies the beginning of a form. ____________________
ANS: F, form
7. The <form> tag includes attributes that control how the form is processed. ____________________
8. To associate text with a control element, you can use the label element.. ____________________
9. When you link a label with an associated input box element, you use the name attribute of the field.
____________________
ANS: F, id
10. A placeholder is a numeric string that appears within the control element and provides users with
information about the kind of information accepted by the field. __________________
ANS: F, text
11. An access key is a single key that you type in conjunction with the Command key for Macintosh users,
to jump to one of the control elements in the form. ____________________
ANS: F, Control
12. A selection list is a list box that presents users with a group of possible field values for the data field.
____________________
13. Like selection list items, only one radio button can be selected at a time. ____________________

ANS: F, Unlike
14. A control element that allows extended text entries is the textarea element. ____________________
15. Input boxes with the number data type are displayed using a spinner control in which users click an up
or down arrow to increase or decrease the field value, respectively.____________________
MULTIPLE CHOICE
1. Information entered into a field is called the field ____.
a. index c. attribute
b. rating d. value
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: HTML 397
2. Each control element in which the user can enter information is called a(n) ____.
a. field c. value
b. index d. area
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: HTML 397
3. Text ____ are used for extended entries that can include several lines of text.
a. areas c. rosters
b. buttons d. matrices
4. Selection lists usually appear in a ____ box.
a. value list c. form
b. radio d. drop-down list

5. As shown in the accompanying figure, the form contains ____ elements, which are commonly used in
Web page forms.
a. control c. access
b. formula d. box
6. The item marked ____ in the accompanying figure is an input box.
a. 1 c. 4
b. 2 d. 6
7. The item marked ____ in the accompanying figure is a selection list.
a. 1 c. 3
b. 2 d. 6
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: HTML 425

8. The items marked 3 in the accompanying figure are ____ buttons.
a. check c. option
b. group d. cluster
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: HTML 431
9. The item marked 4 in the accompanying figure is a(n) ____ button.
a. report c. option
b. reset d. spinner control
10. The item marked 6 in the accompanying figure is a ____ area.
a. registration c. text
b. form d. list
11. The item marked 5 in the accompanying figure is a ____ box.
a. text c. check
b. field d. form
12. Option buttons are sometimes called ____ buttons.
a. group c. radio
b. cluster d. aggregate
13. You should check with your ISP or system administrator to find out what ____ are available and what
rights and privileges you have in working with them.
a. scripts c. passwords
b. access keys d. XMLs
14. CGI scripts can be written in which of the following languages?
a. TCP c. Perl
b. JavaScript d. Any of the above
15. Forms are created using the ____ element.
a. <field> c. <html>
b. <form> d. <input>
16. The ____ attribute of the <form> tag represents the older standard for identifying each form on the
page.
a. id c. name
b. identification d. what
17. The ____ attribute has two possible values: get and post.

a. value c. method
b. id d. name
18. ____ sets are used to organize form elements.
a. Option c. Text
b. Radio d. Field
19. HTML 4 supports ____ different input types.
a. 10 c. 16
b. 15 d. 17
20. If you do not include the type attribute in an <input> tag, the Web browser assumes that you want to
create a(n) ____.
a. check box c. option button
b. input box d. submit button
21. Which input type displays a browse button to locate and select a file?
a. type= “attach” c. type= “file”
b. type= “find” d. type= “browse”
22. Which input type creates a field that is not viewable on the form?
a. type= “conceal” c. type= “view”
b. type= “off” d. type= “hidden”
23. Which input type displays an inline image that can be clicked to perform an action from a script?
a. type= “image” c. type= “picture”
b. type= “inline” d. type= “action”
24. Which input type displays an input box that hides text entered by the user?
a. type= “hidden” c. type= “user”
b. type= “password” d. type= “hide”
25. When a form is submitted, the server receives the data in ____ pairs.
a. name/value c. id/value
b. label/name d. value/label
26. To create an input box for ____ entry, add the element <input type=”type” name=”name” id=”id” /> to
the web form, where type specifies the type of input control, rhe name attribute provides the name of
the field associated with the control element, and the id attribute identifies the control element itself.

a. numeric c. text
b. label d. character
27. When you link a label with an associated text element for scripting purposes, you must bind the label
to the ____ attribute of the field.
a. id c. label
b. name d. what
28. To associate a label with the control element with the id of "city", you would enter ____.
a. <label id="city"> c. <label element="city">
b. <label for="city"> d. <label associate="city">
29. Label elements are normally ____ elements.
a. inside c. inline
b. outline d. outside
30. The ____ style can be used to change label elements into block elements.
a. type:block c. display: block
b. format: block d. block: block
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: HTML 413 | HTML414
31. The placeholder automatically disappears as soon as a user selects the ____ box.
a. label c. text
b. input d. textarea
32. To set the number of options displayed at one time in the selection list, add the attribute_______,
a. selected = “selected” c. multiple=”multiple”
b. size=”value” d. select = “select”
33. To define a default field value, add the attribute ____.
a. size =”value” c. input =”value”
b. value=”value” d. value = “chars”
34. Another way you can specify the width is to use the ____ attribute.
a. size c. length
b. maximum d. characters
35. To avoid confusion, set the width either with _____ width style or the HTML size attribute, but not
both.
a. CIS c. CGI

b. CSS d. PHP
36. Many browsers include a(n) ________ feature that automatically fills in input form values if they are
based on previously filled out forms.
a. autocorrect c. grammar check
b. autocomplete d. spelling
37. To define a default value for a field, use the following syntax: ____.
a. <input field= “value” /> c. <input default= “value” />
b. <input main= “value” /> d. <input value= “value” />
38. Press the ____ key to move between input boxes.
a. Shift c. Ctrl
b. Tab d. Alt
39. You can specify an access key for an input element by using the ____ attribute.
a. shortcut c. accesskey
b. key d. keypress
40. The ________ automatically disappears as soon as a user selects the input box.
a. input box c. textarea
b. text box d. placeholder
41. ____ buttons can be placed into a group so that selecting one deselects all of the others.
a. Checkbox c. Command
b. Image d. Radio
42. To group option buttons so that selecting one deselects all of the others, you must make the ____
attribute the same.
a. name c. id
b. type d. value
43. To identify the specific options for option buttons, you use the ____ attribute.
a. name c. id
b. type d. value
44. To specify that an option button be already selected, you type ____.
a. checked="yes" c. checked="checked"
b. value="checked" d. value="yes"

45. A ____ should be used to provide visual indication that option buttons belong in the same group.
a. fieldset c. table
b. label d. value
46. In the general syntax for the <select> and <option> tags, each ____ tag represents an individual item in
the selection list.
a. <option> c. <index>
b. <item> d. <each>
47. By default, the ____ tag displays one option from the selection list, along with a list arrow to view
additional selection options.
a. <index> c. <option>
b. <select> d. <checked>
48. HTML allows you to organize selection lists into distinct groups called ____ groups.
a. option c. unique
b. selection d. category
49. You can change the number of options displayed in a selection list by modifying the ____ attribute.
a. display c. size
b. list d. number
50. When using the password data type, any information that a user enters will be displayed as a series of
____ or asterisks, protecting the information from prying eyes.
a. dashes
b. dots
c. ampersands
d. plus signs
51. For noncontiguous selections from a selection list on a PC, press and hold the ____ key while you
make your selections.
a. Ctrl c. Esc
b. Shift d. Alt
52. For a contiguous selection in a selection list, select the first item, press and hold the ____ key, and then
select the last item in the range.
a. Ctrl c. Esc
b. Shift d. Alt

