Phonographies Grooves In Sonic Afromodernity Alexander Ghedi Weheliye
Phonographies Grooves In Sonic Afromodernity Alexander Ghedi Weheliye
Phonographies Grooves In Sonic Afromodernity Alexander Ghedi Weheliye
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9. ‘‘[The Negro] is not a visitor in the West, but a citi-
zen there, and American; as American as the Ameri-
cans who despise him, the Americans who fear him, the
Americans who love him—the Americans who became
less than themselves, or rose to be greater than them-
selves by virtue of the fact that the challenge he repre-
sented was inescapable. . . . The time has come to realize
that the interracial drama acted out on the American
continent has not only created a new black man, it has
created a new white man too. . . . This world is no longer
white, and it will never bewhite again.—James Baldwin
Lifting up from the circles and grooves of a record can
change the weather. From freezing to hot to cool.
—Toni Morrison
Actively we have woven ourselves with the very warp
and woof of this nation.—W. E. B. Du Bois
Invisibility, let me explain, gives one a slightly different
sense of time, you’re never quite on the beat. . . . In-
stead of the swift and imperceptible flowing of time, you
are aware of its nodes, those points where time stands
still or from which it leaps ahead. And you slip into the
breaks and look around.—Ralph Ellison
I wanna wind your little phonograph, just to hear your
little motor moan.—Robert Johnson
11. Contents
Acknowledgments ix
Intro: It’s Beginning to Feel Like . . . 1
1 Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity 19
2 ‘‘I Am I Be’’: A Subject of Sonic Afro-Modernity 46
3 In the Mix 73
4 Consuming Sonic Technologies 106
5 Sounding Diasporic Citizenship 145
Outro: Thinking Sound/Sound Thinking
(Slipping into the Breaks Remix) 199
Notes 211
Works Cited 257
Index 279
13. Acknowledgments
The genre rules that I am subject to here require a listing of
debts owed to various persons. However, given the stifling
economization of so many aspects of life in late capitalism, I
prefer to think of such contributions to life and work as aneconomic gifts.
As I discuss in my book, the gift, as theorized by Du Bois and several
others, functions as both an offering and a poison, and that is what these
people have given me, by offering their thoughts, time, energy, and the
like while at the same time ‘‘poisoning’’ my thought. They have become
voices, apparitions, images, smells, sounds, and so on in my body and
mind, enabling me to think and live above, below, beyond, and beside
that possessive pronoun ‘‘my,’’ and for that I am forever grateful.
Let me commence by thanking a group of intellectuals whose work has
sustained me: Stuart Hall, Hortense Spillers, Gayatri Spivak, and Sylvia
Wynter. In the years that I have spent thinking about and writing this
book, these thinkers, individuallyand as a group, offered me a vital model
for intellectual inquiry. I have also greatly benefited from various men-
tors and teachers, particularly Elke Stenzel and Ulla Haselstein, who pro-
vided challenges and support in high school and college, and Abena P. A.
Busia, Bruce W. Robbins, and Cheryl A. Wall, who, as my graduate men-
tors offered me a mixture of critical acuity, generosity, understanding,
14. Acknowledgments
and professional support. I can only hope to live up to the example they
have set.
At Rutgers I had the good fortune of knowing and working with a
group of dynamic graduate students and faculty members: Carol Allen,
Deborah Allen, Anthony Alessandrini, Heather Russell Anderade, Kim
Banks, Wesley Brown, Elaine Chang, Cheryl Clarke, Joseph Clarke,
Sam Elworthy, Donald Gibson, Rachel Herzing, Briavel Holcomb, Myra
Jehlen, Jonathan Kahana, Cora Kaplan and David Glover, John Kas-
parian, Cindy Katz, Samira Kawash, Thomas Keck, Meredith McGill,
Jennifer Milligan, Verner Mitchell, Tricia Rose, Julie Skemp, Neil Smith,
Sarah Thompson, Michael Warner, and Maire Veith. I will always be im-
mensely grateful for Craig Gilmore and Ruth Wilson Gilmore’s hospi-
tality and intellectual generosity. During 1997–1998 I held a fellowship
at the Rutgers Center for the Critical Analysis of Contemporary Culture;
there the conversations were invaluable for formulating the beginnings of
this project.The staff in the Rutgers English Department, Linda Kazusko,
Nancy Miller, and CandaceWalcott-Shepherd, offered endless help and a
sense of humor. Tanya Agathocleous and Chris O’Brien, Joseph Chaves,
Erik Dussere and Stephanie Hartman, Lisa Gitelman, Helen Hurwitz,
Lisa Lynch, and Tamar Rothenberg will hopefully continue to honor me
with their friendship for years to come.
At the State University of New York, Stony Brook, Helen Cooper,
E. Ann Kaplan, and (particularly) Ira Livingston welcomed and sup-
ported me in a difficult institutional situation, for which I am thank-
ful. I was also fortunate enough to share conversations with numerous
outstanding undergraduates at Rutgers, Stony Brook, and Northwest-
ern; special thanks go to the students in my ‘‘Sound/Technology/Culture’’
classes, and particularly those in the ‘‘Sonic Afro-modernity’’ gradu-
ate class at Northwestern, for discussing much of the material in this
project. Parts of the book have been published previously in the following
venues: a much earlier version of chapter 3 appeared in American Studies/
Amerikastudien 45.4 (winter 2000), a shorter incarnation of chapter 2 can
be found in the summer 2003 issue of boundary 2: an international jour-
nal of literature and culture, and a condensed version of chapter 3 appears
in Public Culture 17.2 (spring 2005).
I am grateful also to many people at Northwestern and in Chicago:
Jeffrey Masten, Bonnie Honig, Susannah Gottlieb, John Keene, Tricia
Dailey, Carole Boyce Davies, Helmut Müller Sievers, Betsy Erkkila, Lynn
x
15. Acknowledgments
Spigel, Reginald Gibbons, Sam Weber, Sandra Richards, Jay Grossman,
Eric Sundquist, Elzbieta Foeller-Pituch, Miguel Vatter, Regina Schwartz,
Tori Marlan, Mary Finn, Harry Samuels, and the members of the North-
western Theory Reading Group. Particular thanks to Sharon Holland,
Jennifer DeVere Brody, Kevin Bell, Dwight McBride, Dorothy Wang,
E. Patrick Johnson, and Michael Hanchard for their collegiality and
friendship. The staff in the Northwestern English and African American
Studies departments provided smooth operations; many thanks to Kathy
Daniels, Natasha Dennison, Marsha Figaro, Stacia Kozlowski, Nathan
Mead, and Marilyn Williams. Jules Law and Jennifer Brody deserve spe-
cial mention for being such exceptional mentors. A great deal of the final
work on the manuscript was made possible bya generous fellowship from
the Alice Berline Center for the Humanities at Northwestern.
Much gratitude goes to all those who read parts of manuscript and/or
discussed its arguments with me at one point or another: Jonathan Arac,
Kevin Bell, Lawrence Ytzak Brathwaite, Jennifer DeVere Brody, Joseph
Chaves, Erik Dussere, Brian Edwards, Robert Gooding-Williams, Lisa
Gitelman, Michael Hanchard, Kodwo Eshun, Ronald Judy, Andrea Klein-
huber, Jules Law, Ira Livingston, Ruth Mayer, Charles Mudede, Alondra
Nelson, Ulfried Reichardt, Ryan Snyder, and the readers at Duke Univer-
sity Press and the University of Minnesota Press. I thank Ken Wissoker
for believing in this book as it currently stands and the staff of Duke Uni-
versity Press for their patience and expertise. A heap of gratitude goes
to Sonia Nelson, who undertook the gargantuan task of proofreading
an earlier incarnation of the whole manuscript, and Abigail Derecho,
who compiled the index. Many thanks go out to Nadine Robinson for
the permission to use her artwork and to Alondra Nelson for suggest-
ing Robinson’s work. I cannot do justice to the depths of Fred Moten’s
engagement with the conceptual architecture of this book.
The folks who are last on my long list deserve so much more than
mere thanks, since they have been such a forceful presence in my life and
will I hope continue to be so for a variety of futures: Patricia Bembo,
Arndt Weisshuhn and Miriam Schmidt, Manfred Bertelmann, Christian
Schwabe and Jamilla Al-Habash, Patrick Hosp and Roya Djaberwandi,
Aki Hanne and Andrea Wiedermann, Frank Kohlgrüber, Aicha Muthu-
kumupe Katjivena; many thanks also go out to Wendy Gold, Yves Clem-
ent, Leonie Baumeister, Sonja Boerdner, and Julia Kühn and Peter Kraus-
kopf.
xi
16. Acknowledgments
I am enormously appreciative of my family’s inspiration and support,
especially to my parents, Nuur Ahmed Weheliye and Barbara Christine
Weheliye, for being model organic intellectuals, for bestowing upon me
the pleasure (and pain) of cultural nomadism, for teaching me how to
make hard decisions, and for making of me always a man who questions.
My siblings Daud Ahmed, Asli-Juliya Weheliye, and Samatar Weheliye
deserve a great deal of gratitude for being co-conspirators and teach-
ers. Thanks also to my uncle Said Ahmed and my sister-in-law Qadiiya
Ahmed. I wish my grandmother Margarete Wittkat had been alive to see
the publication of this book. My other family also deserves my great ap-
preciation: E. Nancy Markle, George Enteen, Sharon Enteen and Doug
Prusso, Alice and Bernie Learman, Henrietta and Morris Mitzner, and
George and Sylvia Levy.
