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Name: Class: Date:
Tutorial 06: Using Form Tools and Creating Custom Forms
Copyright Cengage Learning. Powered by Cognero. Page 1
1. Text box controls arranged vertically in Form Design view with a label control to the left of each text box control is the
tabular layout.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
2. A form may only be created from scratch in Form view.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
3. The Record Source property specifies the table or query on which a form is based.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
4. When there is a finite number of choices for a form entry, a combo box control should be used.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
5. A selected column of controls may be aligned to the left or right edges of the controls using the ARRANGE tab on the
ribbon.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
6. Number signs indicate that a text box has been resized too small to display the contents properly.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
7. The caption that displays in a label cannot be changed in Design view when creating a form.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
8. A combo box control may only be modified in form Design view.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
9. The record source for a subform must be a table.
a. True
b. False

Name: Class: Date:
ANSWER: False
10. Tab order may only be changed in form Design view.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
11. To create a custom form, the user may modify an existing form in Form view or Design view.
_________________________
ANSWER: False - Layout
12. A control that allows users to type an entry is a(n) text box. _________________________
ANSWER: True
13. The Bound Column property specifies the default control used to display a field. _________________________
ANSWER: False - Display Control
14. Options on the ARRANGE tab apply only to the datasheet when the Split Form tool has been used to create the form.
_________________________
ANSWER: False - form
15. When resizing controls in Design view, the user can see actual field values while resizing the controls.
_________________________
ANSWER: False - Layout view
16. To quickly open the Property Sheet for a control in Layout view, press the F4 key on the keyboard.
_________________________
ANSWER: True
17. If a form does not need both a Form Header and a Form Footer section, the section which is not needed may be
removed by setting the height of the section to zero. _________________________
ANSWER: True
18. When a control is active and waiting for user action, the control has focus. _________________________
ANSWER: True
19. Tab order allows a user to navigate the label boxes in a form by pressing the Tab key on the keyboard.
_________________________
ANSWER: False - field value, value
20. Access assigns names to control boxes if the Name property for the control is not set when the form is created.
_________________________
ANSWER: True
21. Text box controls arranged in a datasheet format with a label above each column indicates the ____ layout.
a. stacked b. tabular
c. columnar d. grid

Name: Class: Date:
ANSWER: b
22. Spacing around the text inside a control is determined using the ____ property.
a. Control Margins b. Control Padding
c. Anchor d. Text Format
ANSWER: a
23. The Layout view or the Design view may be used to create a ____ form.
a. control b. tabular
c. custom d. wizard
ANSWER: c
24. A control that combines the features of a text box and a list box is a ____.
a. text box b. lookup box
c. custom box d. combo box
ANSWER: d
25. The ____ property specifies the data source for a control in a form or report or for a field in a table or query.
a. Row Source Type b. Row Source
c. List Items Edit Form d. Column Heads
ANSWER: b
26. The Access tool that allows the user (or designer) to create detailed documentation of all, or selected, objects in a
database is the ____.
a. Documenter b. Document Properties
c. Database Object Properties d. Database Relationships
ANSWER: a

Name: Class: Date:
27. Which type of report does the accompanying figure illustrate?
a. Custom report b. Relationships report
c. Object Definition report d. Object Properties report
ANSWER: c
28. A customizable form that displays multiple records from a source table or query in a datasheet format may be created
using the ____ form tool.
a. Datasheet b. Split Form
c. Pivot Table d. Multiple Items
ANSWER: d
29. Which form tool displays data in both Form view and Datasheet view at the same time?
a. Multiple Items b. Datasheet
c. Split Form d. Standard
ANSWER: c

Name: Class: Date:
30. In the accompanying figure, which arrow indicates the move handle of a control?
a. 1 b. 2
c. 3 d. 4
ANSWER: b
31. In the accompanying figure, which arrow indicates the Detail section bar?
a. 1 b. 2
c. 3 d. 4
ANSWER: c
32. In the accompanying figure, which arrow indicates a bound control?
a. 1 b. 2
c. 4 d. 5

Name: Class: Date:
ANSWER: d
33. Which view or tool allows the form designer the most control and precision when designing a form?
a. Design view b. Layout view
c. Form Wizard d. Split Form Tool
ANSWER: a
34. A value that is the result of an expression is displayed in which type of control in a form?
a. bound control b. unbound control
c. label d. calculated
ANSWER: d
35. The label attached to a bound control displays which of the following?
a. the field value b. the field name or Caption property
c. the field character length d. the field data type property
ANSWER: b
36. A selected control will display how many sizing handles?
a. 1 b. 2
c. 4 d. 7
ANSWER: d
37. In the accompanying figure, which number indicates the Selection type entry?
a. 1 b. 2
c. 3 d. 4

Name: Class: Date:
ANSWER: c
38. In the accompanying figure, the control type for the selected control is a ____.
a. Combo box b. Label
c. Calculated field d. Text box
ANSWER: b
39. In the accompanying figure, which numbered arrow indicates the property that must be changed for the selected
control to display “Guest Last Name?”
a. 1 b. 2
c. 3 d. 4
ANSWER: b
40. Titles, instructions, command buttons, and other controls added to the bottom of a form and that remain on the screen
when the form is displayed in Form view or Layout view are added to the ____ section of the form.
a. Form Footer b. Form Header
c. Details d. Form Grid
ANSWER: a
41. Which property must be set to Yes in the Property Sheet to display a control or a section in the form?
a. Height b. Special Effect
c. Auto Height d. Visible
ANSWER: d
42. The default Form Footer section Height property is set to ____ when the Form Footer is added in Design view.
a. one inch b. one-half inch
c. one-quarter inch d. zero
ANSWER: c
43. To select and set properties for an entire section, click on the ____.
a. Property Sheet b. section selector
c. section tab d. Layout view
ANSWER: b
44. To find records in a form using a Combo box, it is necessary to change the ____ form property of the form to the table
or query that is the source for all the bound controls in the Detail section.
a. Record Source b. Default View
c. Caption d. Modal
ANSWER: a
45. A form created from related tables usually consists of a ____ table which is the “one” side of the one-to-many
relationship with a subform.
a. secondary b. main
c. subordinate d. primary
ANSWER: d

Name: Class: Date:
46. The number of occurrences of an expression is determined using the ____ function in a form or report.
a. SUM b. AVERAGE
c. COUNT d. MAX
ANSWER: c
47. Only a field name or an expression may be used for the ____ property in a calculated control.
a. Source b. Control Source
c. Visible d. Calculate
ANSWER: b
48. The expression =Sum([InvoiceAmt]) might be found in which type of control added to a form?
a. field control b. label control
c. calculated control d. combo control
ANSWER: c
49. To avoid typing errors when creating a more advanced expression for a calculated control, it is a good idea to use this
Access feature.
a. Property Sheet b. Controls group on the ribbon
c. Form view d. Expression Builder
ANSWER: d
50. Set the ____ property to No to prevent users from using the Tab key to navigate to a control.
a. Tab Stop b. On Tab
c. Tab Index d. Text Align
ANSWER: a
51. Text that appears in a ScreenTip when the mouse pointer is positioned above a control in a form is determined by the
____ property.
a. Control Source b. ControlTip Text
c. Text Format d. Visible
ANSWER: b
52. The ____ refers to the order in which the focus moves from one control to another control when a user presses the Tab
key.
a. tab alignment b. tab stop
c. tab order d. tab focus
ANSWER: c
53. The ____ option in the Tab Order dialog box allows a tab order of left-to-right or top-to-bottom.
a. Auto Order b. Move
c. Custom Order d. Tab Stop
ANSWER: a
54. A tool used to form a group of related controls or to separate the group from other controls is the ____ tool.
a. Rectangle b. Bound Object Frame

Name: Class: Date:
c. Unbound Object Frame d. Line
ANSWER: a
55. Flat, Raised, Sunken, Etched, Shadowed, and Chiseled are options for the ____ control property.
a. Visible b. Format
c. Border Style d. Special Effect
ANSWER: d
56. Which button on the FORMAT tab is used to change the background color of a control, section, or object?
a. Background Image b. Conditional Formatting
c. Background Color d. Shape Fill
ANSWER: c
57. A ____ asks a series of questions and then uses your answers to create a control in a form or report.
a. Form Wizard b. Control Wizard
c. Report Wizard d. Control Gallery
ANSWER: b
58. Which key on the keyboard may be used to ensure that a horizontal or vertical line is straight when adding a line to a
form or report?
a. Shift b. Ctrl
c. Alt d. Tab
ANSWER: a
59. The Tab Order button, which quickly displays the Tab Order dialog box, is located on the ____ tab in Form Design
view.
a. FORMAT b. ARRANGE
c. LAYOUT d. DESIGN
ANSWER: d
60. Which symbol is used to distinguish an expression from a fieldname in a calculated control?
a. # b. !
c. = d. +
ANSWER: c
61. A subform may be added to a main form by using the Subform/Subreport tool or by using the ____.
a. Subform control b. Subform Wizard
c. Subform/Subreport dialog box d. Subform property
ANSWER: b
62. To increase an object’s window size to view more of the vertical contents of the object, collapse the ____.
a. Object Tabs b. Property Sheet
c. Ribbon d. Navigation Pane
ANSWER: c