53. ____ are used to check for the presence or absence of something.
a. Check boxes c. Group boxes
b. Option boxes d. Text boxes
54. To make a check box selected by default, you add ____.
a. selected="true" c. checked="checked"
b. selected="selected" d. checked="true"
55. The ____ attributes define the dimensions of a text area.
a. height and width c. top and bottom
b. rows and cols d. high and wide
56. In a text area, the default value of the wrap attribute is ____.
a. on c. soft
b. off d. hard
57. In a ____ wrap, information about where the text begins a new line is included with the data field
value.
a. soft c. off
b. hard d. on
58. When a user tabs through the form, the tab order will reflect the order of the items in the ____ file.
a. HTML c. CSS
b. CGI d. PHP
59. Typically, users navigate through a Web form using the _____ key, which moves the cursor
from one field to another in the order that the field tags are entered into the HTML file.
a. ALT c. SHIFT
b. TAB d. CTRL
60. For most browsers, if no value for the wrap attribute of a text area is specified, a value of ____ is used.
a. hard c. soft
b. off d. on
61. To create an action for a(n) ____ button, you have to write a script or program that runs automatically
when the button is clicked.
a. option c. group
b. radio d. command

62. To create a button that will allow a user to send the form data to the server, you use a type of ____.
a. command c. option
b. reset d. submit
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: HTML457
63. To create a button that will clear the form fields, you use a type of ____.
a. command c. option
b. reset d. submit
64. The ____ control element is used to create a custom button.
a. command c. input
b. file d. button
65. Validation can occur after the data is sent to the server with _________.
a. client-side validation c. HTML validation
b. server-side validation d. HTML5 validation
66. A _____ is a concise description of a character pattern.
a. regular expression c. character string
b. regex d. both a and b
67. The ____ method of the <form> tag packages form data by appending it to the end of the URL
specified in the action attribute.
a. post c. put
b. get d. keep
68. The technique of immediate data validation and reporting of errors is known as _________.
a. online validation c. inline validation
b. regular expression d. immediate validation
69. ______ refers to the state in which an element has been clicked by the user, making it the active
control element on the form.
a. Cursor c. Focus
b. Insertion point d. Directive
70. The pseudo-class _____ matches check boxes or option buttons whose toggle states (checked or
unchecked) cannot be determined.
a. indeterminate c. invalid
b. checked d. required

Case-Base Critical Thinking Questions
Case 6-1
Oscar owns Oscar's Skateboard Shop. He wants to create a Web form to allow users to specify the type
of skateboards they would like to buy. This includes the make, model, type and color, and board
options. Oscar's skateboards come in Children, Young Adult, and Adult sizes. Oscar's skateboards
only come in color, pattern, and themes. He has over 25 makes and models of skateboards.
71. Since make and model are normally lists, Oscar should use a ____ tag to specify the lists.
a. <checkbox> c. <select>
b. <file> d. <command>
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: HTML 422 TOP: Critical Thinking
72. Oscar should use ____ to allow users to select the skateboard type.
a. radio buttons c. command buttons
b. check boxes d. group boxes
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: HTML 437 TOP: Critical Thinking
73. For the color, Oscar should most likely use ___.
a. radio buttons c. command buttons
b. check boxes d. group boxes
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: HTML 429 TOP: Critical Thinking
Case-Based Critical Thinking Questions
Case 6-2
Wyona, owner of Wyona’s Hat Designs, desires to have a Web site built for customers to order
custom-made hats. They can pick from straw, leather, and material hat collections. Customers can
specify one of their existing patterns, which include about 50 designs. They can also choose a custom
pattern instead and then provide information about the pattern they want for Wyona to custom create.
74. In order to provide customers plenty of room to enter the information for a custom pattern, which type
of field should Wyona provide for the user?
a. textarea c. text
b. radio d. select
75. Wyona wants to separate the different options for straw, leather and material. Which element can she
use to create these groups?
a. check box c. radio
b. select d. fieldset
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: HTML 430 TOP: Critical Thinking
76. Wyona wants to label each group. Which element would be the best for her to use?
a. label c. legend
b. caption d. text

77. For her address she wants to make sure the zipcode is set to 5 characters only. Which attribute of a text
box will allow her to do this?
a. maxlength c. length
b. size d. characters
Case-Based Critical Thinking Questions
Case 6-3
Larry has just bought an online Web hosting solution from a popular ISP. He knows the ISP provides
some scripts to allow people to create logon pages for their Web site if they want to have a
password-protected blog, for example. Larry wants to create such a page for his blog about video
games.
78. Before Larry builds his form, which of the following should he consult concerning required fields?
a. his ISP c. his desired form design
b. his other Web pages d. none of the above
79. Which element will Larry most likely use to create the password element?
a. select c. textarea
b. input d. option
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: HTML 405 TOP: Critical Thinking
80. What type of method will Larry most likely be using for submitting his form data?
a. get c. post
b. submit d. reset
COMPLETION
1. Information entered into a field is called the field ____________________.
ANS: value
2. CGI stands for ____________________.
ANS: Common Gateway Interface
3. A(n) ____________________ is a box placed around a set of fields that indicates that they belong to a
common group.
ANS:
fieldset
field set

4. The input type=“____________________” displays an option button.
ANS: radio
5. The input type=“____________________” displays a button that submits the form when clicked.
ANS: submit
6. A(n) ____________________ field is an input box in which the characters typed by the user are
displayed as bullets or asterisks.
ANS: password
7. If most people enter the same value into a field, it may make sense to define a(n)
____________________ value for a field.
ANS: default
8. ____________________ buttons are similar to selection lists in that they display a list of choices from
which a user makes a selection.
ANS:
Option
Radio
9. Selection lists are used for long lists of options, usually appearing in a(n) ____________________ list
box.
ANS:
drop-down
drop down
10. Adding the ____________________ attribute to the <select> tag allows multiple selections from a list.
ANS: multiple
11. ____________________ boxes specify an item as either present or absent.

Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:

story in question were true, it ought to have been published on
official authority without delay: as it was untrue, its publication
should have on no account been permitted.
Consider the circumstances. Sir John French, on November 20th,
stated that throughout the battle of Ypres-Armentières, the position
at La Bassée had defied all efforts at capture, and naturally the most
intense anxiety had been felt for news of a definite success in this
region. Yet the public, after hearing, by official sanction, the news of
a success which would clearly have resulted in the Germans being
driven pell-mell out of La Bassée, were calmly told, a few days later,
that the entire story was a lie. To my mind, and I think the reader
will agree with me, we could have no stronger illustration of the
utter futilities and farcical eccentricities of the censorship as it to-day
exists. Are we told the truth about the war? No, I declare—We are
not!
I will go a step farther. The suppression of news by the censorship is
bad enough, but what are we to think of a deliberate attempt to
stifle perfectly legitimate criticisms of Ministers and their methods?
As those who read these pages are aware, I have taken a prominent
part in the effort to bring home to the public the dire peril to which
we are exposed through the presence in our midst of hordes of
uncontrolled enemy aliens. I deal with this subject elsewhere, and I
should not mention it here except that it is connected in a very
special way with an attempt on the part of the Press Bureau to stifle
public discussion on a matter of the gravest importance.
The Globe newspaper has, with commendable patriotism, devoted
much attention to the question of the presence of alien spies in our
midst, and, on many occasions, its correspondence and editorial
columns have contained valuable information and comments. On
September 10th last the Globe published the following letter:
"Press Bureau,
"40, Charing Cross.
"September 7th, 1914.