This book is dedicated to the two people from whom I have learned the
most in my time in this galaxy: my mother, Barbara Weheliye, and Jillana
Enteen. My mother has always given me the freedom to explore, a trait at
once more generous and rigorous than mere encouragement, because it
allowed me to make my own mistakes, and hopefully to get some things
right as well. It is far from easy to describe her pervasive influence on
my life and work, but I want to single out her fearlessness. Although she
herself would never claim that particular quality, her strength, courage,
and erudition will never cease to amaze me. This book could not have
been written without Jillana Enteen, whose presence sounds from every
page of this book; I look forward to many more years of collaborative
endeavors in life and work.
xii
17. Intro
It’s Beginning to Feel Like . . .
Prolegomena Beginnings and introductions are occasions for
sonic events or apparitions—and song intros are no exception:
the soft, mid-tempo, yet insistent drum-machine rumblings
and water tap sounds of Mtume’s ‘‘Juicy Fruit’’ that prolong the wait for
the grand entrance of the bass, especially in the extended twelve-inch ver-
sion; the lengthy cinematic string section of Phantom/Ghost’s ‘‘Perfect
Lovers (Unperfect Love Mix)’’; the looped invocations of ‘‘love ya babe’’
in conjunction with the crisp, syncopated snare drums and sampled bird
sounds that introduce Aaliyah’s ‘‘One in a Million.’’ I could continue this
list indefinitely, but I trust that you get the picture, or the sound as it
were, of the allurements that lurk in the crevices of sonic beginnings,
those sonorous marks that launch new worlds, holding out pleasures to
come while also tendering futurity as such in their grooves. My all-time
favorite in this category is Harold Melvin and the Blue Notes’ ‘‘Wake
Up Everybody,’’ which gently burrows into the tympanum with its harp
swooshes, a tambourine, and two different piano motifs, to then guide us
into the pièce de resistance: a very subtle bass solo that never reappears
in the duration of this 7:33-minute masterpiece. These fifteen seconds
invite repetition by virtue of denying the listener recurrence and as a re-
sult haunt and shadow the remainder of the track, compelling him/her
to return the needle to the first grooves of the record, rewind the tape,
18. Phonographies
or push the back button on the cd/mp3 player. Because these sounds
defy reiteration in the musical text, they compel the listener to actively
intervene in its structure via the tools of technological re/production,
which in turn calls attention to their singularity and the singularity of
all sounds. These resonant instigations also amplify the integral enmesh-
ment of sound and technology in the modern era, underscoring some of
the ways sound technologies are a vital element of the musical text rather
than supplementary to its unfolding.
If the coexistence of the ‘‘human’’ with various ‘‘technological’’ structures
and processes presents one of the central challenges of the contempo-
rary world, then Afro-diasporic subjects and cultures surely form a cru-
cial part of this mix. But perhaps we should begin differently, since this
statement already assumes too much, or too little, depending on your
viewpoint. It presumes that the human and the technological represent
separate, if not antagonistic stable entities, which at this point, and per-
haps always already, seems untenable, to say the least, given that one is
hardly conceivable without the other. Why then does black cultural pro-
duction still function as a convenient outside to this interface that will
not quite listen to the catachrestic nominalism ‘‘cyborg’’? For all intents
and purposes, it seems to be a resolutely stubborn child. Recent debates
about the ‘‘digital divide,’’ while surely drawing much needed attention
to certain politicoeconomic inequities, cannot but reinforce the idea that
Afro-diasporic populations are inherently Luddite and therefore situ-
ated outside the bounds of Western modernity. Samuel R. Delany, for
instance, distinguishes ‘‘the white boxes of computer technology’’ and
‘‘the black boxes of modern street technology.’’ The former, particularly
in the form of the Internet and World Wide Web, are deemed central
to the techno-vanguard of a continually progressing machine, while the
latter—sound technologies for instance—are not regarded as technologi-
cal at all.1
Too often this bifurcation locates black cultural production
beyond the pale of what counts as technological in contemporary criti-
cal discourse. Routinely, most academic considerations of technology,
especially those found in studies of cyberculture (where the term ‘‘digi-
tal divide’’ was coined) remain deaf to the sonic topographies of popu-
lar music, which is not surprising, given the general hegemony of vision
that permeates Western modernity. Yet popular music offers one of the
most fertile grounds for the dissemination and enculturation of digi-
2
19. Intro
tal and analog technologies and has done so at least since the inven-
tion of the phonograph at the close of the nineteenth century. Pop music
also represents the arena in which black subjects have culturally engaged
with these technoinformational flows, so that anyconsideration of digital
space might dowell to include the sonic in order to comprehend different
modalities of digitalness, but also to not endlessly circulate and therefore
solidify the presumed ‘‘digital divide’’ with all its attendant baggage.2
Phonographies hopes to circumvent and reroute this path by examin-
ing the numerous links and relays between twentieth-century black cul-
tural production and sound technologies such as the phonograph and
Walkman. Recognition of these connections will in turn lead us away
from the assumption that black cultures are somehow pre- or antitech-
nological. That is not to suggest, however, that this project reduces black
cultural production to an ‘‘objective’’ technological sphere; it is neither
a strict history of black people’s involvement in the processes of sound
recording and reproduction nor a comprehensive survey of representa-
tions of sound recording and reproduction in black culture.3
Rather, I
assess specific instances in the technological and social histories of sound
recording and reproduction as they cut across twentieth-century black
cultural production in order to suggest that the interface of these two dis-
courses provides a singular mode of (black) modernity.4
Phonographies
imagines not a strict historicist account of the interface between sound
technologies and black culture but instead a conceptual intervention into
the fields of African American studies, musical histories of the twenti-
eth century, and cultural studies. Black culture’s reciprocal engagement
with sound technologies amplifies this formation’s indicativeness of and
centrality to modernity rather than affirming its status as a minor moder-
nity or countermodernity.5
That said, this modernity appears not as an
overparticularized and identitarian minority configuration as much as
modernity per se, which, although marked by certain particularisms (as
all cultural formations are), cannot and should not be wholly contained
by them. What is generally at stake are the fates of black sounds in the
age of mechanical, electrical, and digital reproduction. And, while the
appearance of the phonograph suggests the most obvious point of entry
into ‘‘sonic Afro-modernity,’’ given the clearly technological dimensions
of this summit so central to twentieth-century global culture, we will
have to cast a wider and differently tuned historical net that considers the
vexed place of writing—both in a limited and general sense—and orality
3
20. Phonographies
vis-à-vis New World slavery, in order to come to grips with the singu-
larity of black sounds as they ricochet between ‘‘humans’’ and modern
informational technologies. The phonograph and other sound technolo-
gies in its wake offer prime loci from which to consider the ineluctable
imbrication of black cultural formations with technology and Western
modernity.
Although there exist many theories of modernity, three moments are
commonly taken to be the grounds upon which this longue durée is
erected: first, the beginnings of secularization in the Renaissance; sec-
ond, the Enlightenment, as well as the rise of capitalism and the Indus-
trial Revolution in the eighteenth century and early nineteenth cen-
tury; and third, the proliferation of information technologies such as the
phonograph, telegraph, telephone, and cinematograph at the end of the
nineteenth century. All these prostheses of modern origins emphasize
the ascent and proliferation of reason, secularization, progress, human-
ism, individualism, rationalization, industrialization, and so on.6
Yet—
as writers such as Walter Benjamin, Aimé Césaire, W. E. B. Du Bois,
and Sylvia Wynter, to name but a few, have argued—slavery, colonial-
ism, scientific racism, and the Holocaust are not, as has often been as-
sumed, aberrations from the ‘‘higher’’ ideals of the modern but lie at
its molten nucleus. In fact, these supposed archaisms provide the props,
both conceptually and sociohistorically, upon which the hubristic edi-
fices of unmitigated reason and progress rest, if uneasily so. Modern dis-
courses and institutions have found it necessary to produce and project
their own outsides in various guises—the contemporaneousness and co-
dependency of industrialization and anthropology is a prima facie case
in point—the primitive or insane serving as some obvious candidates.7
Afro-diasporic subjects and blackness in general have had to bear the
burden of being cast in the role of the other to Western modernity in nu-
merous ways, heightening the bitter irony that marks the fractured dia-
lectic of Enlightenment, since spatial proximity had to be compensated
by a temporal displacement that deems blackness beyond the epistemo-
logical and ontological reach of theWest even while this category is a fab-
rication of its discourses, practices, and institutions.8
Phonographies sur-
veys some of the mechanics by which (technosonic) blackness came to be
fashioned as antithetical to modern structures, asking why it seemed, and
in some ways still does seem, imperative to stress ad nauseam these anti-
and/or premodern facets of black cultural production if, indeed, these
4
21. Intro
were thought to reside beside reason, progress, and rationality. Phrased
differently, how does blackness operate paradoxically as both central to
and outside of Western modernity? The node of black cultural practices
and sound technologies acts as one of the chief areas for examining this
conundrum in the twentieth century.
The sonic remains an important zone from and through which to theo-
rize the fundamentality of Afro-diasporic formations to the currents of
Western modernity, since this field remains, to put it bluntly, the prin-
cipal modality in which Afro-diasporic cultures have been articulated—
though clearly it has not been the only one. Consequently, it seems only
fitting that I center my analysis on the cultural, political, economic, and
epistemological complexities that ensue from the new-fangled technolo-
gization of black sounds beginning at the end of the nineteenth century.