Name: Class: Date:
Case Based Critical Thinking Questions
Case 6-1
Carlos has created several tables for his Organic Produce farm database including Customers, Vendors, and Products.
Now he wants to create forms that will make it easier to enter data in the database. Determine the best methods for Carlos
to use when creating forms for his specific needs.
63. Carlos is creating a simple form using the Products table and would like to include all fields from the table. He would
like for the form to display all of the fields using a datasheet layout. Which tool would be best for Carlos to use?
a. Split Form tool b. Datasheet tool
c. Multiple Items tool d. Controls Gallery
ANSWER: b
64. After reviewing the simple form, Carlos decides that he needs a form which is customized to make data entry more
accurate and less cumbersome. Because most of his products are already in the database, he would like to use a list to
choose the product during data entry. However, there are times that a product might not be available in the database, and
it needs to be added. What is the best type of control for Carlos to use in his custom form to meet this requirement?
a. Combo box b. List box
c. Text box d. Calculated box
ANSWER: a
65. To add the control to the form that meets his requirements, Carlos will use the ____ from the DESIGN tab in the
Forms Layout Group on the Ribbon.
a. Property Sheet b. Design Wizard
c. Controls gallery d. Form Properties
ANSWER: c
66. The new custom form meets Carlos’ requirements; however, some of the labels do not clearly describe the data that
needs to be entered in the form. Which label property should Carlos change to make the label more descriptive and clear
to the user?
a. Content property b. Visible property
c. Special Effect property d. Caption property
ANSWER: d
Case 6-2
Janise’s College Pet Sitting business is growing rapidly. She has expanded to include more pet sitters and is creating
forms for the sitters to enter information in the business database. She is creating only custom forms. Determine the best
methods, features, and tools for Janise to use when creating her custom forms.
67. Janise is planning her first custom form carefully. She knows that she wants a title for her form and several fields
included in the form controls. Which feature will Janise use to add the appropriate section for a title to her form?
a. Page Header/Footer b. Form Wizard
c. Form Header/Footer d. Form Title
ANSWER: c
68. Before typing the title, which tool should Janise choose from the DESIGN tab on the Ribbon?
a. Header/Footer b. Title
c. Logo d. View Code

Name: Class: Date:
ANSWER: b
69. Janise will now add selected fields from the Customer table to her form. Which section of the form will contain the
fields from the selected table?
a. Properties b. Detail
c. Header d. Footer
ANSWER: b
70. All of the fields added to the form are from the Customer table. These controls are called ____ controls because they
are connected to a field in the database.
a. bound b. calculated
c. unbound d. label
ANSWER: a
Case 6-3
Akash created a custom form for his supervisor that includes a subform based on a query for unpaid invoices. After
creating the form and viewing it in Form view, Akash needs to make some changes. Decide which options are best for
Akash to use to make the necessary changes to the custom form design.
71. Akash has included a calculated field in the subform which was created using a query for unpaid invoices. The
calculated field should show the total amount of unpaid invoices from the InvoiceAmt field; however, the form does not
show the calculation in Form view. Which expression will solve this problem?
a. Sum([InvoiceAmt]) b. =Sum([InvoiceAmt])
c. Count([InvoiceAmt]) d. =Count([InvoiceAmt])
ANSWER: b
72. Akash used the Header section in his main form design, but he does not plan to use the Footer section. To remove the
footer section, which section property should be set to zero?
a. Visible b. Auto Height
c. Height d. Display When
ANSWER: c

Name: Class: Date:
73. The accompanying figure illustrates a form created using the ____________________ Tool which contains all fields
in the source table or query.
ANSWER: Datasheet
74. Use the ____________________ view to update data using a form.
ANSWER: Form
75. The ____________________ property for a control will automatically resize the control and place it in the same
relative position on the screen regardless of monitor size and screen resolution.
ANSWER: Anchor
76. A(n) ____________________ is an unbound control that displays text.
ANSWER: label
77. A(n) ____________________ control in a form design is created using a field selected from the table or query used as
the record source for the form.
ANSWER: bound
78. Bound controls, unbound controls, and calculated controls are placed in the ____________________ section of the
Design view when creating a form.
ANSWER: Detail

Name: Class: Date:
79. ____________________ is the default name for the first form created in a database using Design view.
ANSWER: Form1
80. It is a good idea to review the progress being made on a form as it is being created by switching to
____________________ view periodically.
ANSWER: Form
81. Controls placed at the top of a form in the ____________________ remain on the screen when the form is displayed
in Form view or Layout view and do not change when the contents of the Detail section are changed or when navigating
from one record to another record.
ANSWER: Form Header
82. To select an entire form and set properties for the form, click on the ____________________ at the intersection of the
horizontal and vertical rulers.
ANSWER: form selector
83. The subform used to create a form from related tables represents the records in the ____________________ side of
the relationship.
ANSWER: many
84. The ____________________ function calculates the total of an expression in a form or report.
ANSWER: SUM
85. The Control Source property for a calculated control may be either a(n) ____________________ or a(n)
____________________.
ANSWER: field name, expression
expression, field name
86. To improve a form’s readability, group related information or underline important values using the
____________________ tool in the form’s Design view.
ANSWER: Line
87. A(n) ____________________ asks a series of questions and uses the answers to the questions to create a control in a
form or report.
ANSWER: Control Wizard
88. Describe at least five of the nine form design guidelines presented in the text that should be followed when planning a
form.
ANSWER: 1. Determine the fields and record source needed.
2. Group related fields and position them in a meaningful and logical order.
3. Design the form to match the source document closely if the user will refer to the source document while
working with the form.
4. Identify each field value with a label that names the field and align field values and labels so they are easy
to read.
5. Set text box widths to display an entire value and to provide a visual cue to the user about the length of the
value.
6. Prevent users from changing and updating calculated fields and display them in a distinctive way.
7. Use control properties and other options, such as default values and list boxes, to minimize user error and
limit entries as well as to minimize keystrokes.

Name: Class: Date:
8. Design forms to be uncluttered by using colors, fonts, and graphics sparingly. Also, use white space to
make the controls easier to find and read.
9. Use a consistent form style for all forms in a database to enhance the user interface with forms.
89. List five suggestions that help prevent common problems and recover from errors while building forms.
ANSWER: 1. Use the Undo button one or more times immediately after making a mistake or an adjustment that you do
not want to remain as part of the form.
2. Backup the database often, especially before creating new objects or modifying objects.
3. Save forms often. Save forms when a portion of the form is correct and especially before performing steps
that you have not used before.
4. Make a copy of a form in the Navigation Pane and practice new steps using the form copy.
5. Perform a compact and repair after closing and re-opening the database to resolve issues with controls,
properties, and other tasks.
90. Describe the various methods of setting properties for a control using the Property Sheet.
ANSWER: Properties may be set by typing a value in the property’s box, by clicking the arrow on the property and
selecting a value from the menu, by double-clicking the property name and typing a long entry using the Zoom
dialog box, or by using the Expression Builder to enter expressions.
a. grid
b. bound form
c. Sum function
d. Form Header
e. calculated control
f. unbound form
g. control layout
h. Form Footer
i. unbound control
j. Count function
91. A set of controls grouped together in a form or report that can be manipulated as a set as if they are one control.
ANSWER: g
92. The area in form Design view with dotted and solid lines that assists with positioning controls precisely in a form.
ANSWER: a
93. The section of a form that contains a title object and can contain other objects that appear at the top of the form.
ANSWER: d
94. A function that determines the number of occurrences of an expression.
ANSWER: j
95. The type of form that uses a table or query as the record source.
ANSWER: b
96. A control that is not connected to a field in the database.
ANSWER: i

Name: Class: Date:
97. A function that calculates the total of an expression.
ANSWER: c
98. The section of a form that contains objects that appear at the bottom of the form.
ANSWER: h
99. A control that displays a value that is the result of an expression.
ANSWER: e
100. The type of form that does not have a record source and is usually a form that helps users navigate among the objects
in a database.
ANSWER: f