"Dear Sir,
"Mr. F.E. Smith desires me to draw your attention to a letter
headed 'A German's Outburst,' which appeared in your issue of
the 2nd instant, and a facsimile of which appeared in your issue
of the 4th instant. This letter has received the notice of the
Home Secretary, who expresses the view that 'the articles and
letters in the Globe are causing something in the nature of a
panic in the matter of spies' and desires that they should be
suppressed at once. In view of this expression of opinion by the
Home Secretary, Mr. Smith has no doubt that you will refrain, in
the future, from publishing articles or letters of a similar
description.
"Yours very truly,
"Harold Smith, Secretary."
Very properly, the Globe pointed out that, in this matter, "nothing
less is at stake than the liberty of the Press to defend the public
interest and criticise the administrative acts of a Minister of the
Crown." The unwarrantable attempt of the Home Secretary, through
the Press Bureau, to suppress criticism of this nature, to stop the
mouths of those who insisted on warning the public of a peril which
he has, all along, blindly refused to see, raises a constitutional issue
of the very gravest kind. The Globe promptly asked the Press Bureau
under what authority it claimed the "power to suppress the free
expression of opinion in the English press on subjects wholly
unconnected with military or naval movements." Mr. Harold Smith's
reply was the amazing assertion that such powers were conferred by
the Defence of the Realm Acts. He wrote:
"Press Bureau,
"40, Charing Cross.
"September 8th, 1914.
"Dear Sir,

"I am instructed by Mr. F.E. Smith to acknowledge your letter of
to-day's date. On Mr. Smith's direction, I wrote you a letter,
which, on re-reading, you will perceive was intended to convey
to you the opinion of the Home Office, rather than an expressed
intention of censorship in this Bureau. You will, of course, use
your own discretion in the matter, but Mr. Smith thinks that a
consideration of the terms of the Defence of the Realm Acts
(Nos. 1 and 2), and the regulations made thereunder, will satisfy
you that the Secretary of State is not without the legal powers
necessary to make his desire for supervision effective.
"Yours faithfully,
"Harold Smith, Secretary."
This reads very much like a threat to try the editor of the Globe by
court-martial for the heinous offence of suggesting that Mr.
McKenna's handling of the spy-peril was not exactly what was
required by the exigencies of the public safety. I must say that when
I read the correspondence I was inclined to tremble for my own
head! So far, however, it is still safe upon my shoulders. I, as a
patriotic Englishman who has dared to speak his mind, have no
intention of desisting—even at the risk of being court-martialled—
from the efforts I have continued for so long to arouse my
countrymen to a realisation of the dangers to which we are exposed
by the obstinate refusal of the Government to face facts.
The privilege of the Press to criticise Ministers was boldly asserted
by the Globe, which, in a leading article, said:
"That correspondence ... raises issues directly affecting the
independence of the Press and its right to frank and unfettered
criticism. At the time when we are receiving from our ever-
increasing circle of readers many gratifying tributes to the sanity
of our views, and the informing character of our columns, we
are accused of publishing matter calculated to induce panic, and
we have been called upon to suppress at once the articles and
letters directing attention to the dangers arising from the lax

methods of the Home Secretary in dealing with the alien enemy
in our midst."
After referring to a statement made by Mr. McKenna in the House of
Commons the previous day as likely "to do something to allay public
anxiety" on the subject, the Globe proceeded:
"We are content with the knowledge that the attitude of the
Globe has done something to convince the Government of the
widespread feeling that the danger from the alien enemy we
harbour is real, and the fear justified. Here we should be
content to leave the question for the present, but for the
attitude of the Home Secretary in seeking to prevent comment
and criticism on his administrative acts, coupled with the veiled
suggestion from the Press Bureau of power possessed under an
Emergency Act. This attempt at pressure is made through a
department set up for quite other and legitimate purposes.... If
a Government Department, under cover of an Order in Council
made for a wholly different purpose, is to shield itself from an
exposure of its inefficiency, a dangerous precedent is set up,
dangerous alike to the community and the Press."
We have to bear in mind, in this connection, that the Press Bureau
had just been reorganised. Mr. F. E. Smith had resigned, on leaving
for the front, and the Home Secretary was the Minister responsible
to Parliament for its conduct. At his request the Press Bureau
endeavoured to prevent the Globe continuing to criticise his action,
or rather inaction. Well indeed might the Globe say: "We must
reserve to ourselves the right, at all times, to give expression to
views on Ministerial policy and even to dare to criticise the action of
the Home Secretary." And I venture to say that, but for the jealousy
inherent among British newspapers, the Globe would have had the
unanimous support of every metropolitan and provincial journal,
every single one of which was vitally affected by the Home
Secretary's preposterous claim.

The claim of the country for fuller information has been expressed in
many ways, and by many people, and it has been admitted by no
less a personage than Mr. Asquith himself. In the House of Commons
early in September Mr. Asquith said the Government felt "that the
public is entitled to prompt and authentic information of what has
happened at the front, and they are making arrangements which
they hope will be more adequate."
That was months ago, and, up to the present, very few signs of the
"prompt and authentic information" have been perceptible.
Even more significant is the following passage from the latest
despatches of Sir John French, which covered the period from
November 20th to the beginning of February:
"I regard it as most unfortunate that circumstances have
prevented any account of many splendid instances of courage
and endurance, in the face of almost unparalleled hardship and
fatigue of war, coming regularly to the knowledge of the public."
Now I do not want to read into Sir John French's words a meaning
that he did not intend to convey, but this passage certainly strikes
me, as it has struck many others, as a very definite plea for the
presence at the front of duly accredited and responsible war
correspondents.
And why not? News could be still censored so that no information of
value could reach the enemy. We should not be prejudiced one iota,
but, on the other hand, should get prompt and trustworthy news,
written by skilled journalists in a fashion that would make an
irresistible appeal to the manhood of Britain. And we should be far
nearer than we are to-day to learning "the truth about the war."
It has been urged, on behalf of the Press Bureau, that of late
matters have been very much improved. My journalistic friends tell
me that so far as the actual working is concerned this is a fact.
There has undoubtedly been less of the haphazard methods which
were characteristic of the early days. But there is still too much of

what the Times very properly calls the "throttling" of permissible
news, and, in spite of the fact that two despatches a week are now
published from Sir John French, we are still in the dark as to the real
story of the great campaign. Neither our successes nor our failures
are adequately described. We are still not told "the truth about the
war."
And I cannot help saying that the deficiencies of the official
information are not made up by the tactics of certain sections of the
Press. There is too much of a tendency to magnify the good and
minimise the bad. There are too many "Great Victories" to be
altogether convincing. As the Morning Post put it:
"There seems to be a large section of the public which takes its
news as an old charwoman takes her penn'orth of gin, 'for
comfort.' And some of our contemporaries seem to cater for this
little weakness. Every day there is a 'great advance' or a
'brilliant victory,' and if a corporal's guard is captured or
surrenders we have a flaming announcement on all the
posters."
It is very true. From the fiercest critics of the Press Bureau's
methods we do not to-day get "the truth about the war," even so far
as they know it. Even the Daily News has been moved to raise a
protest against the present state of affairs, and as recently as March
15th declared that the mind of authority "is being fed on selected
facts that convey a wholly false impression of things."
CHAPTER VI
THE PERIL OF THE ENEMY ALIEN
"Every enemy alien is known, and is now under constant police
surveillance."—Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for War, in the

House of Commons, March 3rd.
One of the gravest perils with which the country is still faced is that
of the enemy alien.
Notwithstanding all that has been written and said upon this most
serious question, Ministers are still content to pursue a shuttlecock
policy, in which there is very little satisfaction for any intelligent
patriot.
Each time the subject is brought up in the House of Commons there
is an apparent intention of the Government to wilfully throw dust
into the eyes of the public, and prevent the whole mystery of the
official protection afforded to our enemies being sifted to the
bottom. A disgraceful illustration of this was given on March 3rd,
when Mr. Joynson-Hicks moved:
"That in the opinion of this House it is desirable that the whole
administration of the Acts and Regulations concerning aliens
and suspected persons should be centred in the hands of one
Minister, who should be responsible to the House."
The debate which followed was illuminating. Sir Henry Dalziel, who
is strongly in favour of a Central Board to deal with spies among us
—a suggestion I made in my recent book "German Spies in
England," as a satisfactory solution of the problem—said, in the
course of a splendid speech, that the Government knew that, at the
present moment, there was a settled spy-system, and there was no
use denying it. As the Daily Telegraph on the following day pointed
out, that there is such a system is almost as natural an assumption
as that the enemy possesses an army service organisation or a Press
censorship. I have already pointed out, in various books I have
written, that systematic espionage is, and has been for many years,
a most cherished part of German war administration, developed with
characteristic thoroughness. The question is whether that
department of the enemy's activity has, or has not, been stamped

out as regards this country; and it would be idle to pretend that
there is any public confidence that it has been stamped out.
There is an absence of vigour and an absence of system about the
dealing with this source of danger, and I maintain that the national
safety requires the taking of this matter more seriously, and the
placing of it upon a satisfactory footing. The Government admitted
that, on March 3rd, seven hundred male enemy aliens were living in
the East Coast prohibited area, and we know that arrangements for
their control are so futile as to leave, quite unmolested, some
individuals whose known connections expose them to the highest
degree of suspicion. Of one such notorious case, Mr. Bonar Law—
who cannot, surely, be accused of spy-mania—declared that he
would as soon have allowed a German army to land as allow the
person in question to be at large in this country. How the
arrangement has worked in another particular case was exposed in
some detail by Mr. Butcher. The lady concerned is closely related to
more than one of those in power in Germany. Her case was reported
to the War Office. The War Office called upon the General Officer
commanding in the Northern District to take action. He requested
the police to make inquiries, and the Chief Constable of the East
Riding subsequently reported, "strongly recommending" the removal
of the lady from the prohibited area. The General accepted this
advice, and an order was made for her removal on January 25th. It
was never executed; and on February 7th it was withdrawn.
Such is one illustration of the utter hopelessness of the present state
of affairs. And yet, in face of it, Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for
War, actually rose and made the definite assertion that every enemy
alien was known and constantly watched!
Could any greater and more glaring official untruth be told?
Is every enemy alien known, I ask? Let us examine a case in point,
one in which I have made personal investigation, and to the truth of
which a dozen officers of His Majesty's service, and also civilians, are
ready to testify.