Even though my argument will most clearly be situated in the last of the
three models for the origins of modernity (see the beginning of the pre-
ceding paragraph), I do not want to construct a decisive rift, choosing
instead to trace the rhizomatic reverberations of sonic Afro-modernity
through a variety of historicocultural patterns. For instance, the volatile
liaison between racial formation and vision would not appear quite com-
prehensible without nods to the structuration of the scopic as the disem-
bodied sense of reason par excellence since the Renaissance. Similarly,
my discussion of race, writing, and difference draws on debates about the
status of black subjects as (non)human in the Enlightenment and after.
At its broadest, Phonographies hopes to establish the centrality of both
sonic blackness—here characterized as an unwieldy compound com-
prising all the discourses (black and nonblack) that imagine and cir-
cumscribe racial formation within Western modernity—and black cul-
ture (the totality of cultural marks produced by those who have been
labeled and/or define themselves as black) to Western modernity. The
very category ‘‘black’’ is an invention of Western modernity, which does
not mean that it can be reduced to a mere colonialist imposition on
empirically verifiable black beings that preexist this classification, but
that this arrangement defies any sort of quasi comprehensibility, if it
does so at all, outside the modern West. In this regard, Ronald Judy, in
(Dis)forming the American Canon, makes an important intervention in
the debates concerning the function of writing in the New World slave
narrative.9
Hitherto, critics have assumed that because of the interfacing
and/orequating of writing with reason the slave narrative facilitated black
5
22. Phonographies
peoples’ ingress to the domain of the human, since their ability to mas-
ter alphabetic script proved their humanity. Judy, however, maintains
that ‘‘the humanization in writing achieved in the slave narrative required
the conversion of the incomprehensible African into the comprehensible
Negro’’ (92). This subtle and supple syncopation of emphasis is vital be-
cause it does not suppose the Negro and the African to be fungible, even if
they occupy the same continuum, while also making possible the conjec-
ture that Afro-diasporic cultural formations are not intrinsically beside
Western modernity. Instead, the argument magnifies the ways in which
blackness becomes (il)legible from within this assemblage; paradoxically,
this decipherability rests on the supposed externality of black culture to
Western modernity, amplifying the manifold ways in which the inside
always alreadydischarges the outside and viceversa. Or, in Ralph Ellison’s
phrasing, ‘‘Black is . . . an’ black ain’t.’’10
And while Judy is chiefly con-
cerned with the figuration of ‘‘the Negro as a trope, indeed as a misapplied
metaphor’’ (94) in the realm of the writing, my endeavor lies in scruti-
nizing the in/audibility of blackness in this field, which designates how
blackness is sounded and heard by a whole range of cultural, philosophi-
cal, political, social, and economic discourses. What strikes the auditory
apparatus via this line of inquiry is not so much a monolith of negritude
as a series of compounded materiodiscursive echoes in and around black
sounds in the West, what Edouard Glissant would call an opacity. In this
way, the dub version or remix of blackness precedes and envelops both
temporally and conceptually any putative original over the last hundred
years or so; this is what I term ‘‘sonic Afro-modernity,’’ no more, no less.
Prior to the twentieth century, orality and music served as the main
modes of dissemination for NewWorld black cultural productions. In the
twentieth century, we see the indexing of music and orality in the aes-
thetic productions of major black authors such asW. E. B. Du Bois, Ralph
Ellison, James Weldon Johnson, Paule Marshall, and Toni Morrison. In
addition, black music from ragtime to hip-hop has enjoyed massive suc-
cess on a global scale over the last century. The engagements with sound
technologies are both an extension of and a divergence from these pre-
twentieth-century musical and oral technes. While many studies of black
culture and literature discuss the two concepts, these works frequently
posit music and orality as static constants, mapping one particular form
of music, such as the blues, onto all of black culture, or locating a pre-
technological orality in black cultural history. As a result, these theo-
6
23. Intro
ries do not fully account for the overdetermined contingency of orality
or particular genres of black music, and, most important, they seldom
address their technicities. We find these complexities both in the con-
tinuities between nineteenth- and twentieth-century formations and in
the ruptures created by modern sound technologies. The advent of tech-
nological sound recording embodied in the phonograph made it pos-
sible to split sounds from the sources that (re)produced them, creating
differently pitched technological oralities and musicalities in twentieth-
century black culture. In other words, oralities and musicalities were no
longer tied to the immediate presence of human subjects, a situation that
occasions not so much a complete disappearance of the human as much
as a resounding through new styles of technological folding.
On the one hand, this (dis)juncture between sound and source ren-
dered sound more ephemeral, since it failed to provide the listener with
a ‘‘human’’ visual point of reference. On the other hand, sound gained its
materiality in the technological apparatuses and the practices surround-
ing these devices and in the process rematerialized the human source.
We should understand this disturbance of the alleged unity between
sound and source not as an originary rupture but as a radical reformu-
lation of their already vexed codependency, which retroactively calls at-
tention to the ways in which any sound re/production is technological,
whether it emanates from the horn of a phonograph, a musical score, or
a human body. The singularity of the technological instantiation, how-
ever, does not remain the same. This interplay between the ephemer-
ality of music (and/or the apparatus) and the materiality of the audio
technologies/practices (and/or music) provides the central, nonsublat-
able tension at the core of sonic Afro-modernity.11
The novel cleft be-
tween sound and source initiated by the technology of the phonograph
in twentieth-century black culture supplies the grooves of sonic Afro-
modernity. By drastically re/constructing the flow between sounds and
an identifiable human source, the technology of the phonograph worried
the complex intersection of orality, music, and writing. This joint proves
particularly pertinent to black culture since music and orality carried
a different weight in nineteenth-century African American culture. Be-
cause alphabetic script did not represent the primary mode of cultural
transmission, the phonograph did not cause the same sorts of anxieties
about the legibility of music as it did in mainstream American culture.
Instead, black cultural producers and consumers productively engaged
7
24. Phonographies
the split between sound and source in order to create a variety of musics,
literary texts, and films. The nexus of black culture and sonic technolo-
gies tenders notions of temporality, spatiality, and community unlike
those that insist on linearity, progress, and the like, but without renounc-
ing these tout court, thus enabling black subjects to structure and sound
their positionalities within and against Western modernity. The chapters
that follow isolate some majorcurrents within sonic Afro-modernity that
boost the ephemoromaterialityof sound transmitted through technology
and reveal how black cultural producers have created a plethora of prac-
tices and objets d’art that (re)mix the divide between the ephemerality
and materiality of technologized sound in the twentieth century.
Surveying literary texts, films, and sound media that highlight the
recording and reproduction of sonic material provides the occasion to
explore the ways in which black culture has utilized and created the tech-
nological innovations that now characterize sound technologies’ cen-
tral features. I draw on these cultural representations, because sonic
technologies and their attendant listening practices have received scant
attention in analyses of black music or, until recently, of music in gen-
eral. While some studies have begun to address the new technologi-
cal developments and their cultural ramifications, few works thoroughly
probe the explicit connection between black culture and developments
in sound recording and reproduction.12
My method, although situated
within (black) cultural studies, is not beholden to one particular school
of thought. As an alternative, I establish a dialogue between literary
texts and current popular culture to conjecture how sonic technologies
and black cultural production have fruitfully contaminated each other,
analyzing specific musical practices and their technological (un)folding.
Phonographies practices what I dub—with all its resonances of echo,
delay, and Afro-diasporic studio tricknology—‘‘thinking sound/sound
thinking.’’ This approach eschews a strict opposition between popular
culture and canonical forms of cultural expression, without erasing their
differing institutional articulations; it involves using the insights of each
field to critically reconfigure the other. Like the practices of disc jock-
eys, it juxtaposes historically and formally (supposedly) disparate arti-
facts and methodological approaches to yield new meanings, intensities,
and textures in the field of sonic Afro-modernity. This style of inquiry
not only offers different modalities for probing the crosscurrents and dis-
8
25. Intro
continuities of twentieth-century black cultures as they intersect with the
histories of sound technologies, but also, and perhaps more significantly,
transacts different registers for apprehending modern cultural forma-
tions in theWestern world (readers interested in a more elaborate discus-
sion of these methodological questions might want to jump ahead to the
outro).13
Framed by this intro and the outro, the core of the book takes
up specific concerns central to Western modernity (subjectivity, tempo-
rality, spatiality, and community) from the conceptual purview of sonic
Afro-modernity, adding new interpretive layers to the initial argument
instead of ‘‘applying’’ the theoretical insights developed at the onset. In
short, this book elaborates both the black cultural specificities and gen-
eral modern Western provenances of these patterns and asks whether the
distinctions between the two are as steadfast as we would like or assume
them to be.
Phonographies also contains substantial (re)readings of African Ameri-
can canonical texts by W. E. B. Du Bois and Ralph Ellison from a techno-
auditory standpoint. Ellison has emerged as a central figure in the process
of writing, since he, more than any other writer, engages the poetics of
sonic Afro-modernity by returning time and again to questions of sound,
technology, and (black) culture. My engagements with Ellison and Du
Bois provide occasions from and through which to think and hear both
lyrically and critically the three fields that form this book’s core: sound,
technology, and black culture. Just as important are the popular works of
art and practices, which, on their own and in their interfacing with Elli-
son’s and Du Bois’s texts, form the other archive of this book. And while
I am aware of the differential positions occupied by the bibliotheques
and discotheques ‘‘out there,’’ in here they meld into a splintered totality
that cannot be encapsulated by either field separately. What is more, my
analysis takes the purportedly ephemeral cases as seriously as those al-
ready enshrined in consecrated timelessness, insisting, as I mentioned
above, on their singularity. Discussing popular culture only qua popular
culture commonly leaves unsullied the orders of discourse that relegate
noncanonical formations to the dustbin of ‘‘history’’ until they are ex-
cavated as important texts in the future at the same time as neglecting
pop culture’s constitutive conceptualness. In other words, Phonographies
does not celebrate popular cultural resistance; nor does it scrutinize its
ideological containment or hegemonic rearticulation. More exactly, I ask
9
26. Phonographies
what new modes of thinking, being, listening, and becoming, what Amiri
Baraka terms ‘‘the flow of is,’’ are set in motion by all the cultural idioms
included here.14
The answer: sonic Afro-modernity.