Exploring the Variety of Random
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Government's wishes, unless they wished to contemplate a situation
much more serious than that which now confronted them.
He wished them to understand the seriousness of the position, and
to accept the responsibility which they would be called upon to
accept. He placed himself with confidence in the hands of the
House. General Botha detailed the German entry into Union territory
at Nakob (Nauby). This force was entrenched in kopjes in Union
territory at the present time. He also described an affair at Scuitdrift
in August. In addition to this, armed German forces were on the
Union frontier in large numbers before there was any question of
Union mobilisation.
The Premier said he quoted the foregoing to show the hostile
attitude adopted by Germans in the neighbouring territory. He next
referred to the White Paper on the diplomatic proceedings on the
eve of war. These documents, he declared, showed that if ever Great
Britain entered upon a war with clean hands it was this war.
Great confidence had been reposed in the people of South Africa.
They had received a Constitution under which they could create a
great nationality. Great Britain had given them this Constitution, and
ever since had regarded them as a free people and as a sister State.
As an example of how the Imperial Government treated them,
General Botha said that last July the Union Government wanted to
raise a loan of £4,000,000. They had raised only £2,000,000. As
things were, it would be fatal to go into the money market just now,
so the Imperial Government had now come to the assistance of the
Union Government, and had lent the Union £7,000,000. That was
the spirit of co-operation and brotherhood which invariably animated
the Imperial towards the Union Government.
In his judgment it was the duty of the House to see that every effort
was put forth to bring the country successfully and honourably out
of this war, and that South Africa issued from it, not as a divided, but
as a united, people.

Sir Thomas Smartt, leader of the Opposition, heartily congratulated
General Botha on his speech, and assured the Government of the
most cordial support of the Opposition.
London,
Sept. 9th.
Reuter's Agency learns from an authoritative source that the line to
be followed by the Union Government of South Africa, as outlined in
General Botha's speech, has been well known in official circles for
some time. From the outset there has been the closest touch
between the Imperial and the Union Governments, both as regards
the general attitude of the latter and the military requirements in
view of the war with Germany. On the outbreak of war a brief but
significant telegram was received from General Botha, containing
merely the words, "We will do our duty."
What this implies as regards the neighbouring German colony
cannot, for obvious reasons, be stated in detail at this stage. It may
be declared, however, that the news of the crossing of the Orange
River by two German forces spread like wildfire through South Africa
and caused a feeling of the greatest indignation, and, without any
suggestion from the Imperial Government, steps were at once taken
—and have since been completed—for effectually dealing with
German South-West Africa.
It was on the initiative of General Botha's Government that, on the
outbreak of war with Germany, the Union Government telegraphed
to London suggesting that the garrison of Imperial troops should be
withdrawn, and offering the whole military resources of South Africa
for the defence of the Union, including the native territories.
It had by this time become apparent that this meant not only
defence, but also offensive operations against the adjoining German
colony of 326,000 square miles in extent, with its garrison and
fortifications. What this involved was perfectly well known to the
authorities, who were aware of the large quantities of cannon, arms,

and ammunition that had been poured into the country in the vain
hope that the Boers would join the Germans when trouble arose.
The South African Government does not expect a "walk-over," but it
is prepared for all eventualities. It has been a matter of the greatest
gratification to the Union Government that, at this juncture, the
Imperial Government offered to give South Africa all the financial
assistance needed. In this connection it should be explained that all
defence measures and warlike operations are being undertaken at
the expense of the Union Government. The offer of the Imperial
Government, which is of great value in view of the moratorium, is to
lend what money may be necessary for the time being for war
purposes.
At home, too, by way of showing how united the nation was at this
critical time, it should be mentioned that after a two days'
conference, the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union
Congress, issued, on September 3rd, an important manifesto to
trade unionists of the country on the war. It stated that the
committee was especially gratified at the manner in which the
Labour party in the House of Commons had responded to the appeal
made to all political parties to give their co-operation in securing the
enlistment of men to defend the interests of their country, and
heartily endorsed the appointment upon the Parliamentary
Recruiting Committee of four members of the party, and the placing
of the services of the national agent at the disposal of that
committee to assist in carrying through its secretarial work.
The manifesto proceeded:
The Parliamentary Committee are convinced that one important
factor in the present European struggle has to be borne in mind, so
far as our own country is concerned, namely, that in the event of the
voluntary system of military service failing, the country in this its
time of need, the demand for a national system of compulsory

military service will not only be made with redoubled vigour, but may
prove to be so persistent and strong as to become irresistible.
The prospect of having to face conscription, with its permanent
and heavy burden upon the financial resources of the country,
and its equally burdensome effect upon nearly the whole of its
industries, should in itself stimulate the manhood of the nation
to come forward in its defence, and thereby demonstrate to the
world that a free people can rise to the supreme heights of a
great sacrifice without the whip of conscription.
Another factor to be remembered in this crisis of our nation's history,
and most important of all so far as trade unionists and Labour in
general are concerned, is the fact that upon the result of the
struggle in which this country is now engaged rests the preservation
and maintenance of free and unfettered democratic government
which in its international relationship has in the past been
recognised, and must unquestionably in the future prove to be the
best guarantee for the preservation of the peace of the world.
The mere contemplation of the overbearing and brutal methods
to which people have to submit under a Government controlled
by a military autocracy—living, as it were, continuously under
the threat and shadow of war—should be sufficient to arouse
the enthusiasm of the nation in resisting any attempt to impose
similar conditions upon countries at present free from military
despotism.
But if men have a duty to perform in the common interest of the
State, equally the State owes a duty to those of its citizens who are
prepared—and readily prepared—to make sacrifices in its defence
and for the maintenance of honour. Citizens called upon voluntarily
to leave their employment and their homes for the purpose of
undertaking military duties have a right to receive at the hands of
the State a reasonable and assured recompense, not so much for
themselves as for those who are dependent upon them, and no

single member of the community would do otherwise than uphold a
Government which in such an important and vital matter took a
liberal, and even generous, view of its responsibilities towards those
citizens who come forward to assist in the defence of their country.
We respectfully commend this suggestion to the favourable
consideration of the Government of the day.
Long life to the free institutions of all democratically-governed
countries.
J.A. Seddon, Chairman W. Mosses
W.J. Davis, Vice-Chairman J.W. Ogden
A. Evans A. Smith
H. Gosling H. Smith
J. Hill J.B. Williams
J. Jenkins J.H. Williams
W. Matkin J. Sexton
C.W. Bowerman, Secretary.
A manifesto on the same lines was issued by Mr. Ben Tillett, on
behalf of the Dockers' Union. Mr. Ben Tillett was usually regarded as
being the leader of one of the extreme sections of the Labour
movement; but his manifesto, which reads as follows, lacked nothing
in patriotism:
Every resource at our command must be utilised for the purpose of
preserving our country and nation. Every able-bodied man must
either fight, or be ready to defend his country. Every family of those
men who go to the front must be guaranteed a competence and
food.
We first of all propose that all able-bodied men should shoulder the
responsibilities this war imposes; that local units of men having
worked and lived together constitute units of a thousand each, for
the better purpose of training and preparation. That these units of
our members or of trades unionists from a given area be registered.

Kaiserism and militarism should receive its death blow in this
Armageddon. Our traditions at least stand for the best, our
limitations and inequalities are largely of our own making; and will
be so long as the workers are contented slaves, under a vicious
wage system.
I want to see our own men drilled daily, even if the War Office
cannot help us. There are plenty of open spaces, many of our men
are ex-soldiers, they could help in the drilling. Municipal authorities
and employers could help. Employed and unemployed could help;
the War Office should help those who can enlist, subject to
guarantees from the Government, giving protection to the families
left behind.
It subsequently appeared that the preliminary steps taken by the
South African Government were timely enough. The Daily
Telegraph's Johannesburg correspondent, telegraphing on
September 1st, said that the authorities had been perturbed by a
number of serious reports to the effect that Germans were
interfering with the natives, and inciting them to seditious
gatherings. This action assumed such a character as to demand
instant action. Alleged German missionaries were even sowing the
seeds of discontent in the natives' minds against British rule,
magnifying the temporary German success in Europe. It was
suggested that the Government might turn the searchlight on all
German mission stations in British South Africa. Intelligent natives
had been informed that the Germans were "coming soon," when the
natives would be given big pay, plenty of drink, and no passes would
be necessary. They were also advised to go home, the evident
purpose being to paralyse the mining industry.
On August 31st the English newspapers contained an important
interview given by Mr. Winston Churchill to Mr. Willian G. Shepherd,

the representative of the United Press Associations of America. The
text of the interview, in Mr. Shepherd's own words, is as follows:
On my asking Mr. Churchill about the cause of the war, he handed
me the celebrated White Paper of Sir Edward Grey's negotiations,
saying: "There is our case, and all we ask of the American people is
that they should study it with severe and impartial attention."
I then asked what was the underlying cause apart from the actual
steps which had led to the rupture. He replied in effect that the war
was started and was being maintained by the Prussian military
aristocracy, which set no limits to its ambition of world-wide
predominance. In a word, it is the old struggle of 100 years ago
against Napoleon. The grouping of forces is different; the
circumstances are different; the occasion is different; the man,
above all, is different—happily. But the issue is the same. We are at
grips with Prussian militarism. England stands right in the path of
this evergrowing power. Our military force is perhaps small, but it is
good and it will grow; our naval and financial resources are
considerable; and with these we stand between this mighty army
and a dominion which would certainly not be content with European
limits.
I asked whether the end of the war would see some abatement of
the struggle of armaments. Mr. Churchill replied:
That depends on the result. If we succeed, and if, as the result
of our victory, Europe is rearranged, as far as possible, with
regard to the principle of nationality, and in accordance with the
wishes of the people who dwell in the various disputed areas,
we may look forward with hope to a great relaxation and
easement. But if Germany wins it will not be the victory of the
quiet, sober, commercial elements in Germany, nor of the
common people of Germany with all their virtues, but the
victory of the blood and iron military school, whose doctrines
and principles will then have received a supreme and terrible
vindication.