Investigations recently made in certain German quarters in London,
notably in the obscure foreign restaurants in the neighbourhood of
Tottenham Court Road, where men—many of them recently released
from internment-camps—and women meet nightly and toast to the
Day of Britain's destruction, revealed to me a startling fact. Here,
posing as an Italian and a neutral, I learnt facts regarding the
movements of German aircraft long before they were known either
to our own authorities or to the Press. For several weeks this fact, I
confess, caused me considerable thought. Some secret means of
communication must, I realised, exist between the enemy's camp
and London, perhaps by wireless, perhaps by the new German-laid
cable, the shore-end of which is at Bacton, in Norfolk, and which,
eighteen months ago, in company with the German telegraph-
engineers, I assisted to test as it was laid across the North Sea to
Nordeney. In the archives of the Intelligence Department of the War
Office will be found my report, together with a copy of the first
message transmitted by the new cable from Norfolk to Germany, a
telegram from one of the Kaiser's sons who happened to be in
Scotland at the time, and addressed to the Emperor, which read:
"Hurrah for a strong navy!"—significant indeed in the light of recent
events!
I was wondering if, by any secret means, this cable could be in
operation when, on the afternoon of February 23rd, an officer of the
Naval Armoured Car Squadron called upon me and invited me to
assist in hunting spies in Surrey. The suggestion sounded exciting.
Signals had been seen for a month or so past, flashed from a certain
house high upon the Surrey hills. Would I assist in locating them,
and prosecuting a full inquiry?
Within half an hour I was in a car speeding towards the point where
mystery brooded, and which we did not reach till after dark. A
gentleman living three miles across the valley, whose house
commanded full view of the house under suspicion—a large one with
extensive grounds—at once placed a room at our disposal, wherein
we sat and watched. In the whole of these investigations I was
assisted by an officer who was an expert in signalling and wireless, a

signaller of the service, two other officers equally expert in reading
the Morse code, while I myself have qualified both in Morse and
wireless, and hold the Postmaster-General's licence.
On the previous evening an all-night vigil had been kept, and
messages had been read, but I only here record my own
experiences of this exciting spy-hunt. On reaching our point of
vantage I learned that suspicion had first been aroused by a
mysterious and intense white light being shown from a window in
the country mansion in question, which was situated upon so
strategic a point that it could be seen very many miles in the
direction of London. And there, sure enough, was the one brilliant
light—at all other windows of the house the blinds being drawn—
shining like a beacon all over the country. It had shone first at 6.30
p.m. that night, and, as I watched, it showed till 6.48, when it
disappeared. After three minutes it was shown till 7.30 exactly, when
suddenly it signalled in Morse the code-letters "S.M." repeated twice,
and then disappeared till 9 o'clock, when again the same signal was
made. The light remained full on for ten minutes, and was then
suddenly switched off.
This was certainly remarkable. The officers with me—all experts in
signalling—were unanimous as to the two letters, and also to their
repetition. These signals, I learned, had been seen times without
number, but until the smart young officer who had called upon me
had noticed them, no action had been taken.
Having established that mysterious signalling was really in progress,
I set forth upon further investigation. Taking my own signalling-
apparatus, a very strong electric lamp with accumulators and
powerful reflectors, which would show for fifteen miles or more, I
got into the car with my companions—who were eager to assist—
and, having consulted ordnance-maps and compass, we went to a
spot high-up in an exposed position, where I anticipated the
answering light from the mansion might be seen.
We found ourselves in a private park, upon a spot which, by day,
commands an immense stretch of country, and from which it is said

that upon a clear day the Sussex coast can be seen. Here we
erected our signalling-apparatus and waited in patience. The night
proved bitterly cold, and as the hours crept slowly by, the sleet
began to cut our faces. Yet all our eyes were fixed upon that
mysterious house which had previously signalled.
For hours we waited in vain until, of a sudden, quite unexpectedly
from the direction of London, we saw another intense white light
shining from out the darkness. For a full half-hour it remained there,
a beacon like the other. Then suddenly it began winking, and this
was the code-message it sent:
"S.H.I.S. (pause) H. 5. (pause) S.H.I.S.F. (pause with the light
full on for two minutes). I.S. I.E. (pause) E.S.T. (light out)."
Turning my signal-lamp in its direction, I repeated the first portion of
the mysterious message, and then, pretending not to understand,
asked for a repetition. At once this was given, and, with my
companions, I received it perfectly clearly!
Sorely tempted as I was to signal further, I refrained for fear of
arousing suspicion, and, actuated by patriotic motives, we agreed at
once to prosecute our inquiry further, and then leave it to "the
proper authorities" to deal with the matter.
Through the whole of that night—an intensely cold one—we
remained on watch upon one of the highest points in Surrey, a spot
which I do not here indicate for obvious reasons—and not until the
grey dawn at last appeared did we relinquish our watchfulness.
All next day, assisted by the same young officer who had first
noticed the unusual lights, I spent in making confidential inquiry
regarding the mysterious house and elicited several interesting facts,
one being that the family, who were absent from the house showing
the lights, employed a servant who, though undoubtedly German—
for, by a ruse, I succeeded in obtaining the address of this person's
family in Germany—was posing as Swiss. That a brisk
correspondence had been kept up with persons in Germany was

proved in rather a curious way, and by long and diligent inquiry
many other highly interesting facts were elicited. With my young
officer friend and a gentleman who rendered us every assistance,
placing his house and his car at our disposal, we crept cautiously up
to the house in the early hours one morning, narrowly escaping
savage dogs, while one adventure of my own was to break through
a boundary fence, only to find myself in somebody's chicken-run!
That night was truly one of adventure. Nevertheless, it established
many things—one being that in the room whence the signals
emanated was a three-branch electrolier with unusually strong
bulbs, while behind it, set over the mantelshelf, was a mirror, or
glazed picture, to act as a reflector in the direction of London. The
signals were, no doubt, made by working the electric-light switch.
The following night saw us out again, for already reports received
had established a line of signals from a spot on the Kent coast to
London and farther north, other watchers being set in order to
compare notes with us. Again we watched the beacon-light on the
mysterious house. We saw those mysterious letters "S.M."—evidently
of significance—winked out in Morse, and together we watched the
answering signals. All the evening the light remained full on until at
1.30 a.m. we once more watched "S.M." being sent, while soon after
2 a.m. the light went out.
In the fourteen exciting days and nights which followed, I motored
many hundreds of miles over Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, instituting
inquiries and making a number of amazing discoveries, not the least
astounding of which was that, only one hour prior to the reception of
that message on the first evening of our vigil—"H. 5"—five German
aeroplanes had actually set out from the Belgian coast towards
England! That secret information was being sent from the Kent coast
to London was now proved, not only at one point, but at several,
where I have since waited and watched, and, showing signals in the
same code, have been at once answered and repeated. And every
night, until the hour of writing, this same signalling from the coast to