Since the Enlightenment, the sonic, especially in the form of music,
has led a strange existence in the annals of Western thought, function-
ing concurrently as the most abjected and most exalted of the arts. Be-
ginning with Plato, music was thought to have no significance without
the accompaniment of words. Since sound by itself could only generate
affect and not linguistic meaning, Plato and many after him feared the
abandon and sensory pleasure derived from pure sonorousness.15
During
the ‘‘Ensoniment,’’ however, music came to be heard as the most rarefied
of the arts, but only insofar as it interfaced with the mathematicism of
certain types of classical music that eschewed sensory pleasure and the
body in favor of the ‘‘higher’’ regions of the mind; thus the idea of ‘‘abso-
lute music’’ was born.16
Yet, as many recent writers have pointed out,
‘‘absolute music’’ remains an impossibility due to the necessary material
manifestation of any sound whether in human bodies, written scores, on
phonograph records, compact discs, or mp3 files. But the phantoms of
these post-Enlightenment discourses concerning music’s asocial purity
still indefatigably haunt both popular media and academic arguments.17
What remains to be interrogated is the embodiment of sonic matter in
a variety of forms without resorting to any a priori suppositions of the
figuration these materialities will assume, if they do so at all. Jacques At-
tali’s Noise: The Political Economy of Music remains an important text
about the place of the sonic in Western culture(s) since the Middle Ages,
even while it succumbs at points to an unnecessary economic function-
alism. The gauntlet Attali has thrown before traditional musicology has
found its most attentive listeners among academic and journalistic popu-
lar music critics, who have taken seriously the sociality of the auditory.
For Attali, pace conventional musicology, the main factor in establish-
ing an ontological rift between noise and music is culture, or rather the
totality of a given sociohistorical formation. According to his argument,
‘‘we must learn to judge a society by its sounds, by its art, and by its festi-
vals, [rather] than by its statistics,’’ that is, by instigating a style of cultural
analysis that carefully and boisterously lends its ear to the sounds pro-
duced within a sociohistorical context as well as their mutual enmesh-
ment.18
Attali tends to emphasize the primacy of the political and eco-
nomic, especially in its determination of the aural; a shortcoming, to be
10
27. Intro
sure, but not so grave as to render his arguments useless. This obsession
with the socioeconomic is most clearly articulated in the principal nar-
rative of Noise, which begins with the sonic at the center of social life in
the Middle Ages (here music serves as ritual sacrifice), moving to its ab-
straction from the quotidian and reification in scores and concert halls
(Attali terms this the epoch of representation), followed by music’s utter
and devastating commodification at the hands of the recording indus-
try (the age of repetition), culminating, finally, in an era of composition
made possible by new sound technologies.
To any reader of Marxist theory this story of an Edenic and precapital-
ist world where the people fall from grace as they are colonized by capital
and then onlyaftera while reclaim their place in an utopian future hardly
contains any surprises; we might even say that it is as comforting as a
fairy tale. In each of these stages recounted by Attali—in a rather circular
and perhaps even tautological fashion—the sonic simply mirrors/redacts
the social contexts from which it initially welled up. To Attali’s credit,
he actually takes a slightly different stance, rendering music as prophetic
of social formations rather than representing them a posteriori. This is
a welcome change, even if it just reverses the order of things by posit-
ing the aural to herald future social and political constellations: ‘‘Music
is prophecy. . . . [I]t makes audible the new world that will gradually be-
come visible’’ (11).19
At the very least, this puts a heavy burden on music
while also making it a cog in a quasirepresentational apparatus. Perhaps
we should tune Attali’s interpretive framework to another pitch or dub
his steady Marxist beat a bit by not reading the prophetic vicissitudes
too literally, but keeping in play the imbrication of the social and the
sonorous—what distinguishes noise from music in the first place. Put dif-
ferently, maybe the sonic does not harbor so much a sheer image—its
figuration as sound qua sound would in many ways preempt this pic-
torializing gesture—of what is to come as much as it renders futurity
audible in its circumvention of strictly mimetic technes. In sonic Afro-
modernity, sound, for a variety of social, ontological, historical, and aes-
thetic reasons (as a general rule, the why is never quite as important as
the how here), holds out more flexible and future-directed provenances
of black subjects’ relation to and participation in the creation of Western
modernity. I am by no means, at least not by any necessary ones, propa-
gating a sonic idealism or hierarchy of the senses with their attendant
structuration in the West since the Enlightenment, but instead welcome
11
28. Phonographies
Attali’s challenge, albeit without resorting to the functionalism that inter-
mittently mars Noise. What I take from Attali are the jerky perimeters of
the noise/music bifurcation within modernity and black cultures’ funda-
mental part in its fluctuation; as Attali himself observes, the global domi-
nance of the recording industry was made possible by ‘‘the colonization
of black music by the American industrial apparatus’’ (103). My argu-
ment versions Attali’s work by hearing the flux of the world in the traffic
between music and a variety of social formations, minus any representa-
tional or idealist guarantees, choosing instead to dwell on the singularity
framed by their close encounters (of the third kind).
Chapter 1 of this book, ‘‘Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity,’’ commences
with a discussion of recent theories of ‘‘minor’’ modernities as they inter-
face with sonic technologies and follows with a short history of the pho-
nograph. Then the argument turns to the thorny intersection of speech
and writing—as framed by debates in African American literary studies
and poststructuralist theory—to analyze how this bifurcation is both
compounded and reframed by the technology of the phonograph. Re-
lating these debates to a number of contemporary writings on race,
modernity, and sound situates my concept of ‘‘sonic Afro-modernity’’
within a broad theoretical field. These thoughts are followed by a discus-
sion of W. E. B. Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness as put forth in
The Souls of Black Folk (1903). I scrutinize the role of vision and sound in
the construction of modern black subjectivity, amplifying both the ma-
teriality of the visual by way of racial formation and suggesting different
ways of combining the phono and the optic. Overall, I take the phono-
graphic technologization of black music and speech not as an instance of
‘‘inauthenticity’’ but as a condition of (im)possibility for modern (black)
cultural production.
‘‘I Am I Be’’ (chapter 2) draws on the prologue of Ralph Ellison’s In-
visible Man (1952) to query the vexed intersections of sound, technology,
and black subjectivity in the twentieth century. I investigate how Elli-
son’s nameless protagonist’s subjectivity is framed by his engagement
with Louis Armstrong’s recording of ‘‘(What Did I Do to Be So) Black
and Blue.’’ Ellison’s insistence on sound and technology as forceful mo-
dalities in the construction of black selfhood suggests a path that circum-
vents, or at least refigures, the identity/subjectivity split by refusing to
pit one against the other. Armstrong’s voice on a phonograph provides
an acoustic mirror for the protagonist’s social invisibility and serves as
12
29. Intro
the structuring metaphor for the protagonist’s subjectivity. The resulting
increased technological audibility provides the necessary backdrop for
the social invisibility of black subjects. The chapter then considers more
generally how identity, as a particular, local, and minoritized category,
is often construed against the subject, as its universal and disembodied
other within academic discourse.Thus, the ‘‘sounds of blackness’’ articu-
lated through constantly shifting sonic technologies represent a crucial
signifying locus for the formation of (black) subjectivities throughout the
twentieth century and help recalibrate the identity-subject gulf by calling
attention to their mutual interreliance.
‘‘In the Mix’’ (chapter 3) links the formal structure of W. E. B. Du Bois’s
The Souls of Black Folk to the contemporary mixing practices of djs. First,
the argument returns to Ellison’s Invisible Man, where he imagines his-
tory in the form of a groove inscribed on the surface of a phonograph
record, offering a model of temporal change that ‘‘spins around’’ a linear
and progressive version of history. Ellison’s description of the ‘‘groove
of history,’’ I argue, locates black culture in the technologized sounds
of the phonograph. Du Bois’s text suggests a continuous mix of differ-
ent genres and media (sociology, history, narrative fiction, poetry, and
music). Moreover, the musical bars at the beginning of each chapter of
Souls, quotations from the vast archive of spirituals, appear in the text
not as accurate mimetic representations but as distorted, layered, linger-
ing traces that disrupt the flow of words. ‘‘In the Mix’’ then surveys the
history and mechanics of disc jockeying as an art form in contemporary
(black) musical culture in order to conjecture how this practice is echoed
in Du Bois’s textual strategies and vice versa. My analysis shows that one
of the major currents of sonic Afro-modernity is ‘‘the mix’’ as it appears
in Souls and djing, for it offers an aesthetic that realigns the temporalities
(grooves) of Western modernity in its insistence on rupture and repe-
tition. If, in Ellison, history appears in the form of a groove, then the
mixing tactics of Du Bois and djs provide ways to noisily bring together
competing and complementary beats without sublating their tensions.
While the first three chapters dwell in the dominion of the primarily
conceptual (and in some ways literary), the final two chapters draw on
a more clearly discernable cultural studies approach, in part because
the works discussed therein are not as well known as those central to
the earlier arguments, so contextualization seems more paramount here.