"I cannot understand," he continued, "why Germany has not been
contented with her wonderful progress since the Battle of Waterloo.
For the last half century she has been the centre of Europe; courted
by many; feared by many; treated with deference by all. No country
has had such a reign of prosperity and splendour, yet all the time
she has been discontented; solicitous of admiration; careless of
International Law; worshipping force and giving us all to understand
that her triumphs in the past and her power in the present were little
compared to what she sought in the future.
"And now the great collision has come, and it is well that the
democratic nations of the world—the nations, I mean, where the
peoples own the Government, and not the Government the people—
should realise what is at stake. The French, English, and American
systems of government by popular election and parliamentary
debate with the kind of civilisation which flows from such institutions
are brought into direct conflict with the highly efficient Imperialist
bureaucracy and military organisation of Prussia. That is the issue.
No partisanship is required to make it plain. No sophistry can
obscure it."
I asked whether the democracy of the United States, apart from the
moral issues involved, had any direct interests in the result of the
war.
"You are the judges of that," replied the First Lord. "You do not
require me to talk to you of your interests. If England were to be
reduced in this war, or another which would be sure to follow from it
if this war were inconclusive, to the position of a small country like
Holland, then, however far across the salt water your country may
lie, the burden which we are bearing now would fall on to your
shoulders.
"I do not mean by that that Germany would attack you, or that if
you were attacked you would need to fear the result so far as the
United States was concerned. The Monroe Doctrine, however, carries
you very far in South as well as North America; and is it likely that
victorious German militarism, which would then have shattered

France irretrievably, have conquered Belgium, and have broken for
ever the power of England, would allow itself to be permanently cut
off from all hopes of that oversea expansion and development with
which South America alone can supply it?
"Now the impact is on us. Our blood which flows in your veins
should lead you to expect that we shall be stubborn enough to bear
that impact. But if we go down and are swept in ruin into the past,
you are the next in the line.
"This war is for us a war of honour; of respect for obligations into
which we have entered; and of loyalty towards friends in desperate
need. But now that it has begun it has become a war of self-
preservation. The British democracy, with its limited monarchy, its
ancient Parliament, its ardent social and philanthropic dreams, is
engaged for good or for ill in deadly grapple with the formidable
might of Prussian autocratic rule. It is our system of civilisation and
government against theirs. It is our life or theirs.
"We are conscious of the greatness of the times. We recognise the
consequence and proportion of events. We feel that, however
inadequate we may be, however unexpected the ordeal may be, we
are under the eye of history, and, the issue being joined, England
must go forward to the very end."
While I was speaking to Mr. Churchill a telegram came in from
Belgium announcing the total destruction of the town of Louvain as
an act of military execution. Handing it to me, he said: "What further
proof is needed of the cause at issue? Tell that to your American
fellow-countrymen. You know," he added, "I am half American
myself."
The most remarkable demonstration of enthusiastic loyalty, however,
came from India. It was no surprise to those acquainted with the
conditions in our great Asiatic Empire to know that all classes and

creeds were united in their devotion to the British Crown; but it was
evident from the comments which followed the statements in
Parliament on September 9th that the munificent offers made to the
Viceroy had astonished the whole world. By the middle of August it
was known that many Indian Chiefs had been addressing inquiries to
the Viceroy in the spirit of the ruler of the ancient State of Rewa,
who wrote: "What orders from His Majesty for me and my troops?"
On September 9th, the Marquis of Crewe, the Secretary of State for
India, in the House of Lords, and Mr. Charles Roberts, Under-
Secretary of State for India, in the House of Commons, read
telegrams from the Viceroy summarising the offers of the Indian
chiefs. Amid glowing excitement and enthusiasm, the Houses
learned that Sir Pertab Singh despite his seventy years "would not
be denied his right to serve the King-Emperor," and that he was
taking with him among his troops his young nephew, the Maharaja
of Cooch Behar, a boy of sixteen. The State of Nepal sent seven
battalions of Gurkhas, and there were many other offers of men,
money, and jewels. The following long cablegram sent by the
Viceroy to the Secretary of State for India on September 8th
describes the offers of service:
Following is a summary of offers of service, money, etc., made in
India to the Viceroy. The rulers of the Native States in India, who
number nearly 700 in all, have with one accord rallied to the
defences of the Empire and offered their personal services and the
resources of their States for the war.
From among the many Princes and nobles who have volunteered for
active service, the Viceroy has selected the Chiefs of Jodhpur,
Bikaner, Kishangarh, Rutlam, Sachin, Patiala, Sir Pertab Singh,
Regent of Jodhpur, the Heir-Apparent of Bhopal and a brother of the
Maharaja of Cooch Behar, together with other cadets of noble
families. The veteran Sir Pertab would not be denied his right to
serve the King-Emperor, in spite of his 70 years, and his nephew, the
Maharaja, who is but 16 years old, goes with him.

All these have, with the Commander-in-Chief's approval, already
joined the Expeditionary Forces. The Maharaja of Gwalior and the
Chiefs of Jaora and Dholpur, together with the Heir-Apparent of
Palanpur, were, to their great regret, prevented from leaving their
States. Twenty-seven of the larger States in India maintain Imperial
Service troops, and the services of every corps were immediately
placed at the disposal of the Government of India on the outbreak of
war.
The Viceroy has accepted from twelve States contingents of cavalry,
infantry, sappers, and transport, besides a camel corps from Bikaner,
and most of them have already embarked. As particular instances of
generosity and eager loyalty of the Chiefs, the following may be
quoted: Various Durbars have combined together to provide a
hospital ship, to be called "The Loyalty," for the use of the
Expeditionary Forces. The Maharaja of Mysore has placed Rs.50 lacs
at the disposal of the Government of India for expenditure in
connection with the Expeditionary Force.
The Chief of Gwalior, in addition to sharing in the expense of the
hospital ship, the idea of which was originated with himself and the
Begum of Bhopal, has offered to place large sums of money at the
disposal of the Government of India and to provide thousands of
horses as remounts. From Loharu, in the Punjab, and Las Bela and
Kalat, in Baluchistan, come offers of camels with drivers, to be
supplied and maintained by the Chiefs and Sardars.
Several Chiefs have offered to raise additional troops for military
service should they be required, and donations to the Indian Relief
Fund have poured in from all States. The Maharaja of Rewa has
offered his troops, his treasury, and even his private jewellery, for
the service of the King-Emperor. In addition to contributions to the
Indian Fund, some Chiefs, namely, those of Kashmir, Bundi, Orchha,
Gwalior and Indore, have also given large sums to the Prince of
Wales' Fund.
The Maharaja of Kashmir, not content with subscribing himself to the
Indian fund, presided at a meeting of 20,000 people held recently at