London is in progress, and has been watched by responsible officers
of His Majesty's Service.
After the first nights of vigilance, I had satisfied myself that
messages in code were being sent, so I reported—as a matter of
urgency—to the Intelligence Department of the War Office—that
department of which Mr. McKenna, on March 3rd, declared, "There is
no more efficient department of the State." The result was only what
the public might expect. Though this exposure was vouched for by
experts in signalling, men wearing His Majesty's uniform, all the
notice taken of it has been
War Office,
Whitehall,
S.W.
27th February 1915.
The Director of Military Operations presents his compliments to
Mr. W. Le Queux, and begs to acknowledge, with thanks, the
receipt of his letter of the 25th inst. which is receiving attention.
a mere printed acknowledgment—reproduced above—that my report
had been received, while to my repeated appeals that proper inquiry
be made I have not even received a reply!
But further. While engaged in watching in another part of Surrey on
the night of March 3rd, certain officers of the Armoured Car
Squadron, who were keeping vigil upon the house of mystery, saw
some green and white rockets being discharged from the top of the
hill. Their suspicions aroused, they searched and presently found,
not far from the house in question, a powerful motor-car of German
make containing three men. The latter when challenged gave no
satisfactory account of themselves, therefore the officers held up the
car while one of them telephoned to the Admiralty for instructions.
The reply received was "that they had no right to detain the car!"
But, even in face of this official policy of do-nothing, they took off

the car's powerful searchlight, which was on a swivel, and sent it to
the Admiralty for identification.
This plain straightforward statement of what is nightly in progress
can be substantiated by dozens of persons, and surely, in face of the
observations taken by service men themselves—the names of whom
I will readily place at the disposal of the Government—it is little short
of a public scandal that no attempt has been made to inquire into
the matter or to seize the line of spies simultaneously. It really
seems plain that to-day the enemy alien may work his evil will
anywhere as a spy. On the other hand, it is a most heinous offence
for anybody to ride a cycle without a back-lamp!
It will be remembered that in Norfolk it has been found, by Mr.
Holcombe Ingleby, M.P. for King's Lynn, that the Zeppelin raid on the
East Coast was directed by a mysterious motor-car with a
searchlight. Therefore the apathy of the Admiralty in not ordering full
inquiry into the case in question will strike the reader as
extraordinary.
This is the sort of proceeding that gives force to the contention of
those supporting the motion of Mr. Joynson-Hicks in the House of
Commons, that the whole matter of spies ought to be placed in the
hands of a special authority devoted to it alone, and responsible to
Parliament. As things stand, the country is certainly in agreement
with Mr. Bonar Law in believing that the Government "have not
sufficiently realised the seriousness of this danger, and have not
taken every step to make it as small as possible." Most people will
agree with Mr. John S. Scrimgeour, who, commenting upon the
shuffling of the Government, said:
"Let the Press cease from blaming the strikers. Also let 'the men
in power' cease from their censuring, for very shame. Can I, or
any man in the street, believe that we are 'fighting for our lives'
while the enemy lives contentedly among us? Read the debate,
and take as samples mentioned therein—'Brother of the
Governor of Liége,' 'German Financial Houses,' and 'Baron von

Bissing.' Don't make scapegoats of these working-men, or even
of the non-enlisting ones, while such is the case. Neither they,
nor any one else in his senses, can believe in the seriousness of
this 'life struggle' while the above state of things continues. It is
laughable—or deadly."
The Intelligence Department of the War Office—that Department so
belauded by Mr. McKenna—certainly did not display an excess of zeal
in the case of signalling in Surrey, for, to my two letters begging that
inquiry be made as a matter of urgency, I was not even vouchsafed
the courtesy of a reply. Yet I was not surprised, for in a case at the
end of January in which two supposed Belgian refugees, after living
in one of our biggest seaports and making many inquiries there,
being about to escape to Antwerp, I warned that same Department
and urged that they should be questioned before leaving London. I
gave every detail, even to the particular boat by which they were
leaving for Flushing. No notice, however, was taken of my report,
and not until three days after they had left for the enemy's camp did
I receive the usual printed acknowledgment that my report had been
received!"
That night-signalling has long been in progress in the South of
England is shown by the following. Written by a well-known
gentleman, it reached me while engaged in my investigations in
Surrey. He says:
"The following facts have been brought to my notice, and may
be of interest to you. In the first week of October six soldiers
were out on patrol duty around Folkestone looking for spies—
always on night-duty.
"One night they saw Morse signalling going on on a hill along
the sea outside Folkestone. The signalling was in code. They
divided into two parties of three, and proceeded to surround the
place. On approaching, a shot was heard, and a bullet went
through the black oilskin coat of one man (they were all wearing
these over their khaki). They went on and discovered two

Germans with a strong acetylene lamp, one of them having a
revolver with six chambers, and one discharged, also ten spare
rounds of ammunition.
"They secured them and took them to the police station, but all
that happened was that they were shut up in a concentration
camp! This story was told me by one of the six who were on
duty, and assisted at the capture."
To me, there is profound mystery in the present disinclination of the
Intelligence Department of the War Office to institute inquiry. As a
voluntary worker in that department under its splendid chief, Col.
G.W.M. Macdonogh—now, alas! transferred elsewhere—my modest
reports furnished from many places, at home and abroad, always
received immediate attention and a private letter of thanks written in
the Chief's own hand.
On the outbreak of war, however, red-tape instantly showed itself,
and I received a letter informing me that I must, in future, address
myself to the Director of Military Operations—the department which
is supposed to deal with spies.
I trust that the reader will accept my words when I say that I am not
criticising Lord Kitchener's very able administration. If I felt confident
that he, and he alone, was responsible for the surveillance of enemy
aliens in our midst, then I would instantly lay down my pen upon the
subject. But while the present grave peril continues, and while the
Government continue in their endeavour to bewilder and mislead us
by placing the onus first upon the police, then, in turn, upon the
Home Office—which, it must be remembered, made an official
statement early in the war and assured us that there were no spies
—then upon the War Office, then upon the Admiralty War Staff,
while they, in turn, shift the responsibility on to the shoulders of the
local police-constable in uniform, then I will continue to raise my
voice in protest, and urge upon the public to claim their right to
know the truth.

This enemy alien question is one of Britain's deadliest perils, and yet,
by reason of some mysterious influence in high quarters, Ministers
are straining every muscle to still delude and mislead the public.
These very men who are audacious enough to tell us that there are
no German spies in Great Britain are the same who, by that secret
report of the Kaiser's speech and his intention to make war upon us
which I furnished to the British Secret Service in 1908,[1] knew the
truth, yet nevertheless adopted a policy that was deliberately
intended to close the eyes of the British public and lull it to sleep, so
that, in August, our beloved nation nearly met with complete
disaster.
But the British public to-day are no longer children, nor are they in
the mood to be trifled with and treated as such. The speeches made
by Mr. McKenna in the House of Commons on March 3rd have
revealed to us that the policy towards aliens is one of untruth and
sham. The debate has aroused an uneasiness in the country which
will only be restored with the greatest difficulty. To be deliberately
told that the Intelligence Department of the War Office is cognisant
of every enemy alien—in face of what I have just related—is to ask
the public to believe a fiction. And, surely, fiction is not what we
want to-day. We want hard fact—substantiated fact. We are not
playing at war—as so many people seem to think because of the
splendid patriotism of the sons of Britain—but we are fighting with
all our force in defence of our homes and our loved ones, who, if
weak-kneed counsels prevail, will most assuredly be butchered to
make the Kaiser a German holiday.
That public opinion is highly angered in consequence of the refusal
of the Government to admit the danger of spies, and face the
problem in a proper spirit of sturdy patriotism, is shown by the great
mass of correspondence which has reached me in consequence of
my exposures in "German Spies in England." The letters I have
received from all classes, ranging from peers to working-men, testify
to an astounding state of affairs, and if the reader could but see
some of this flood of correspondence which has overwhelmed me,

he would realise the widespread fear of the peril of enemy aliens,
and the public distrust of the apathy of the Government towards it.
Surely this is not surprising, even if judged only by my own personal
experiences.