Nevertheless, I want to caution against the easy opposition of the ‘‘theo-
13
30. Phonographies
retical’’ and ‘‘cultural’’ that so often occurs in contemporary debates;
rather, my approach queries the foundations upon which these distinc-
tions are routinely administered. In other words, in the recent history of
the Anglo-American humanities, ‘‘theory’’ and ‘‘cultural studies’’ desig-
nate not only two supposedly dissimilar ways of analyzing cultural ob-
jects and subjects but also two points in a fairly traditional narrative of
supersession, where the more ‘‘empirical,’’ ‘‘historical,’’ ‘‘ethnographic,’’
and so on discourse pays for the ‘‘sins’’ of its ‘‘abstract,’’ ‘‘lofty,’’ and ‘‘elit-
ist’’ father (maternity—and this will come as no great surprise—remains
absent in this context: papa’s baby, mama’s maybe). Now—according to
this account—we are dealing with real people instead of intangible sub-
jects, with politics and history (always functioning as the ultimate guar-
antors for the real) and not textuality or philosophy, or so we tell our-
selves time and again. This story, taken at face value, frequently serves as
a safeguard against various criticisms from outside the academy in the
wake of the theoretical turn and the culture wars. It also makes ‘‘us’’ feel
important, since we are now actually helping ‘‘the people’’ and not just
onanistically relishing abstract otherworldly thought. But I have little tol-
erance for this line of thinking, given that it preempts inventive and idio-
syncratic ideas and smuggles in an unarticulated positivism that calcifies
how things are instead of imagining how they could be. Conversely, my
patience is equally lacking (maybe my problem is that I just don’t have
enough patience) for the calls for a return to the heady days of ‘‘pure
theory.’’ Phonographies is very much a product of and in dialogue with
both of these forces, and, while the chapter structure of this book might
indicate a schizophrenic dualism, all the arguments reflect an engage-
ment with a theoretically inflected (black) cultural studies, just differ-
ently so. In the end, I hope that readers will discern the cultural dimen-
sions of the first three units and the theoretical spirits of the final chapters,
as well as their complementary intersections.20
Chapter 4, ‘‘Consuming Sonic Technologies,’’ considers Ralph Ellison’s
essay ‘‘Living with Music’’ (1955) and Darnell Martin’s film I Like It Like
That (1994). These texts exemplify how recorded music and its techno-
logical embodiment construct public and private spaces. Ellison’s essay
meticulously describes his living quarters in terms of the music that ema-
nates from the apartments around him and the manner in which he uses
recorded music (phonograph records on his sound system) to distinguish
his space from that of his neighbors. Similarly, Lisette, the protagonist of
14
31. Intro
Martin’s film, uses sonic technologies (boom box, radio, and Walkman)
to create a space that simultaneously differentiates her from and links her
to her family and neighbors. As these texts progress, both characters re-
define themselves vis-à-vis their spatial and social surroundings through
sound technologies. Where Ellison fetishizes the stereo equipment itself,
Lisette deploys audio technologies to access sound and establish a zone
of privacy. Still, both instances underscore the integrality of sound tech-
nologies in making and recasting modern urban geographies, while also
highlighting how these spatialities are inflected by the history of tech-
nologies and gendered access to these apparatuses.
The final chapter represents an aberration of an aberration; fittingly
it is also the longest of the five. Not only does ‘‘Sounding Diasporic
Citizenship’’ focus narrowly on contemporary popular music in a cul-
tural studies fashion; it also includes little deliberation on sonic tech-
nologies per se. What this chapter does in fact is zero in on the culturo-
political practices initiated by sonic technologies. So, while its analysis of
three contemporary Afro-diasporic musical acts—the Haitian and Afri-
can American rap group the Fugees, the Afro- and Italian-German rap
collective Advanced Chemistry, and the black British artist Tricky and
his partner, Martina—does not concern itself with the specific machina-
tions of recording and reproducing sonorous material, the very existence
of these artists would not have been possible without the technological
shifts discussed in the preceding chapters. I begin with a deliberation of
current discussions of diaspora and citizenship, coming to the conclusion
that both figurations are too narrow to contain the complexities of Afro-
diasporic subjectivities. These forms of belonging also belie any easy in-
vocations of hybridity as a cultural and political free-for-all, given that
they direct attention to the difficult political, cultural, and affective labor
involved in maintaining multifarious forms of association. Music as it
is transmitted through different sound technologies provides alternative
spaces for the articulation of ‘‘diasporic citizenship’’ and offers avenues
for present-day black musical artists to envision and sound their multiple
sites of political and cultural membership. The diasporic citizenships of
these musical acts imagine black political and cultural subjectivities that
encompass local/global and national/transnational affiliations through
sonic technologies.
As a whole, my project examines particular instances in black culture
that would have not been possible without sound recording and repro-
15
32. Phonographies
duction and their entanglement with the world at large. Yet, rather than
merely seeing them as instances of commodification, I have chosen to
focus on the conditions of im/possibility these technologies represent for
twentieth-century black culture. The bulk of Phonographies builds its ar-
gumentative intensity by way of examples rather than by attempting any
sort of comprehensive overview that assumes to uncritically represent
the encased totality of a field already preestablished in ‘‘the real world.’’
I cling to the importance of the example, since, as Giorgio Agamben ex-
plains, it enhances the singularity of the cases in question: ‘‘Neither par-
ticular nor universal, the example is a singular object that presents itself
as such, that shows its singularity.’’21
Insisting on singularity, and not,
say, particularity and/or universality with reference to black cultural ar-
chitectonics offers different styles for thinking this field, modes of in-
quiry that do not cast black culture as belated or dislocated from some
general sphere of Western modernity. In general, my ‘‘method’’ is best
described by what Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari term ritournelle, a
rhythmic pattern in a field of chaos, or rather the autopoeticvacillation of
the universe.Translated as ‘‘the refrain,’’ the ritournelle is for Deleuze and
Guattari a ‘‘prism, a crystal of space-time. It acts upon that which sur-
rounds it, sound or light, extracting from it various vibrations, ordecom-
positions, projections, or transformations.The refrain also has a catalytic
function.’’22
The refrain is decisive for the phono-graphic unfolding and
folding of this book, because it allows for theorizations from and with the
sonic, while also underscoring the singularity of the subjects and objects
under scrutiny.
Focusing on the conditions of im/possibility that these technologies
engender for twentieth-century black culture and how black cultural sen-
sibilities have shaped the history of sonic technologies accents the com-
plicated rapport among sound, writing, orality, and technology in the
twentieth century. Instead of emphasizing either the technological or
the cultural, the grooves of sonic Afro-modernity integrate both. Pho-
nographies acknowledges the technological mediation of black popular
music in the twentieth century but does not relegate these practices to
the apparatus itself, at least not any notion thereof in which technology’s
materiality remains anterior to or outside of the machinations of (black)
culture. The grooves of sonic Afro-modernity can be found in the spaces
and times between technological change and a variety of cultural prac-
tices, and the interplay between the hard- and software poignantly en-
16
33. Intro
codes the competing notions of subjectivity, temporality, spatiality, and
community without dissolving them.
Post Script Let us return for a moment to the planet of popular music, if
you will permit me to indulge in a further instance of ‘‘high-fidelity-ism’’
before we begin ‘‘properly.’’23
One of my favorite songs over the last year
has been a recording by British rb girl-group Mis-Teeq. The refrain of
this song repeats the phrase ‘‘It’s beginning to feel like.’’24
Of course, what
it is beginning to feel like is love, the central topos of rb and perhaps
all popular music. Yet, when the lead singer utters the L-word the back-
ground harmonies contrapuntally interrupt and/or augment the central
voice with the following lines: ‘‘Like the sun on my skin on a hot sum-
mer’s day / Like a song in my head that won’t go away / Like a smile on my
face coz you make me happy / Ohhh.’’ Here, love is indefinitely postponed
both sonically and linguistically, lingering in the quagmire of simile and
creating aural ellipses by making language stutter (as Nathaniel Mackey
and Gilles Deleuze remind us).25
This musical example, along with the
ones invoked earlier, provide fragile complexities from which academic
discourses can learn a thing or three, even though there does not seem to
be a need to treat academic language and pop culture all that differently.
While I surely cannot claim creating something as majestic as Kenny
Gamble and Leon Huff’s work with Harold Melvin and the Blue Notes
on ‘‘Wake Up Everybody,’’ or Mis-Teeq’s rigorous vocal acrobatics, I take
these sonoric flickers as inspirations, since they make perceptible singu-
lars that only signify in their ‘‘poetics of relation’’ to other sounds and
matters.26
A literary approximation of these instances appears in Ralph
Ellison’s Invisible Man: ‘‘Instead of the swift and imperceptible flowing
of time, you are aware of its nodes, those points where time stands still
or from which it leaps ahead. And you slip into the breaks and look
around’’ (9). These lines from Ellison appear, disappear, and remateri-
alize throughout Phonographies as epigraphs, mantras, choruses, or re-
frains, to heighten the texturality and intensity of my contentions (and
to remind myself of the pleasures, responsibilities, and dangers attached
to this gliding), honing in on singular temporospatial nodes found in the
tumultuous relationship between black cultural production and sound
technologies in the streams of the twentieth century, an intimate affair,
to be sure, one marked by both soft screams and loud whispers.