Srinagar, and delivered a stirring speech, in response to which large
subscriptions were collected.
Maharaja Holkar offers, free of charge, all horses in his State army
which may be suitable for Government purposes. Horses also offered
by Nizam's Government, by Jamnagar and other Bombay States.
Every chief in the Bombay Presidency has placed the resources of his
State at the disposal of Government, and all have made
contributions to the relief fund.
Loyal messages and offers also received from Mehtar of Chitral and
tribes of Khyber Agency as well as Khyber Rifles.
Letters have been received from the most remote States in India, all
marked by deep sincerity of desire to render some assistance,
however humble, to the British Government in its hour of need.
Last, but not least, from beyond the borders of India have been
received generous offers of assistance from the Nepal Durbar; the
military resources of the State have been placed at the disposal of
the British Government, and the Prime Minister has offered a sum of
Rs.3 lakhs to the Viceroy for the purchase of machine guns or field
equipment for British Gurkha regiments proceeding over-seas, in
addition to large donations from his private purse to the Prince of
Wales' Fund and the Imperial Indian Relief Fund.
To the 4th Gurkha Rifles, of which the Prime Minister is honorary
colonel, the Prime Minister has offered Rs.30,000 for the purchase of
machine guns in the event of their going on service.
The Dalai Lama of Tibet has offered 1,000 Tibetan troops for service
under the British Government. His Holiness also states that Lamas
innumerable throughout the length and breadth of Tibet are offering
prayers for success of British Army and for happiness of souls of all
victims of war.
The same spirit has prevailed throughout British India. Hundreds of
telegrams and letters received by Viceroy expressing loyalty and
desire to serve Government, either in the field or by co-operation in
India. Many hundreds also received by local administrations. They

come from communities and associations, religious, political, and
social, of all classes and creeds, also from individuals offering their
resources or asking for opportunity to prove loyalty by personal
service. Following may be mentioned as typical examples:
The All-India Moslem League, the Bengal Presidency Moslem
League, the Moslem Association of Rangoon, the trustees of the
Aligarh College, the Behar Provincial Moslem League, the Central
National Mohammedan Association of Calcutta, the Khoja
Community and other followers of Aga Khan, the Punjab Moslem
League, Mohammedans of Eastern Bengal, citizens of Calcutta,
Madras, Rangoon, and many other cities, Behar Landholders'
Association, Madras Provincial Congress, Taluqoars of Oudh, Punjab
Chiefs' Association, United Provinces Provincial Congress, Hindus of
the Punjab, Chief Khalsa Diwan representing orthodox Sikhs, Bohra
Community of Bombay, Parsee Community of Bombay.
Delhi Medical Association offer field hospital that was sent to Turkey
during Balkan War; Bengalee students offer enthusiastic services for
an ambulance corps, and there were many other offers of medical
aid; Zemindars of Madras have offered 500 horses, and among other
practical steps taken to assist Government may be noted the holding
of meetings to allay panic, keep down prices, and maintain public
confidence and credit. Generous contributions have poured in from
all quarters to Imperial Indian Relief Fund.
The Secretary of State for India further announced that, in addition
to the offers of service and assistance in connection with the war,
which had been made in India to the Viceroy, the following offers
had been received from Chiefs and others residing in this country:
Their Highnesses the Maharaja and the Maharani Maji Sahiba of
Bharatpur: (1) The whole resources of their State; (2) Two motor-
cars and a chauffeur, with all expenses; (3) Rs.2,000 to the Indian
Relief Fund.

His Highness the Raja of Akalkot: Personal service in the field.
His Highness the Raja of Pudukota: "All I possess"; expresses his
anxiety to serve in any capacity. Has placed his motor-car at the
disposal of Government, and is returning to India to raise, subject to
approval, a regiment of his subjects to release a Regular regiment.
His Highness the Gaekwar of Baroda: All his troops and resources.
Mir Ghulam Ali Khan of Khairpur: Personal service in the field.
The British Indian residents in this country of every class and creed,
added the official statement, had been forward with loyal and
generous offers of personal services and help.
At the same time the India Council issued a summary of the
proceeding in the Viceroy's Council, from which it was evident that
all the members, Hindus and Mohammedans, were eager to
emphasise the fact that the various sections of the populace they
represented wished to do all in their power to help the Empire at
such a critical period. The text of the passage of Lord Hardinge's
speech in the Viceroy's Council dealing with the dispatch of troops
from India to the seat of war was as follows:
It is no longer a secret that India has already dispatched two
splendid divisions of infantry to Europe and one cavalry brigade,
while three more cavalry brigades will follow immediately. That we
have been in a position to send over 70,000 combatants to fight for
the Empire across the seas is a source of pride and satisfaction to
India as a whole, and with the knowledge that practically all the
ruling chiefs have placed their military forces and the resources of
their States at the disposal of the Government, it is clear that we are
not at the end of our military resources.
Among the chiefs selected to accompany the expeditionary force are
the Maharaja Sir Pertab Singh, the Maharajas of Bikanir, Patiala,

Rutlam, Kishengarh, and Jodhpur, the Nawabs of Jaora, Sachin, and
Bhopal, and also the Malik Umar Hayat.
Steps were taken to circulate the announcement widely throughout
the world; and Lord Lansdowne, in welcoming the offer in the House
of Lords, remarked:
Few in this country realise how great a thing it is that these ruling
chiefs should come forward in this way to assist us. I wonder how
many realise that the Maharaja of Mysore rules over a population
which exceeds that of Sweden, that the Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior
has more subjects than the King of Denmark, that the Nizam of
Hyderabad governs a people three times as numerous as the people
of Ireland.
It is no small thing that these rulers should have come forward
without exception and given practical proof of their desire to help.
On behalf of those who sit on this side of the House I congratulate
the Marquis of Crewe on the manner in which the India Office has
been supported at this critical time, and I congratulate the Viceroy,
to whom, at the moment when he must have had many sad
preoccupations, the response of the people of India must have
brought consolation and encouragement.
Our cordial thanks ought also to be conveyed to the people of India
and to the loyal chiefs who have stood by us in so conspicuous a
manner.
In response to the offers of help, the King was pleased to issue the
following message:
To the Governments and Peoples of My Self-Governing Dominions

During the past few weeks the peoples of My whole Empire at Home
and Overseas have moved with one mind and purpose to confront
and overthrow an unparalleled assault upon the continuity of
civilisation and the peace of mankind.
The calamitous conflict is not of My seeking. My voice has been cast
throughout on the side of peace. My Ministers earnestly strove to
allay the causes of strife and to appease differences with which My
Empire was not concerned. Had I stood aside when in defiance of
pledges to which My Kingdom was a party the soil of Belgium was
violated and her cities laid desolate, when the very life of the French
nation was threatened with extinction, I should have sacrificed My
honour and given to destruction the liberties of My Empire and of
mankind. I rejoice that every part of the Empire is with Me in this
decision.
Paramount regard for treaty faith and the pledged word of rulers and
peoples is the common heritage of Great Britain and of the Empire.
My peoples in the Self-governing Dominions have shown beyond all
doubt that they wholeheartedly endorse the grave decision which it
was necessary to take.
My personal knowledge of the loyalty and devotion of My Oversea
Dominions had led me to expect that they would cheerfully make the
great efforts and bear the great sacrifices which the present conflict
entails. The full measure in which they have placed their services
and resources at My disposal fills Me with gratitude, and I am proud
to be able to show to the world that My Peoples Oversea are as
determined as the People of the United Kingdom to prosecute a just
cause to a successful end.

The Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, and the
Dominion of New Zealand have placed at My disposal their naval
forces, which have already rendered good service for the Empire.
Strong Expeditionary forces are being prepared in Canada, in
Australia, and in New Zealand for service at the Front, and the Union
of South Africa has released all British Troops and has undertaken
important military responsibilities, the discharge of which will be of
the utmost value to the Empire. Newfoundland has doubled the
numbers of its branch of the Royal Naval Reserve and is sending a
body of men to take part in the operations at the Front. From the
Dominion and Provincial Governments of Canada large and welcome
gifts of supplies are on their way for the use both of My Naval and
Military Forces and for the relief of the distress in the United
Kingdom which must inevitably follow in the wake of war. All parts of
My Oversea Dominions have thus demonstrated in the most
unmistakable manner the fundamental unity of the Empire amidst all
its diversity of situation and circumstance.
To the Princes and Peoples of India, the King-Emperor sent a special
message. The first two paragraphs were identical in wording with
those in the message sent to the Dominions. The message to India
then continued:
Paramount regard for treaty faith and the pledged word of rulers and
peoples is the common heritage of England and of India.
Among the many incidents that have marked the unanimous uprising
of the populations of My Empire in defence of its unity and integrity,
nothing has moved me more than the passionate devotion to My
Throne expressed both by My Indian subjects, and by the Feudatory
Princes and the Ruling Chiefs of India, and their prodigal offers of
their lives and their resources in the cause of the Realm. Their one-
voiced demand to be foremost in the conflict has touched My heart,
and has inspired to the highest issues the love and devotion which,

as I well know, have ever linked My Indian subjects and Myself. I
recall to mind India's gracious message to the British nation of
goodwill and fellowship, which greeted My return in February, 1912,
after the solemn ceremony of My Coronation Durbar at Delhi, and I
find in this hour of trial a full harvest and a noble fulfilment of the
assurance given by you that the destinies of Great Britain and India
are indissolubly linked.
At the very beginning of the struggle, Germany had made a
determined effort to win the friendship of the United States. From
the great American Republic the great European autocracy wanted
three things: moral support, money, and assistance in rescuing the
German mercantile marine. German shipping to the amount of
hundreds of thousands of tons was imprisoned in American ports; to
venture outside would have been to court disaster from the strong
squadrons of the British and French cruisers in the Atlantic. It was
therefore suggested by the numerous Germans in New York and
Washington, and by Germans who had become naturalised
Americans, that with a view to the restoration of American shipping
it would be a good plan to purchase from Germany the numerous
German liners lying idle in American waters. The scheme did not
make sufficient progress for any definite amount of money to be
mentioned; but it was stated that the value of the steamers was
estimated at £20,000,000—a sum which would have been very
useful to Germany in carrying on the campaign.
Acting under instructions from their Governments, protests were
lodged at Washington by the British and French Embassies against
this proposed transfer of German merchant shipping to a neutral
flag. Legally the transfer would have been objectionable; and in any
case the scheme was supported in America almost entirely by
financiers of German extraction and was bitterly opposed by all
American shipowners and shipbuilders. It is satisfactory to state that
the New York correspondent of The Daily Telegraph, cabling on