HOW THE PUBLIC ARE DELUDED!
The "Times," February
17th
The Secretary of the
Admiralty makes the
following
announcement:
Information has been
received that two
persons, posing as an
officer and sergeant,
and dressed in khaki,
are going about the
country attempting to
visit military works, etc.
They were last seen in
the Midlands on the 6th
instant, when they
effected an entry into
the works of a firm who
are doing engineer's
work for the Admiralty.
They made certain
inquiries as to the
presence or otherwise of
anti-aircraft guns, which
makes it probable that
they are foreign agents
in disguise.
All contractors engaged
on work for H.M. Navy
are hereby notified with
The "Times," March 4th
Mr. Tennant, Under-Secretary for
War, during the debate in the House
of Commons upon the question of
enemy aliens, raised by Mr. Joynson-
Hicks, said he could give the House
the assurance that every single
enemy alien was known, and was at
the present moment under constant
police surveillance. He wished to
inform the House and the country
that they had at the War Office a
branch which included the censorship
and other services all directed to the
one end of safeguarding the country
from the operations of undesirable
persons. It would not be right to
speak publicly of the activities of that
branch, but it was doing most
admirable service, and he repudiated
with all earnestness the suggestion
that the department did not take this
matter of espionage with the utmost
seriousness.

a view to the
apprehension of these
individuals, and are
advised that no persons
should be admitted to
their works unless
notice has been
received beforehand of
their coming.
Let us further examine the facts. Mr. McKenna, in a speech made in
the House of Commons on November 26th on the subject, said:
"The moment the War Office has decided upon the policy, the Home
Office places at the disposal of the War Office the whole of its
machinery." On March 3rd the Home Secretary repeated that
statement, and declared, in a retort made to Mr. Joynson-Hicks, that
he was not shirking responsibility, as he had never had any! Now, if
this be true, why did Mr. McKenna make the communiqué to the
Press soon after the outbreak of war, assuring us that there were no
spies in England, and that all the enemy aliens were such dear good
people? I commented upon it in the Daily Telegraph on the following
day, and over my own name apologised to the public for my past
offence of daring to mention that such gentry had ever existed
among us. If Lord Kitchener were actually responsible, then one may
ask why had the Home Secretary felt himself called upon to tell the
public that pretty fairy-tale?
Now with regard to the danger of illicit wireless. Early in January
1914—seven months before the outbreak of war—being interested in
wireless myself, and president of a Wireless Association, my
suspicions were aroused regarding certain persons, some of them
connected with an amateur club in the neighbourhood of Hatton
Garden. Having thoroughly investigated the matter, and also having
been able to inspect some of the apparatus used by these persons, I
made, on February 17th, 1914, a report upon the whole matter to
the Director of Military Intelligence, pointing out the ease with which

undesirable persons might use wireless. The Director was absent on
leave, and no action was taken in the matter.
A month later I went to the Wireless Department of the General Post
Office, who had granted me my own licence, and was received there
with every courtesy and thanked for my report, which was regarded
with such seriousness that it was forwarded at once to the Admiralty,
who have wireless under their control. In due course the Admiralty
gave it over to the police to make inquiries, and the whole matter
was, I suppose—as is usual in such cases—dealt with and reported
upon by a constable in uniform.
Here let me record something further.
In February last I called at New Scotland Yard in order to endeavour
to get the police to make inquiry into two highly suspicious cases,
one of a person at Winchester, and the other concerning signal-lights
seen north-east of London in the Metropolitan District. I had
interviews with certain officials of the Special Department, and also
with one of the Assistant Commissioners, and after much
prevarication I gathered—not without surprise—that no action could
be taken without the consent of the Home Office! How this latter
fact can be in accordance with the Home Secretary's statement in
the House of Commons I confess I fail to see.
But I warn the Government that the alien peril—now that so many
civil persons have been released from the internment camps—is a
serious and growing one. The responsibility should, surely, not be
placed upon, or implied to rest upon, Lord Kitchener, who is so nobly
performing a gigantic task. If the public believed that he was really
responsible, then they, and myself, would at once maintain silence.
The British public believes in Lord Kitchener, and, as one man, will
follow him to the end. But it certainly will not believe or tolerate this
see-saw policy of false assurances and delusion, and the attempt to
stifle criticism—notably the case of the Globe—of which the Home
Office have been guilty. There is a rising feeling of wrath, as well as
a belief that the peril from within with which the country is faced—
the peril of the thousands of enemy aliens in our midst—most of

whom are not under control—together with the whole army of spies
ready and daily awaiting, in impatience, the signal to strike
simultaneously—is wilfully disregarded. Even the police themselves—
no finer body of men than whom exists anywhere in the world—
openly express disgust at the appalling neglect of the mysterious so-
called "authorities" to deal with the question with a firm and strong
hand.
Naturally, the reader asks why is not inquiry made into cases of real
suspicion reported by responsible members of the community. I have
before me letters among others from peers, clergymen, solicitors,
justices of the peace, members of city councils, a well-known
shipowner, a Government contractor, Members of Parliament,
baronets, etc., all giving me cases of grave suspicion of spies, and all
deploring that no inquiry is made, application to the police being
fruitless, and asking my advice as to what quarter they should report
them.
All these reports, and many more, I will willingly place at the service
of a proper authority, appointed with powers to effectively deal with
the matter. At present, however, after my own experience as an
illustration of the sheer hopelessness of the situation, the reader will
not wonder that I am unable to give advice.
Could Germany's unscrupulous methods go farther than the scandal
exposed in America, in the late days of February, of how Captain
Boy-Ed, Naval Attaché of the German Embassy at Washington, and
the Kaiser's spy-master in the United States, endeavoured to induce
the man Stegler to cross to England and spy on behalf of Germany?
In this, Germany is unmasked. Captain Boy-Ed was looked upon as
one of the ablest German naval officers. He is tall and broad-
shouldered, speaks English fluently, and in order to Americanise his
appearance has shaved off his "Prince Henry" whiskers which
German naval officers traditionally affect. When he took up his
duties at Washington he was a man of about forty-five, and ranked
in the German navy as lieutenant-commander. But his career of
usefulness as Naval Attaché, with an office in the shipping quarters

of New York, has been irretrievably impaired by the charges of
Stegler, whose wife produced many letters in proof of the allegation
that the attaché was the mainspring of a conspiracy to secure
English-speaking spies for service to be rendered by German
submarines and other German warships on the British side of the
Atlantic.
The plot, exposed in every paper in the United States, was a low and
cunning one, and quite in keeping with the methods of the men of
"Kultur." Mrs. Stegler, a courageous little woman from Georgia, saw
how her husband—an export clerk in New York—was being drawn
into the German net as a spy, and she stimulated her husband to
give the whole game away. To the United States police, Stegler, at
his wife's suggestion, was perfectly frank and open. He exposed the
whole dastardly plot. He stated that Captain Boy-Ed engineered the
spy-plot that cost Lody his life, and declared that in his dealings with
the attaché the matter of going to England as a spy progressed to a
point where the money that was to be paid to his wife for her
support while he was in England was discussed. Captain Boy-Ed,
Stegler went on to say, agreed to pay Mrs. Stegler £30 a month
while he was in England, and furthermore agreed that if the British
discovered his mission and he met the fate of Lody, Mrs. Stegler was
to receive £30 a month from the German Government as long as she
lived!
Stegler said he told his wife of the agreement to pay to her the
amount named, and that she asked him what guarantee he could
give that the money would be paid as promised. At that time Mrs.
Stegler did not know the perilous nature of the mission that her
husband had consented to undertake. When Stegler reported fully to
his American wife, and she got from him the entire story of his
proposed trip to England, she, like a brave woman, determined to
foil the conspiracy. Captain Boy-Ed was not convincing regarding the
payment to her for the services of her husband as a spy by the
German Government for life, and she told her husband that the
German Government would probably treat Captain Boy-Ed's promise
to pay as a "mere scrap of paper." Having been urged to study the