17
35. 1
Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
The invention of the phonograph at the end of the nineteenth
century offered a different way to split sounds from the sources
that (re)produced them, thus generating a new technological
orality and musicality in twentieth-century black culture (even though
orality is always already techne-logical). Now that the space and time of
audition were separated from the contexts of reception, both orality and
musicality relied differently on the immediate presence of human sub-
jects. One result of this development is that the technological recording
and mass distribution of music are often construed as lacking the authen-
ticityand immediacyof live performances and/oras thewholesale appro-
priation of musical cultures by various capitalist formations in current
critical discourses. Although these interpretations surely possess some
value, they tend to neglect the possibilities occasioned by this audiovisual
disjuncture for black cultural production, orany form of cultural produc-
tion for that matter.The complex interfacing of modern black culture and
sound technologies in fact provides the venue for imagining and produc-
ing a variety of cultural practices, constituting in their open totality sonic
Afro-modernity. Nevertheless, while the literature on black musics com-
prises an expansive and everexpanding archive, encompassing numerous
disciplinary approaches and spanning various historical periods, work
that considers the technological instantiation of these sounds occurs less
frequently. However, if we are to analyze a sounding black modernity, we
should strive to understand how technologies have affected the produc-
36. Phonographies
tion, consumption, and dissemination of black popular music and vice
versa; an endeavor that is even more pertinent today with the increasing
globality of black musical practices. In other words, we need to probe the
conditions for the im/possibility of modern black sounds: black sounds
are made perceptible in the modern era by sonic technologies, and these
technologies have been shaped significantly by black music.
Although the phonograph rendered sound more ephemeral—it seem-
ingly removed the performer from view—its materiality was displaced
onto the recording apparatus itself and the practices surrounding it and,
as a result, rematerialized the sonic source. As we shall see, the puta-
tive split between sound and source created anxieties about the writing
of sound and the visual dimensions of music, but it also opened new
ways to engage these spheres. Sound recording and reproduction tech-
nologies have afforded black cultural producers and consumers different
means of staging time, space, and community in relation to their shifting
subjectivity in the modern world. In fact, sound recordings of African
American–derived music have dominated the American and now global
record industry. It is my contention that the radical reconstruction of
the previous relation between sound and source created fresh cultural
spheres that would not have been possible without recording and repro-
duction technologies, just as these technologies are unthinkable without
black music.
Paul Gilroyand Houston Bakerattempt to account for the crucial place
of sound within modern black culture; yet they gloss over the techne-
logical aspects (which are never simply reducible to technology) of black
popular music.1
While carefully assessing the effects of the recording, re-
production, and international distribution of black popular music, they
stop short of reflecting on the ramifications of these factors themselves.
In The Black Atlantic, for instance, Gilroy stipulates an integral connec-
tion between music and modern black cultural production, granting the
sonic a privileged place within Afro-diasporic formations because of its
ability to convey the horrors of slavery via its primarily nonrepresenta-
tional attributes.2
Because of these nonrepresentational dimensions, says
Gilroy, ‘‘engaging with black popular music demands an embarrassing
confrontation with substantive intraracial differences that make the easy
essentialism from which most critical judgments are constructed simply
untenable’’ (36). Although at pains to stress the musical properties that
exceed the strictly textual and literary, Gilroy primarily focuses on the
20
37. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
lyrics of black popular music and the interaction of performers with
audiences. Sound recording and reproduction are mentioned briefly and
do not occupy center stage, an omission that reduces the force of his ar-
gument regarding black popular music’s intimate relationship to moder-
nity. At the close of his examination, Gilroy asks how contemporary
global flows will change the interactive patterns between black audiences
and performers, stating that ‘‘calls and responses no longer converge in
the tidy patterns of secret, ethnically encoded dialogue’’ (110). However,
while current forms of globalization might be reconfiguring certain kinds
of ‘‘tidy’’ ethnically marked conversations around black popular music, it
is anything but a recent phenomenon. As Gilroy himself shows in a differ-
ent part of his book, the historyof black popular music, from nineteenth-
century spirituals to contemporary hip-hop, makes any easy (or even
difficult) essentialisms impossible. We can hear the developments Gilroy
attributes to the current moment as far back as the 1920s, when Afri-
can American popular music was first recorded and disseminated on a
large scale, or even earlier, with the Fisk Jubilee Singers’ global travels,
so eloquently elucidated by Gilroy.3
By enabling disparate audiences in
a variety of locations to consume black music, sound technologies as-
sured that local calls and responses would differ according to spatio-
temporal coordinates, facilitating the emergence and reconfiguration of
numerous cultural practices. The phonograph’s recalibration of locality
effected changes in its relation to other vicinities rather than erasing the
local altogether. Thus black popular music transmitted through sonic
technologies failed to generate the same meanings and textures—neither
worse nor better, simply different—as those sounds produced and con-
sumed exclusively in geographically circumscribed locales. Nevertheless,
we should note that geographic proximity does not guarantee that all
present will derive the exact same meaning from the event. When these
questions about the recording and distribution of black popular music
are relegated to the present and future, previous forms of black popu-
lar music remain auratically suspended in an authentic pretechnologi-
cal bubble. And this bubble appears only as such in contradistinction to
the technological—much in the same way as the source of phonographic
framing.
Houston Baker describes a ‘‘modern Afro-American sound’’ found in
African American literature from Charles Chesnutt, W. E. B. Du Bois,
and Booker T. Washington at the end of the nineteenth century, for in-
21
38. Phonographies
stance, to Richard Wright’s work in the 1940s.4
Sound functions as a
metaphor for Baker, while it does not for Gilroy. Not so much inter-
ested in the particular properties of black music itself, Baker contem-
plates how music and certain black vernacular oral expressions are in-
scribed in African American literary works. Key to Baker’s analysis is how
particular sounds are (re)sounded in literary artifacts and the ways in
which this resounding bespeaks a specific black American literary mod-
ernism. His points, however, remain largely abstract, not probing the
changes the incorporated sounds themselves undergo in the process of
de/relocalization: what happens if these formerly orally and locally trans-
mitted ‘‘modern Afro-American sounds’’ become nationally consumable
as parts of literary texts and recorded on phonograph discs? Such ques-
tions are crucial because, instead of leaving the sounds intact, they ask
how sonic marks are transformed by entering into the age of mechanical
reproduction, either in literary texts or on records. Moreover, by either
not thinking the effects of these transformations at all or by pitting them
against a prelapsarian instance of spatiotemporal unity, these consider-
ations disregard the constitutive technicity of black music in the modern
era. Gilroy and Baker are right to think together black popular music
and modernity, since Afro-diasporic musical practices are routinely de-
scribed as pristine and untouched forms of ‘‘vernacular’’ expression even
though they are such crucial parts of modern formations. Still, any con-
sideration of black music might do well to ponder the ramifications of
this particular culturoinformational imbrication without succumbing to
the pitfalls of technological determinism or celebrating the vernacular
authenticity of black popular music; addressing that imbrication would
not only broaden the scope of Gilroy’s and Baker’s arguments but also
emphasize the centrality of black musical cultures to modern sonic tech-
nologies.
Building on Baker’s and Gilroy’s concerns about black music’s rap-
port with modernity and the spatiotemporal aperture engendered and
amplified by the phonograph, we can come to an understanding of the
multifarious ways in which these currents have impacted black music in
the twentieth century and vice versa, albeit not in a functionalist man-
ner that emphasizes either technology or culture at the cost of the other.
For black music is not merely a byproduct of an already existing moder-
nity, ancillary to and/or belated in its workings, but a chain of singu-
lar formations integrally linked to this sphere, particularly as it collides
22
39. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
with information technologies. Homi Bhabha offers a conception of such
a modernity that differs radically from the hegemonic Western model,
imagining the fluid structural position of marginalized subjects vis-à-
vis Western modernity as follows: ‘‘Modernity . . . privileges those who
‘bear witness,’ those who are ‘subjected,’ or . . . historically displaced.
It gives them a representative position through spatial distance, or the
time-lag between the Great Event and its circulation as a historical sign
of the ‘people’ or an ‘epoch.’ . . . The discursive address of modernity—
its structure of authority—decentres the Great Event, and speaks from
the moment of ‘imperceptibility,’ the supplementary space ‘outside’ or
uncannily besides.’’5
This ‘‘modernity otherwise’’ disrupts and displaces
the grand narratives of reason and technological progress by incorpo-
rating those who fall outside of these categories into the mix, which dis-
ruption, in turn, revamps the meanings of modernity as it resists sepa-
rating these two spheres (modernity and minority cultures) into neatly
distinct categories, asking us to rethink the very source of this putatively
universal and homogenous sphere.6
Modernity, according to Bhabha, is
transformed into a series of competing and, at times, conflicting singular
spatiotemporal terrains marked by constitutive lag: ‘‘It is the function of
the lag to slow down the linear progressive time of modernity to reveal its
‘gesture,’ its tempi, ‘the pauses and stresses of the whole performance’ ’’
(253). This lag, imagined by Bhabha as primarily temporal, suffuses the
(anti)ontology of the modern and finds its uncanny home in the poetics
of relation that mark the node where the phono joins the graph and/or
optic. We will now make a pilgrimage to this spot in order to come to a
fuller understanding of sonic Afro-modernity.
For the Record: Phono-Graph The Random House College Dictionary
gives no fewer than eighteen definitions of ‘‘record.’’ The first and most
general signification reads as follows: ‘‘To set down in writing or the
like, as for the purpose of preserving evidence,’’ a definition that stresses
writing, but does not exclude other modalities. Written records conserve
already existent materials; the act of writing transforms the content of
recording into evidence. According to this characterization, writing can
stockpile data without the baggage of the reproductive because it seem-
ingly wields an ontological presence beyond its ontic replication: it can
exist as such. In the context of this definition, only the act of producing
script (or any other form of writing) matters, everything else is simply
23
40. Phonographies
window dressing; neither the writer nor the reader seem to have any con-
sequence in this assemblage. Definition number 10, the second pertinent
one for my purposes, reads: ‘‘a disc or other object on which sounds are
recorded for later reproduction.’’ Since sound is located in the sphere of
the oral and phonic, sound recordings appear to subsist principally for
duplication, falling short of standing on their own as records, especially
since they constantly have to corroborate their authority via replication;
in fact, their Dasein seems to emanate from repetition and (re)iteration.