September 1st, said that the American Government had decided not
to buy the German vessels, but would confine itself to purchasing
neutral ships only.
Apart from this matter, the sympathies of the United States, in spite
of the fact that some 30,000,000 of its inhabitants were of German
extraction, were favourable to the Allies and not to the Teutonic
Powers. The German case was set forth in many American
newspapers with all the force of which the German Press Bureau
was capable; and many well-known German professors used their
influence to show that the struggle was one between culture and
barbarism, the culture being represented by Germany and the
barbarism by Russia. Whatever sympathy such statements as these
aroused at first was speedily transferred to the other side when the
American public began to hear, not merely of the German atrocities
in Belgium, but of the brutal manner in which the neutrality of small
and friendly countries such as Belgium and Luxembourg had been
violated by the invaders. The German Ambassador at Washington,
Count Bernstorff, was kept busy explaining why "strictness" was
necessary in warfare; but no one took kindly to his explanation
regarding the burning of Louvain, viz.: "War is not an afternoon tea-
party."
By the end of August, some of the American papers began to
wonder why the German Press agents in America were able to flood
the Press with what they alleged to be the only trustworthy news
respecting the situation at the front. It was said that this news was
being sent by wireless to the German Embassy at Washington by
way of the Sayville Wireless Station. An investigation at Washington
disclosed the interesting fact that the Sayville Wireless Station could
not possibly be in direct communication with Germany, as the
distance was too great. The German Ambassador's explanation was
that the messages were being relayed by German warships; but this
was not credited, as it was known that very few German warships
were in the Atlantic and that they were being kept continually on the
move by the British and French Fleets.

Various organisations, both in Germany and in the United States,
attempted to appeal to American sentiments by issuing pamphlets
containing alleged facts regarding the campaign. The influence of
these pamphlets, however, was a great deal more than balanced by
the Chancellor's contemptuous reference to the "scrap of paper,"
described in the first chapter of this book.
Furthermore, it was pointed out in the American Press that Germany,
so far as her social and military system was concerned, represented
the antithesis of American ideals, and that a victory for Germany
would inevitably lead to the imposition of her strict military system
upon the world in general. Again, as a result of the falling off in
imports from England, France, and Germany, the American customs
receipts declined very considerably, and it was announced early in
September that it would be necessary, in view of this falling off, to
raise some £20,000,000 by internal taxation. The American Press
promptly blamed the Kaiser for thus inconveniencing the financial
arrangements of the United States, and the feeling against Germany
in America became stronger than ever.
By way of climax, a striking expression of opinion came from one of
the best-known American educationalists, Professor W.G. Hales.
Professor Hales communicated his views to the London
correspondent of the New York Times, in which paper they appeared
on September 7th. He advocated an immediate declaration of war by
the United States against Germany for the latter's violation of The
Hague Conventions, particularly in its use of floating mines and its
destruction of Louvain.
"What has always been wanted," continued Professor Hales, "is a
sanction for the pacts of nations. There could be no more splendid
sanction than the declaration of a great nation outside the
immediate conflict that, where she is a party, they shall, so far as
lies in her power, be kept sacred.
"Germany has confessed enough. Louvain has been blotted out. For
the German planting of mines in the open sea alone it is our duty to
declare war. The facts have changed the whole aspects of things,

since President Wilson's plea for patience was made. We should
ourselves guarantee the commerce of neutrals and of the allied
nations, leaving the English Fleet free to do its separate work. We
should, by this mere act of declaration, shut off food from Germany.
We should take our part in the great struggle instead of smugly
sitting by while the world's work is done by other nations. Even
Germany would then know that her plot against humanity had been
both judged and doomed. The insolent cry, 'Deutschland über Alles',
provides no exception for the United States. At the moment of
Germany's success we must transform ourselves into a nation whose
first business is war. Through South America she would strike at us
next.
"I have been all my life a fighter for peace, but I appeal to President
Wilson, the Senate, and my private fellow-citizens, of whatever
descent, to end the system of aggression and defence by arms, and
to replace it with international law and international police."
CHAPTER VI
The Economic Position—Moratorium Extension—Great Britain's
Oversea Trade—Germany's Commerce—Question of Food Supplies
—Importance of the Balkans—"Petrograd."
In the midst of military, diplomatic, and political turmoil, the
responsible departments of the Government paid very necessary
attention to finance. In the course of an interesting speech in the
House of Commons on August 26th, Mr. Lloyd George showed that
he was looking after the financial and commercial welfare of the
country. His speech ranged over a variety of subjects, and he
indicated that the new £1 and 10s. notes would in time be regarded
as a recognised part of the regular currency, and that they would not
be entirely supplanted by the coming issue of certificates. As to the
latter, the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated that their object was

really to create credit. This might be considered, if taken literally, a
somewhat dangerous statement; but the hope was generally
expressed that care would be taken in granting these certificates and
preventing their over issue. As this speech was of considerable
importance, a quotation from the official reports is given below:
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he did not know why there
should be any scarcity of silver. It was not due to any shortage of
the issue from the mint, and it looked as if there had been some
hoarding, a very stupid thing. When the public got more accustomed
to the 10s. and £1 notes there would be less difficulty in getting
silver. With regard to the design of the new notes they would be
totally different from the designs of the Scottish notes, some of
which were beautiful.
They had had to consider a good many things, such, for instance,
whether the notes would be easily forgeable. Then they must have a
watermark which could be easily seen. For these reasons they had
had to disregard the very artistic designs of the Scottish notes. It
was much more difficult to imitate simplicity. Therefore, they had
decided in favour of the simple note because once they had started
this currency it might very well become quite popular and part of the
regular currency.
With regard to the certificates the object was really that they should
rather create credit without issuing the actual notes. It was purely a
certificate that the banks were entitled to so much currency. They
need not draw upon it, although they could, and the knowledge that
they had got so much credit at the Treasury enabled them to make
their arrangements for financing the trade of the country.
A question raised by Sir A. Markham with regard to the clearing of
German notes touched a very difficult, dangerous, and delicate
operation. The real danger was that somehow or other bills which
were due for this country to Germany might be honoured. For that
reason they had to take very great care that the transaction was not
one-sided. He hoped to be able in the course of the next few days to
set up some form of machinery that would attempt the operation,

but they must take very good care that they were not financing the
enemy. Certificates would only cover the case of banks; they would
not cover insurance companies.
Proceeding, Mr. Lloyd George said that with regard to the general
question it was certainly desirable that a statement should be made
as to the arrangements entered into by the Government with regard
to the finance of the country, and he hoped in the course of a few
days to do so.
There were two or three very special difficulties as to which he had
not, personally, been able to make up his mind. The first was with
regard to the moratorium. A number of hon. gentlemen thought it
ought to be brought to a speedy termination. (Cries of "No," and
"Hear, hear.") He would tell the House what had been done on the
subject. He had issued a questionaire to some of the leading traders
of the country; he had not merely consulted bankers in the City of
London. Up to three o'clock that day he had received something like
8,000 replies to the question which he had put. They were in the
proportion of something like 4,500 in favour of bringing the
moratorium to an end on September 4th, to 3,500 in favour of
extending it.
Bankers and financing houses were almost unanimously in favour of
extending it.
Retail traders were in favour of putting an end to it, but only by a
majority.
Manufacturers, he should say, were two to one in favour of bringing
it to an end, but the one-third represented very important interests
in the manufacturing world. They were very much afraid that if it
were brought to an end there might be a crash. It was therefore a
thing that could not be decided altogether by a majority.
Merchants, both in the foreign and home trades, were in favour of
an extension of the moratorium.
He was inclined to consider whether it was possible to get a limited
moratorium, which would protect those particular interests without