recent history of Belgium, Stegler confessed that he had his doubts.
Finally he resolved to reveal the existence of a plot to supply
German spies from New York.
Could any facts be more illuminating than these? Surely no man in
Great Britain, after reading this, can further doubt the existence of
German-American spies among us.
There is not, I think, a single reader of these pages who will not
agree with the words of that very able and well-informed writer who
veils his identity in the Referee under the nom-de-plume of "Vanoc."
On March 14th he wrote:
"This is no question of Party. I am not going to break the Party
truce. In the interests of the British Empire, however, I ask that
a list of all the men of German stock or of Hebrew-German
stock who have received distinctions, honours, titles,
appointments, contracts, or sinecures, both inside or outside the
House of Commons, House of Lords, and Privy Council, shall be
prepared, printed, and circulated. Also a list of Frenchmen,
Russians, and Colonials so honoured. It is also necessary for a
clear understanding of the spy-question that the public should
know whether it is a fact that favoured German individuals have
contributed large sums to political Party funds on both sides,
and whether the tenderness that is shown Teutons or Hebrew-
Teutons decorated or rewarded with contracts, favours, or
distinctions is due to the obvious fact that if dangerous spies
were not allowed their freedom Party government would be
exposed, discredited, and abolished."
This is surely a demand which will be heartily supported by every
one who has the welfare of his country at heart. Too long have we
been misled by the bogus patriotism of supposed "naturalised"
Germans, who, in so many cases, have purchased honours with
money filched from the poor. "Vanoc" in his indictment goes on to
say:

"The facts are incredible. I know of one case of a German
actually employed on Secret Service at the War Office. This
German is the son of the agent of a vast German enterprise
engaged in making munitions and guns for the destruction of
the sons, brothers, and lovers of the very Englishwomen who
are now engaged most wisely and energetically in waking the
country to a sense of the spy-peril that lurks in our midst. The
British public does not understand a decimal point of a tithe of
the significance of the spy-peril. Nonsense is talked about spies.
Energy is concentrated on the little spies, who don't count.
Much German money is wasted on unintelligent spies. The
British officers to whom is entrusted the duty of spy-taking, if
they are outside the political influence which is poisonous to our
national life, are probably the best in the world. The big spies
are still potent in control of our national life."
Are we not, indeed, coddling the Hun?
Even the pampering of German officers at Donington Hall pales into
insignificance when we recollect that, upon Dr. Macnamara's
admission, £86,000 a month, or £1,000,000 per year, is being paid
for the hire of ships in which to intern German prisoners, and this is
at a time when the scarcity of shipping is sending up the cost of
every necessity! The Hague Convention, of course, forbids the use of
gaols for prisoners of war, yet have we not many nice comfortable
workhouses, industrial schools, and such-like institutions which could
be utilised? We all know how vilely the Germans are treating our
officers and men who are their prisoners, even depriving them of
sufficient rations, and forbidding tobacco, fruit, or tinned vegetables.
With this in view, the country are asking, and not without reason,
why we should treat those in our hands as welcome guests.
Certainly our attitude has produced disgust in the Dominions.
How Germany must be laughing at us! How the enemy aliens in
certain quarters of London are jeering at us, openly, and toasting to
the Day of our Downfall, I have already described. How the spies
among us—unknown in spite of Mr. Tennant's amazing assertion—

must be laughing in their sleeves and chuckling over the panic and
disaster for which they are waiting from day to day in the hope of
achieving. The signal—the appearance of Zeppelins over London—
has not yet been given. Whether it will ever be given we know not.
All we know is that an unscrupulous enemy, whose influence is
widespread over our land, working insidiously and in secret, has
prepared for us a blow from within our gates which, when it comes,
will stagger even Mr. McKenna himself.
With the example of how spies, in a hundred guises, have been
found in Belgium, in France, in Russia, in Egypt, and even in gallant
little Serbia, can any sane man believe that there are none to-day in
Great Britain? No. The public know it, and the Government know it,
but the latter are endeavouring to hoodwink those who demand
action in the House of Commons, just as they endeavour to mystify
the members of the public who present reports of suspicious cases.
The question is: Are we here told the Truth?
I leave it to the reader of the foregoing pages to form his own
conclusions, and to say whether he is satisfied to be further deluded
and mystified without raising his voice in protest for the truth to be
told, and the spy-peril to be dealt with by those fully capable of
doing so, instead of adopting methods which are daily playing into
Germany's hands and preparing us upon the altar of our own
destruction.
I have here written the truth, and I leave it to the British public
themselves to judge me, and to judge those who, failing in their
duty at this grave crisis of our national history, are courting a
disaster worse than that which overtook poor stricken Belgium.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] For a full report of this astounding speech see "German Spies
in England," by William Le Queux, 1915.

CHAPTER VII
THE PERIL OF DELUDING THE PUBLIC
As showing the trend of public opinion regarding the spy-peril, I may
perhaps be permitted to here give a few examples taken haphazard
from the huge mass of correspondence with which I have been daily
flooded since the publication of my exposure on that subject.
Many of my correspondents have, no doubt, made discoveries of
serious cases of espionage. Yet, as spies are nobody's business, the
authorities, in the majority of cases, have not even troubled to
inquire into the allegations made by responsible persons. I freely
admit that many wild reports have been written and circulated by
hysterical persons who believe that every twinkling light they see is
the flashing of signals, and that spies lurk in houses in every quiet
and lonely spot. It is so very easy to become affected with spy-
mania, especially when one recollects that every German abroad is
patriotic, and his first object is to become a secret agent of the
Fatherland. In this connection I have no more trust in the so-called
"naturalised" German than in the full-blooded and openly avowed
Prussian. Once a man is born a German he is always a German, and
in taking out naturalisation papers he is only deliberately cheating
the country which grants them, because, according to the Imperial
law of his own land, he cannot change his own nationality. So let us,
once and for all, dismiss for ever the hollow farce of naturalisation,
for its very act is one of fraud, and only attempted with some
ulterior motive.
As regards "unnaturalised" Germans the inquirer may perhaps be
permitted to ask why Baron von Ow-Wachendorf, a lieutenant in the
Yellow Uhlans of Stuttgart, just under thirty years of age, was
permitted to practise running in Hyde Park so as to fit himself for his
military duties, and why was he on March 1st allowed to leave
Tilbury for Holland to fight against us? Again, has not Mr. Ronald

McNeill put rather a delicate problem before the Under-Secretary for
War in asking, in the House, whether Count Ergon von Bassewitz
and his brother, Count Adalbert von Bassewitz, were brought to
England as prisoners of war; whether either was formerly on the
Staff of the Germany Embassy in London, and well known in London
Society; whether one, and which, of the two brothers was recently
set at liberty, and is now at large in London; whether he was
released on any and what conditions; and for what reason this
German officer, possessing exceptional opportunities for obtaining
information likely to be useful to the enemy, is allowed freedom in
England at the present time.
The man-in-the-street who has, in the past, laughed at the very idea
of spies—and quite justly, because he has been so cleverly misled
and bamboozled by official assurances—has now begun to see that
they do exist. He has read of a hundred cases abroad where spies
have formed a vanguard of the invading German armies, and how no
fewer than fifty-seven German spies were arrested and convicted in
Switzerland during the month of August, therefore he cannot
disguise from himself that the same dastardly vanguard is already
here among us. Then he at once asks, and very naturally too, why
do the authorities officially protect them? What pro-German
influence in high quarters can be at work to connive at our undoing?
It is that which is to-day undermining public confidence. Compare
our own methods with those of methodical matter-of-fact Germany?
Are we methodical; are we thorough? The man-in-the-street who
daily reads his newspaper—if he pauses or reflects—sees quite
plainly that instead of facing the alien peril, those in authority prefer
to allow us to sit upon the edge of the volcano, and have, indeed,
already actually prepared public opinion to accept a disclaimer of
responsibility if disaster happens. The whole situation is truly
appalling. Little wonder is it that, because I should have dared to lay
bare the canker in Britain's heart, I should be written to by
despairing hundreds who have lost all confidence in certain of our
rulers.
Some of these letters the reader may find of interest.