Keeping within the taxonomy of the characterization cited above,
sound recordings do not secure evidence of preexisting information but
‘‘merely’’ disseminate recorded sounds: they are forever suspended in a
circulatory tide. Hence, writing attains record status in the act of produc-
tion, whereas sound recordings cannot achieve evidentiariness through
production alone: they are permanently lacking, always secondary. Or,
put in a slightly different way, in these discourses alphabetic script is con-
strued as a natural extension of the human body, as if there were any-
thing natural about the human or its varying prostheses, where sonic in-
scription interjects spacing and absence into this flow. These divergent
dictionary significations of written and phonic records stem, at least to
some extent, from the different sociotemporal contexts in which both
emerged: script appeared well before the advent of mechanical repro-
duction, and sound recording is a product of the late nineteenth cen-
tury, a period when informational technologies such as the telephone,
telegraph, and photography proliferated. Still, the definitions of written
and phonograph records summoned earlier were devised at a time when
both writing and sound were readily recordable and reproduciblevia me-
chanical means; they appear even more startling if we take into account
that writing has been in the age of mechanical reproduction at least since
the fifteenth century when Gutenberg invented the printing press.7
Why,
then, do written documents conjure the finality of script when sound ne-
cessitates reproduction in order to escape the throwness of finitude? It
seems that in order for writing not to come into view as a technology,
and therefore not a biological extension of homo sapiens, the process
of its motorized mediation had to be rendered imperceptible; making it
seem as if script exists outside thevicissitudes of historyand ideology.8
As
will become apparent, this naturalization had particularly volatile con-
sequences for Afro-diasporic cultural constellations.
An inquiry into the etymology of ‘‘phonograph’’ and the history of the
24
41. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
phonograph record can shed some sound on the observation that ‘‘writ-
ing [apparently] merely stores the fact of its authorization,’’ while sound
must be constantly reproduced in order for it to gain the same authority
as writing, if at all.9
Phonê in Greek denotes sound and voice; graph, on
the other hand, signifies writing. Thus, the oral and phonetic are writ-
ten down (recorded) by the phonograph (sound writer), imploding the
originary aperture between writing and sound by calling attention to the
improbability of writing sound in any commonsensical manner. The ety-
mology of ‘‘phonograph’’ and the words used to designate many other
nineteenth-century technologies—‘‘photography’’ (picture writing) and
‘‘cinematography’’ (film writing)—suggest that inscription seems to be
at the root of any kind of recording: more than recording itself, it seems
that sound necessitates transposition intowriting to even registeras tech-
nology. The place of script as a preferred, if not dominant, cultural tech-
nology in the West makes for the authority that it relays in relation to
speech and sound, which, in contrast to writing, have to be reiterated and
imagined as writing in order to operate as recordings; sonic recordings
are the means rather than the end to a status as record. Of the hegemony
of writing in Western modernity, Friedrich Kittler writes:
What will soon end in the monopoly of bits and fiber optics began with the
monopoly of writing. History was the homogenous field that, as an aca-
demic subject, only took account of literate cultures. Mouths and graph-
isms were relegated to prehistory. . . . Otherwise events and their stories
could not have been linked.This is whyanything that ever happened ended
up in libraries. . . . [W]riting functioned as a universal medium—in times
where there was no concept of medium. (4–6)
In this scheme, something is heaved into the sphere of script and there-
fore recorded, ensuring its presence beyond the scene of production.
Sound and voice, on the other hand, require an audience to guaran-
tee, legally, epistemologically, and ontologically, their continuing being.
Hence the written record seems autonomous of any reception and repro-
duction processes, whereas sound and voice become documents, when
and if they do so at all, only in the murky domains of reproduction and
reception.
If the etymology of ‘‘phonograph’’ implies that sound and voice are
not capable of recording independently of writing, since they fall short
25
42. Phonographies
of record status per se, the early history of the technology of the phono-
graph reproduces, as it were, this dilemma, since the machine was judged
incapable of securing evidence, although expressly invented with the aim
of preserving oral communication, public opinion, and legal discourse.
When the phonograph first appeared in the late 1870s it was not intended
as a device to record music oras a source of home entertainment; its main
function was to record human voices.10
The phonograph was marketed as
an office instrument to record and preserve court proceedings and busi-
ness letters.11
It was not until the turn of the century that the phonograph
became a player in the home entertainment market, serving to reproduce
music and human voices in domestic settings. Set in 1877, there is some
dispute concerning who authored the creation of the phonograph; while
Thomas Alva Edison is commonly credited with its invention, a French
scientist, Charles Cros, was working on a strikingly similar machine at
the same time. Yet Edison was the first to ‘‘go on record’’ with this inven-
tion—here the ontological authority of writing meets its doppelgänger
in the annals of patent law. In fact, the phonograph was a byproduct of
research on the telephone and telegraph and formed a part of the com-
plex web of other proliferating informational technologies in the latter
half of the nineteenth century. Alexander Graham Bell, Elisha Watson,
and Edison were all working on perfecting the telephone, which had been
patented by Bell in 1876; however, it was Edison who, in the process of
recording telephone messages, ‘‘invented’’ the phonograph. Andre Mil-
lard describes Edison’s discovery as follows:
One night in July 1877, his staff rigged up an indenting stylus connected
to a diaphragm, which in turn was attached to a telephone speaker. As
Edison shouted into the speaker, a strip of paraffin-coated paper was run
underneath the stylus. An examination of the strip showed the irregular
marks made by the sound waves.When the stripwas pulled back under the
stylus, the group of men crowded around the laboratory table heard, with
disbelief, the faint sound of Edison’s shouts from a few minutes earlier.12
Yet it took some time to come up with a functional machine that both
recorded and reproduced sound, and even more time for one that would
allow for large-scale industrial manufacture, which was needed for this
appliance to penetrate and appeal to the national populace.
The phonograph led a tenuous existence as an office dictation device
26
43. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
for a time before it hit upon its unforeseen entelechy: although it was able
to record and reproduce sound, the machinery was too unreliable and
expensive for mass production and consumption. The tin foil on which
sonic information was by then being imprinted could only sound out
what it had recorded twice or thrice at maximum, and the hand crank to
power the phonograph was so delicate that slight shifts in speed altered
and/or distorted the content completely.13
Failing as an administrative
appliance, the phonograph’s purpose changed from recording and repro-
ducing sound in business and court environs to serving as a machine for
the mass consumption of entertainment in the domestic sphere. First,
however, the phonograph (by now much more robust) accidentally held
a role as a successful vehicle for public entertainment in the form of
automated slot machines.14
What began with demonstrations in Edison’s
laboratories soon spread to traveling phonograph exhibitions, arcades,
and train stations during the late 1880s, thus unexpectedly shifting the
machine’s main utility from recording to reproducing sound. Peoplewere
not so much interested in hearing their own recorded voices as those of
singers and comedians, perhaps because the voice, even more so than
writing, represents pure interiority and the proper domain of the sover-
eign human subject. In addition, the invention of the phonograph co-
incided with the rise of the entertainment industry in the United States
and was taken up by this branch of capital and made into a desirable
commodity. By the early 1890s the phonograph primarily brought musi-
cal (vocal and nonvocal), spoken word, and comedic entertainment into
the homes of middle-class Americans. In 1894 Columbia Records pro-
duced the first inexpensive phonograph; prices now ranged from twenty
to fifty dollars, compared to two hundred dollars, which was the sum
hitherto charged by Edison’s National Phonograph Company. Suddenly,
the phonograph became a mass-produced and mass-distributed house-
hold item, despite the fact that the unreliability and high cost of this
young technology complicated its development.
Several critics writing about the wider social and epistemological im-
plications of the technology of the phonograph stress the way in which
the machine refigured the connection between sound and writing. For in-
stance, in a discussion about the musical Copyright Act of 1909 (the first
such act to include recorded music), Lisa Gitelman shows that the central
debate concerned the split between sound and vision, especially writing,
in the phonograph.15
Since musical copyright law was heretofore based
27
44. Phonographies
on sheet music, in order for recorded music to function as intellectual
property, composers—performers did not even merit a footnote—had
to prove that the phonograph read their music in the same or a similar
way as did consumers who played the music from printed scores. In these
debates the sounds contained on phonograph records were only fixable as
objects under the purview of copyright law if they were proven to be the
mechanical equivalent of written notation and/or script. Record compa-
nies, in particular, in order to claim all the profits from record sales, ar-
gued that phonograph records did not represent written embodiments of
the composer’s score since they were not legible by humans. Conversely,
composers and publishers, defending their own economic interests, at-
tempted to establish that the phonograph could, indeed, read recordings.
This new technology also magnified the embodiment of music per se, be-
cause it queried the naturalization of musical notation as the most faithful
record of sonic information.The dispute over the Copyright Act revolved
around whether recordings based on copyrighted sheet music merely
represented the use of the score or a particular performance of a com-
position as opposed to an altogether different material manifestation of
music. Since the phonograph possessed the ability to make sounds au-
dible, even though these noises could hardly be heard as mimetic due
to technological limitations in this particular situation, marks on a page
now seemed glaringly mute in comparison.
Not surprisingly, unmediated mimetic listening was most habitually
ascribed to ‘‘others,’’ such as native subjects, women, and black people.