interfering with those who would rather have no moratorium at all.
While about 10,000 forms of inquiry had been issued, that did not
represent all that had been done. He had endeavoured to ascertain
the opinions of bakers, butchers, and other retailers through their
societies. The result was that they were hopelessly divided on the
subject. The Government would have to come to a decision within
the next few days.
As an instance of different points of view, he might mention that at a
meeting of traders at the Treasury last week, one gentleman said
that as a colliery proprietor he would like to bring the moratorium to
an end, but as a merchant he would like it to continue. He agreed
that the steps which had been taken with regard to the discontinuing
of bills involved risks, but this was a time when they must take risks;
they must keep up the credit of the country, so that they might not
find at the end of the war that the important business which they
had been transacting for the whole civilised world had passed away
to some other country.
A good deal depended on the banks. The Government had done for
the banks as much as they could have expected. But the
Government did not do it in order to strengthen the banks' finances
or to increase their business, but to enable them to finance the trade
of the country. If the Government and the country were prepared to
take risks, the banks must take risks. He agreed that a very
considerable number of banks had behaved admirably. He thought
that the action of other banks had been due to timidity and over-
caution. They had to think about their own depositors. He did not
think they were considering their shareholders or the price of their
shares, but they considered themselves to be trustees of their
depositors.
The time had come, however, when the banks ought to make
advances with the credit of the State behind them. He had called the
attention of the banks to complaints he had received, and had said
that unless the traders received the usual and even greater facilities
for carrying on in this special emergency, he had no doubt the House

of Commons would take action which would place behind the trade
of the country the necessary credit. He was glad to be able to say
that the banks had come to the conclusion, after careful
consideration, that they could finance business much more liberally
than they were able to do during the first fortnight.
An hon. member had called attention to the fact that the foreign
exchanges had broken down, and that the bridge had not been quite
repaired. That was true. It had been a very sudden snap of
communications. He hoped every day for improvement, but if it was
necessary to take any further action in order to expedite matters,
then he might have to come to the House of Commons. But he did
not think it was. The discounting of bills would have the effect that
the banks would find it necessary in their own interest to use the
liberated cash for the purpose of financing trade.
Later, on September 8th, Mr. Lloyd George, replying to a deputation
from the Association of Municipal Corporations at the Treasury,
referred to the important part which finance would play in the war.
In the course of his speech he said:
In my judgment the last few hundred millions may win this war. This
is my opinion. The first hundred millions our enemies can stand just
as well as we can; but the last they cannot, thank God; and
therefore I think cash is going to count much more than we can
possibly imagine at the present moment. We are only at the
beginning now. Of course if we have great victories and smashing
victories that is all right, but then they may not come yet. We may
have fluctuations, and things may last long.
We are fighting a very tough enemy, who is very well prepared for
the fight, and he will probably fight to the very end before he will
accept the only conditions upon which we can possibly make peace,
if we are wise.

We financed Europe in the greatest war we ever fought, and that is
what won. Of course, British tenacity and British courage always
come in, and they always will; but let us remember that British cash
told too. When the others were absolutely exhausted we were
getting our second breath, and our third and our fourth, and we
shall have to spend our last before we are beaten. I want the
municipalities to remember that.
Our trade is not going. The seas are ours, and they will remain ours.
We shall get not merely our own trade, except that of European
countries, but we shall get a good deal of the enemy's trade as well,
and, of course, there is always the business which is necessary in
order to keep the war going. So that there will be a great deal of
employment in the ordinary course of business.
While we are on this subject of finance and economics, it may be
well to refer briefly to Germany's position. It was known that
Germany alone among the European Powers kept a well filled war
chest. It was understood that up to 1913, the war reserve amounted
to £6,000,000 in gold. Under the new Army Law of 1913, it was
stipulated that this reserve should be trebled. There was reason to
believe that in addition the German Government had put aside for
the purposes of the present war about £30,000,000 out of the
£50,000,000 which it had been hoped to raise by last year's special
war levy. Although some of this cash was spent on preparing the
new Army Corps, and possibly also in strengthening the fortresses, it
was generally believed that the greater part of it was kept in reserve
to meet the initial expenses of the present campaign.
In addition to this, of course, large sums were obtained from
Belgium in the form of war levies. The Province of Brabant, for
example, was mulcted to the extent of £18,000,000, Brussels to the
extent of £10,000,000, Liège £2,000,000, and smaller towns in
proportion. From the cities on the French border, as well as from

various towns in Belgium, large supplies of stores and food were also
demanded, sometimes in addition to money and sometimes as a
substitute.
These amounts, large as they are, would not seem sufficient to carry
on the war for any great length of time. Some calculations were
made by Paris Correspondents of the Daily Telegraph at the outbreak
of the campaign. The minimum cost was estimated there at
£400,000,000.
The figures given by military writers coincided and agreed that about
8,500,000 men were under arms for land warfare. To these must be
added 340,000 seamen. If the Balkan War were taken as an
example, the cost of each man mobilised amounts to 10s. a day.
This gives about £4,400,000 daily, or £132,000,000 monthly.
This figure is, however, considerably short of the mark, because it
does not take into account the maintenance of the armies and fleets.
The German Reichstag authorised extraordinary expenditure to the
extent of £250,000,000 to be obtained by a loan, and a further sum
of £14,000,000 to be drawn on the gold and silver reserve of the
Empire.
It is now well known that the tax of 5 per cent. on the stock of notes
issued by the Reichsbank over and above its reserve in metal has
been suppressed. The German Government will therefore secure the
loan required by an issue of bank notes uncovered by a reserve of
gold and silver.
This issue reminds one of the assignats of the first French
Revolution, of which a few samples are kept as curious heirlooms in
French families.
It was stated in Paris that the Austrian army on a war footing cost
the Empire £800,000 a day, but the Austrian Treasury was emptied
by the mobilisation during the Balkan wars, which drained the
financial resources of the Empire for more than a year, and it is hard
to see where the Austrian Monarchy can find the large sums

required to keep the Imperial and Royal armies and navy during the
present war.
There were many reasons that might be brought forward to show
how Mr. Lloyd George was justified in asserting that England could
stand the financial strain better than Germany. One great factor was
responsible for this, namely, the command of the sea. It is true that
during the war our trade with Germany, Russia, and France must be
practically at a standstill. There are even pessimists who say that our
general European trade must be severely crippled until the campaign
is over. Even if we assume this to be the case, however, there is,
relatively speaking, no cause for despondency. Our exports last year
were valued at over £525,000,000. If most of these exports had
been sent to European countries, there might possibly be some
ground for concern. Of the huge total, however, the countries with
which we are at war, Germany and Austria, took exports from us to
the value of only £45,000,000; and our exports to every European
country, including Germany and Austria, amounted to less than
£180,000,000.
Expressed in other words, this means that roughly speaking, one-
third of our exports went to European countries, and two-thirds to
countries in other parts of the world. We have thus about two-thirds
of our ordinary export trade to come and go on—thanks to our
command of the sea—and, thanks to our command of the sea also,
the oversea commerce of Germany and Austria has for the time
being completely broken down. In view of this fact, the significance
of which has hardly yet been generally appreciated, it is possible for
us at the present time to capture, if not all, at least a large
proportion of orders from oversea countries which in the ordinary
way would be given to German or Austrian firms. It would be foolish
to say, of course, that our economic life can proceed as usual during
a European war in which we are involved; but it cannot be too
emphatically pointed out that our economical conditions here are, or
can at least be made, infinitely superior to those prevailing in the
countries with which we are at war, or even in Russia or France.