From one, written by a well-known gentleman living in Devonshire, I
take the following, which arouses a new reflection. He says:
"I may be wrong, but one important point seems to have been
overlooked, viz. the daily publication of somewhat cryptic
messages and advertisements appearing in the Personal
Columns of the British Press. For instance:
"'M.—Darling. Meet as arranged. Letter perfect. Should I also
write? To "the Day, and Kismet."—Vilpar.'
"Such a message may be, as doubtless it is, perfectly innocent;
but what is to prevent spies in our midst utilising this method of
communicating information to the enemy. The leading British
newspapers are received in Germany, and even the enclosed
pseudo-medical advertisement may be the message of a traitor.
It seems to me that the advertisement columns of our Press
constitute the safest medium for the transmission of
information.
"Pray do not think I am suggesting that the British Press would
willingly lend their papers to such an infernal use, but unless
they are exercising the strictest precautions the loophole is
there. I am somewhat impressed by the number of refugees to
be found in these parts—Ilfracombe, Combe Martin, Lynton,
etc., coast towns and villages of perhaps minor strategic
importance, but situated on the Bristol Channel and facing
important towns like Swansea, Cardiff, etc. I notice particularly
that their daily walks abroad are usually taken along the coastal
roads. I've never met them inland. Apologising for the length of
this letter and trusting that your splendid efforts will in due time
receive their well-deserved reward."
Here my correspondent has certainly touched upon a point which
should be investigated. We know that secret information is daily sent
from Great Britain to Berlin, and we also know some of the many
methods adopted.

Indeed, I have before me, as I write, a spy's letter sent from
Watford to Amsterdam, to be collected by a German agent and
reforwarded to Berlin. It is written upon a column of a London daily
newspaper, various letters of which are ticked in red ink in several
ways, some being underlined, some crossed, some dotted
underneath—a very ingenious code indeed—but one which has,
happily, been decoded by an expert. This newspaper, after the
message had been written upon it, had been placed in a newspaper-
wrapper and addressed to an English name in Amsterdam. This is
but one of the methods. Another is the use of invisible ink with
which spies write their messages upon the pages of newspapers and
magazines. A third is, no doubt, the publication of cryptic
advertisements, as suggested by my correspondent.
HOW THE GOVERNMENT HAVE ADOPTED MR. LE QUEUX'S
SUGGESTION
"German Spies in England," by William Le Queux. Published
February 17th, 1915.
The first step to stop the activity of spies should be the absolute
closing of the sea routes from these shores to all persons,
excepting those who are vouched for by the British Foreign
Office. Assume that the spy is here; how are we to prevent him
getting out?
By closing the sea routes to all who could not produce to our
Foreign Office absolutely satisfactory guarantees of their bona
fides. The ordinary passport system is not sufficient; the Foreign
Office should demand, and see that it gets, not only a
photograph, but a very clear explanation of the business of
every person who seeks to travel from England to the
Continent, backed by unimpeachable references from
responsible British individuals, banks, or firms.
In every single case of application for a passport it should be
personal, and the most stringent inquiries should be made. I

see no other means of putting an end to a danger which,
whatever the official apologists may say, is still acute, and
shows no signs of diminishing.
Under the best of conditions some leakage may take place. But
our business is to see, by every means we can adopt, that the
leakage is reduced to the smallest possible proportions.
"Daily Mail," March 11th, 1915.
Holiday-makers or business men who wish to travel to Holland
now find that their preliminary arrangements include much
more than the purchase of a rail and steamship ticket.
New regulations, which came into force on Monday, necessitate
not only a passport, but a special permit to travel from the
Home Office. Application for this permit must be made in person
three clear days before sailing. Passport, photograph, and
certificate of registration must be produced and the names and
addresses of two British subjects furnished as references.
The Home Office erected a special building for this department,
which was opened on Thursday last, the first day on which
application could be made. Before lunch over 250 applications
had been received. By four o'clock, the official hour for closing,
nearly 500 persons had been attended to, and the crowd was
even then so great that the doors had to be closed to prevent
any more entering. Intending travellers included British, French,
and Dutch business men, but quite a large number of Belgian
refugees attended for permits to return to their country. The
Tilbury route was the only one open to them. Not all the
applications were granted. It is necessary to furnish reasonable
and satisfactory evidence as to the object of the journey, and
some of the applicants were unable to do this.
Of other means of communication, namely, night-signalling—of
which I have given my own personal experience in the previous
chapter—my correspondents send me many examples.

The same code-signal as a prefix—the letters "S.M."—are being seen
at points as far distant as Herne Bay and Alnwick, on both the
Yorkshire and Fifeshire coasts, above Sidmouth and at Ilfracombe.
Dozens of reports of night-signalling lie before me—not mere
statements of fancied lights, but facts vouched for by three and four
reliable witnesses. Yet, in face of it all, the authorities pooh-pooh it,
and in some counties we have been treated to the ludicrous
spectacle of the civil and military authorities falling at loggerheads
over it!
Belgian refugees writing to me have, in more than one instance,
reported highly interesting facts. In one case an ex-detective of the
Antwerp police, now a refugee in England, has identified a well-
known German spy who was in Antwerp before the Germans entered
there, and who came to England in the guise of a refugee! This
individual is now in an important town in Essex, while my informant
is living in the same town. Surely such a case is one for searching
inquiry, and the more so because the suspect poses as an engineer,
and is in the employ of a firm of engineers who do not suspect the
truth. But before whom is my friend, the Belgian ex-detective, to
place his information?
True, he might perhaps lay the information before the Chief
Constable of the County of Essex, but in his letter to me he asks,
and quite naturally, is it worth while? If the Intelligence Department
of the War Office—that Department so belauded in the House of
Commons by Mr. McKenna on March 3rd—refuses to investigate the
case of signalling in Surrey, cited in the last chapter, and vouched for
by the officers themselves, then what hope is there that they would
listen to the report of a mere refugee—even though he be an ex-
detective?
As I turn over report after report before me I see another which
seems highly suspicious. A hard-up German doctor—his name, his
address, and many facts are given—living at a Kent coast town,
where he was a panel doctor, suddenly, on the outbreak of war,
removes to another Kent coast town not far from Dover, takes a

large house with grounds high up overlooking the sea, and retires
from practice. My informant says he has written to the Home Office
about it, but as usual no notice has been taken of his letter.
Another correspondent, a well-known shipowner, writing me from
one of our seaports in the north, asks why the German ex-consul
should be allowed to remain in that city and do shipping business
ostensibly with Rotterdam? By being allowed his freedom he can
obtain full information as to what is in progress at this very
important Scotch port, and, knowing as we do that every German
consul is bound to send secret information to Berlin at stated
intervals, it requires but little stretch of one's imagination to think
what happens. But the matter has already been reported to the
police and found to be, as elsewhere, nobody's business. Phew! One
perspires to think of it!
Take another example—that of a German hotel-keeper who, living on
the coast north of the Firth of Forth, was proved to have tapped the
coast-guard telephone, and yet he was allowed to go free!
A lady, well known in London society, writes to me requesting me to
assist her, and says: "I have been working for five months to get a
very suspicious case looked into, and all the satisfaction I get is that
'the party is being watched.' I know to what extent this same person
has been working against my country and I should much appreciate
an interview with you. I could tell you very much that would be of
great benefit to the country, but it of course falls on deaf ears—
officially."
Another correspondent asks why Germans, naturalised or
unnaturalised, are allowed to live in the vicinity of Herne Bay when
none are allowed either at Westgate or Margate. In this connection it
is curious that it is from Herne Bay the mysterious night-signals
already described first appear, and are then transmitted to various
parts of the country.
In another letter the grave danger of allowing foreign servants to be
employed at various hotels at Plymouth is pointed out, and it is

Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world,
offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth.
That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of
books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to
self-development guides and children's books.
More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge
connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an
elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can
quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally,
our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time
and fully enjoy the joy of reading.
Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and
personal growth every day!
testbankfan.com

New Perspectives on HTML and CSS Comprehensive 6th Edition Carey Test Bank

More Related Content

Similar to New Perspectives on HTML and CSS Comprehensive 6th Edition Carey Test Bank (20)

Recently uploaded (20)

New Perspectives on HTML and CSS Comprehensive 6th Edition Carey Test Bank