German commerce is ruined; our commerce can be made almost
normal.
Take another point. We have a very large income from our
investments abroad, which are valued at rather more than
£4,000,000,000. It is estimated that our yearly income from this
source is £200,000,000, and, in addition, for services rendered
internationally, our bankers, brokers, shipping firms, and so on,
receive an additional sum of £150,000,000. That is to say, in
exchange not for goods but for services, we receive from various
nations about £350,000,000 every year. True, a large proportion of
this sum is derived from investments in countries affected by the
war; and, on account of the war, many of these normal returns have
fallen off. It must nevertheless be remembered that much of this
large income comes to us from countries which are only slightly, if at
all, affected by the dislocation—from India, for instance; Spain, the
United States, all our own oversea dominions, and South America.
Our interests in Central and South America alone are valued at
£1,300,000,000.
There are other points to be remembered in connection with our
position as traders. At least ten million men in France, Russia, and
Germany have now been withdrawn from industry and are engaged
in war. The effect of this on the remainder of the adult population
and on normal production is naturally very considerable. In this
country we have not as yet found it necessary to withdraw such
large numbers of men from their ordinary work. Practically half a
million men have joined the second army, and another half-million
are asked for. The withdrawal of a million men from our industries is
not likely to be seriously felt, especially as many thousands of these
men will be taken from non-productive occupations. There is,
therefore, no reason why we should not continue our normal export
trade as well as—though of course to a smaller extent—our carrying
trade.
And now for a glance at Germany's exports. In 1912 they amounted
to £440,000,000, and of this figure £106,000,000 represented raw

material, and no less than £295,000,000 manufactured articles. Such
things as clocks, toys, musical instruments, paints, paper, glassware,
iron and steel goods, gloves, hardware, and cutlery were poured into
every country in the world. We ourselves took £70,000,000 worth of
this stuff; India £6,000,000 worth; Australia £7,000,000; and Canada
and South Africa about £3,000,000 worth each. To Argentina, in
1912, went German goods valued at nearly £13,000,000, and to the
United States manufactured articles worth nearly £12,000,000.
These are a few instances; the consular reports and Board of Trade
statistics will furnish several others. A determined attempt must now
be made to secure this trade. We shall, of course, have to compete
with the United States, where for two or three years past eager
attention has been paid to the possibilities of developing the South
American market.
Germany, it must be remembered, did not enter upon this campaign
without taking into consideration her own economic position, and
especially her food supplies. Whether she was able to carry out the
plans she knew she ought to carry out is another matter. The
advanced state of her mobilisation at the time she declared war on
Russia and France made it quite clear that her decision to put her
fortunes to the test of the sword had not been taken in a day. Not
even the perfect Prussian military machine could have thrown so
many troops against the frontiers of France and Belgium at short
notice, and it is certain that the Berlin Government, in addition to
giving its attention to the organisation of the fighting forces, must
have seriously considered the question of the nation's food supply.
Yet the circumstantial reports which have filtered through relating to
"food riots" in the capital and other large towns indicate that this
important matter—perhaps because it is civil rather than military—
has not had the consideration to which it is entitled.
Germany is, indeed, in an unfortunate position if her food supply is
running short at this early stage of the campaign. So seldom in the
history of our own country have our trade routes been blocked for
even a short time that it is not easy for us to realise the situation of
a country which is dependent for a large proportion of its daily bread

upon foreign countries and happens to be cut off from
communication with them.
The latest figures show that Germany imported agricultural products
and foodstuffs in 1913 to the value of £351,836,900. These figures
show but a slight deviation from those of 1912 and 1911, a deviation
which changes in the population easily explain. Even when we make
every allowance for wines and various luxuries which are classified
under this heading, we shall be on the safe side in saying that
Germany must import necessary foodstuffs every year to the value
of not less than £180,000,000. This is a huge total, and it is
accounted for by the fact, which has caused some concern already
to German statesmen, that from an almost purely agricultural
country Germany has, since the Franco-German War, developed at a
remarkable rate into an industrial country. The producer has left the
farm for the factory, and though one result has been a vast increase
in the wealth of the German Empire, another has been to leave the
Empire more and more dependent upon foreign countries for its
supplies of the necessaries of life.
Germany obtains a great deal of her meat, wheat, eggs, barley,
coffee, maize, butter, etc., from beyond her borders. In 1913, for
example, Russia sent her grain and cereals to the extent of
3,600,000 tons, valued approximately at £30,000,000. In 1912
Argentina exported to her grain and livestock products worth nearly
£11,000,000. From Hungary she received last year cereals valued at
£4,000,000; and even little Roumania contributed £1,000,000 worth
of wheat to the total.
The following short table, giving the import figures for 1911 and
1913, will show to what extent Germany is indebted to foreign
countries for some common grain and cereal products:
1911. 1913.

(£
sterling.)
(£
sterling.)
Wheat 19,943,750 21,472,850
Barley 23,105,250 20,347,750
Maize 4,336,000 5,309,600
Rye 3,800,600 4,100,200
Oats 3,742,800 3,946,300
Rice 4,408,200 3,926,000
Cocoa 2,775,300 2,796,000
Coffee 12,578,450 12,450,500
Eggs 8,567,900 4,504,800
With her coast blockaded by the British Fleet; France, Belgium, and
Russia hostile; and squadrons of the Navy alert for prizes in the
Mediterranean and the Atlantic, it is not likely that Germany can rely
upon any imports of food until the war is over. Austria-Hungary, at
grips with Servia, will require for her own use all the food she can
get, even if the Straits of Otranto were open. The hostility of Servia
prevents any possibility of food being imported via Greece.
On this point a remarkable article, obviously inspired, and showing
clearly enough why the Teutonic Powers were paying so much
attention to the Balkans, appeared in the Frankfurter Zeitung so far
back as January 7th, 1914. The writer said:
The countries comprising the Triple Alliance are changing daily from
agricultural States to industrial States; and they are more and more
compelled to depend upon the uninterrupted importation of their
raw materials. A war with England, France, and Russia at the same
time appears, fortunately, to be ever more improbable; but the
possibility of such a conflict cannot be excluded, and far-seeing
statesmen must reckon with it. The Triple Alliance countries, which
are compelled to have recourse to large armies, cannot hope to
compete successfully with the fleets of England and France on the
high seas. In the event of a struggle, therefore, our oversea imports
would, in a short time, be done away with, and our industries would

languish for want of raw material. As things stand to-day, it is not
merely the lack of wheat and meat that would drive the country to
destruction. Coal and iron and heaven knows what else have also
become essential to us. Where, then, shall the Triple Alliance
countries look for their raw material if the sea routes are cut off?
There is only one means of land communication, and it leads
through Roumania, Bulgaria, and Turkey into Asia Minor. It follows
that the Triple Alliance can never see this route barricaded by hostile
States; the Triplice must keep this route open at all costs.... The
German military mission in Constantinople is not merely helping to
reorganise the Turkish army out of pure joy; it must, at the same
time, serve both Turkey and the German Empire. One should also
take notice of the determination of Germany and Austria not to
consent to the proposal for the inter-nationalisation of the stretch of
the Orient Railway between Adrianople and Constantinople. The
States lying between the eastern border of Hungary and Asia Minor
have, indeed, no choice; they must be the friends and allies of the
Triple Alliance; or they must reckon with the unflinching hostility of
the Triple Alliance in any conflict which threatens their
independence. Austria, too, has no choice. Either the countries on
the Lower Danube must be her friends, or she must seek to
annihilate them. It is as Napoleon said: "the Power that commands
Constantinople can command the whole world, provided that it can
maintain itself there." And when Bismarck said that the whole Balkan
Peninsula was not worth the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier, he
could not have foreseen that this territory would one day become so
essential a route for German imports that we should not, if
necessary, shirk a conflict with Russia to maintain our freedom of
trade there.
Servia, in this astonishing declaration, was not mentioned by name;
but the hint to both her and Russia was sufficiently broad. Germany
and Austria are cut off completely by the hostility of Servia; and, if

Russia had not intervened, it is clear that this "means of land
communication" would have been kept free from a "barricade," if
any Power had thought of putting one up. In this connection it may
be recalled that the White Paper relating to the European Crisis (Cd.
7,467) contains a significant telegram from Mr. H.D. Beaumont, of
the International Financial Commission, to Sir Edward Grey:
Constantinople,
July 29th, 1914.
I understand that the designs of Austria may extend considerably
beyond the Sanjak and a punitive occupation of Servian territory. I
gathered this from a remark let fall by the Austrian Ambassador
here, who spoke of the deplorable economic situation of Salonika
under Greek administration, and of the assistance on which the
Austrian army could count from Mussulman population discontented
with Servian rule.
The reference in the telegram was, of course, to the Bagdad
concession; for Germany expected to be able to develop Asia Minor
with the object of making it a country capable of furnishing the large
proportion of foodstuffs and raw material which now enter Germany,
from Russia, Argentina, Canada, France, and Great Britain. All the
treaties and conventions relating to the concession specify this
almost in so many words. Hence the desperate anxiety of Germany
and Austria to secure Salonika as a port and to bring the Balkan
States under Teutonic influence; since a single unfriendly nation—
Servia, for instance—would have been an effective "barricade." The
plan has failed and the failure has trebled the price of food in Austria
and doubled it in Germany. Neither Government reckoned with a
stern resistance; and the failure to do so has already led both
countries well on the way to starvation.
Two instance of the bitterness with which the campaign was waged
on both sides may be mentioned as a fitting conclusion to this
volume. While the war was responsible for a good deal, one would
hardly have expected it to affect the text of a Wagnerian music-
drama. Yet the Vossische Zeitung gravely stated that "having regard

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