The mimetic dimensions of recorded sound were also highlighted in
scenes depicting the ascription by ‘‘primitives’’ of paranormal powers
to this machinery, which they most often encountered as an instru-
ment of Western ethnography. Michael Taussig writes of these scenarios:
‘‘Here everyeffort is made to represent mimeticizing technologyas magi-
cal, and the question must be repeated—because phonographic mis-en-
scene [sic] is surprisingly common in twentieth-century descriptions of
‘primitive’ peoples—as to why Westerners are so fascinated by Others’
fascination with this apparatus.’’16
Gitelman analyzes a 1905 story from
the Edison Phonograph Monthly in which the listener reacts to a recording
of a flogging scene in Uncle Tom’s Cabin as emotionally as if it were ‘‘real’’
(119–121). As was and perhaps still is often the case—witness current dis-
cussions of the digital divide—angst about embryonic technologies is
28
45. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
projected onto those subjects already marginal, highlighting not so much
the roles of technologies in minority cultures, or the manner in which
these are construed as always after the temporospatiality of modernity,
as it proves symptomatic of the mainstream anxieties about emergent
technologies and minority subjects.
When phonographs began to augment and replace live performances
and/or musical scores at the end of the nineteenth century, they cre-
ated a glaring rupture between sound and vision.17
Both performer and
score clearly provided some discernible human origin for sounds—even
though we should not assume this to represent any form of prelapsar-
ian unity and/or simple presence—where the phonograph only gave
the listener ‘‘a voice without a face,’’ to use David Laing’s phrase.18
Now
this newly invented technological apparatus stood as the main visual
counterpoint to the sounds emanating from its horn, ostensibly repro-
ducing sonic data without the cumbersome intervention of human sub-
jects. Even the telephone, although similarly disrupting the spatial con-
figuration of linguistic communication, offered a clearly palpable live
human source for its sounds at the other end of the line. As a direct re-
action to this gash between sound and human visual source, a profu-
sion of cultural maneuvers have sought to yoke the two back together;
the iconography of record covers and music videos are some obvious
examples. Before these developments, however, records were produced
without much graphic and/or visual accompaniment. In this particu-
lar historical context written notation suggested the most natural ma-
terial grounding of music’s ephemerality. Because the technology of the
phonograph seemingly heightened the nonrepresentational, disembod-
ied, transient qualities of music, almost from its very inception various
discourses, more specifically those revolving around questions of copy-
right, attempted to capture fleeting sounds in writing, extending the link-
age between writing and sound already embedded in the designation
‘‘phonograph.’’ The phonograph suggested a machinic materiality, one
that acutely destabilized any notion of an ‘‘absolute music’’ and called
attention to other forms of aural embodiment, whether a concert stage,
a musical score, or a human body. It is precisely this conflict between
the phonograph’s material and ephemeral dimensions, as well as the ma-
chine’s worrying of the immediate connection between sound and writ-
ing, that makes it such a crucial site for the articulation of black cultural
29
46. Phonographies
practices in the twentieth century.19
For, in many ways, the phonograph
refracts technosonically the shape-shifting textures of blackness in West-
ern modernity as hyper(dis)embodied and (in)human.
Source Material The act of writing signals truth-value and indestructi-
bility, while sound and voice are rendered effervescent. In other words,
writing ‘‘must be repeatable—iterable—in the absolute absence of the
addressee or of the empirically determinable set of addressees.’’20
This re-
mains one of the most crucial insights of Jacques Derrida’s early work,
which insists on the endemic absence that authorizes writing qua writ-
ing; that is, writing needs to be discernible beyond the immediate context
of its re/production. Yet we should not understand writing to only be
synonymous with alphabetic script: ‘‘This iterability . . . structures the
mark of writing itself, and does so moreover for no matter what type of
writing (pictographic, hieroglyphic, ideographic, phonetic, alphabetic,
to use old categories). A writing that was not structurally legible—iter-
able—beyond the death of the addressee would not be writing’’ (315).21
If writing always already carries a trace of an absence that constitutes its
graphematicity, then speech, at least in Derrida’s conception of certain
Western philosophical traditions, signifies unmediated presence, acting
as a humble servant of interiority and meaning.22
Whereas writing re-
lies on externality and the materiality of the signifier, speech is config-
ured as nonrepresentational, ideal, that is, an unmitigated reflection of
pure thought. Derrida extends his reformulation of the speech/writing
problematic thus: ‘‘This structural possibility of being severed from its
referent or signified (and therefore from communication and its con-
text) seems to make of every mark, even if oral, a grapheme in general,
that is, as we have seen, the nonpresent remaining of a differential mark
cut off from its alleged ‘production’ or origin’’ (318). Clearly, Derrida is
not after any simple privileging of the written over the oral, rather this
argument exhumes the writingness of all linguistic and cultural charac-
ters, their difference and deferral, as it were. Following Derrida’s formu-
lation of writing in the general sense, the phonograph appears to un-
earth the iterability of speech by abstracting oral communication (or
human sounds in general) from its scene of (re)creation beyond the death
of the addressee. This abstraction is magnified by the intrusion of the
phonographic machine, both in the limited and general sense, into the
flow of oral marks and the human body. As a consequence, the machine
30
47. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
and the various abstract machines that frame and produce it not only
make sounds mechanically repeatable but also highlight the fundamen-
tal iterability of human speech. The phonograph suggests a ‘‘space-time
distanciation’’ in which cultural productions are ‘‘distanced from this
context, both spatially and temporally, and re-embedded in new con-
texts which may be located at different times and places,’’ introducing a
spatio-temporal rift between the moment of production and reception
that allows for different conceptions of the cultural object: the absence
that enables sound’s iterability.23
Accordingly, the phonograph recon-
structs the speech/writing antinomy by disseminating speech in the gen-
eral sphere of semiosis, although not in the same way as those forms of
script listed by Derrida, since the machine actually sounds, which clearly
does not imply any form of wholesome mimesis, human speech, albeit
under the conditions of iterability and seriality.24
Thus we can under-
stand the rupture brought about by the phonograph as an anxiety about
speech as absence; hence the link between the apparatus and haunting
often cited in its early stages.25
In order for human vocalization to con-
tinue in its role as unmediated presence, the sounds of the phonograph
had to necessarily be yoked to writing, otherwise the materiality and iter-
ability of the voice would become all too audible.
In Sound Technology and the American Cinema, James Lastra provides
a much-needed corrective to previous treatments of film sound, not only
to earlier film theorists, who heard no difference at all between a sound
and its technological (re)production, but also to more recent writers who
subscribe to the ‘‘nonidentity’’ conception of film sound.26
These critics,
Rick Altman and Tom Levin among others, postulate no strict correla-
tion between the original sound and its reproduction within the cine-
matic apparatus, yet, says Lastra, ‘‘they too, nevertheless assume a stan-
dard, and essentially prior sound, which is transformed or violated by
recording’’ (127). Instead of supposing that there exists a crudely mimetic
relationship between source and reproduction, ‘‘nonidentity’’ theorists
concede the partial and representational dimensions of sound recording
and reproduction; still, they leave the original intact qua original. That
is, they grant this occurrence an ontological reality above and beyond the
intrusive forces of representation and do not conjecture how the original
itself only functions as such in relation to its later reproduction.27
Even so,
‘‘original’’ performances or sound events are often created purely for the
purposes of recording and later reproduction (musicians go in the studio
31
48. Phonographies
to make a record and perform their music for the technological appara-
tus), and are not always already ‘‘out there’’ configurations waiting to be
represented, even if only partially.28
Drawing on Derrida’s conceptions
of writing and iteration, Lastra comes to the conclusion that it might be
more useful to think of the ‘‘original’’ as an effect of reproduction and
representation rather than its prerequisite (151–153). As a result, we can
begin to perceive the ‘‘absence by which we classify representations as
representations, recordings as recordings [as] a positive condition of pos-
sibility rather than a fault’’ (152). When this absence—which, as we have
seen, not only makes writing possible to operate as writing but also pro-
vides the precondition for recording and reproducing sound—is taken
into account, the emphasis shifts from the ways in which the original is
tainted by the technological process to the ways the apparatus and the
cultural practices (re)shape and (re)frame the musical object.
Despite Lastra’s divergence from the nonidentity theorists, he insists
on a ‘‘theoryof representation’’ that leaves the general economyof ‘‘copy’’
versus ‘‘original’’ intact (153). Any theory of representation, as unmimetic
as that theory may be, fails to abolish the secondariness of the copy, since
what is repeated remains yoked to a principle of sameness rather than
difference, uncannily mirroring the manifold methods through which
black culture is construed as simply ‘‘repeating’’ hegemonic discourses.
But what if we push theveryconcept-metaphors of ‘‘original’’ and ‘‘copy’’
to the side for the time being and think of repetition not as rearticulat-
ing the same but as activating difference? As useful as Lastra’s Derridean
model and notions of repetition with a difference are, they mitigate the
intensity and force of difference by virtue of measuring it against a puta-
tive origin from which the copy diverges. In contrast, what I am suggest-
ing here is not repetition with a difference so much as the repetition of
difference, wherein the original/copy distinction vanishes and only the
singular and sui generis becomings of the source remain in the clear-
ing.29
This repetition of difference does not ask how ‘‘the copy’’ departs
from ‘‘the source’’ but assumes that difference will, indeed, be different
in each of its incarnations. Here, the phonograph emerges as a machinic
ensemble (to cross-fade Fred Moten’s and Deleuze and Guattari’s idioms)
that accents the eventness of the (re)production of the source; the source
is always (re)produced as an (anti)origin while also appearing as a differ-
ently produced occasion in each of its singular figurations.30
As a conse-
quence, records, cds, cassette tapes, or mp3 files should not be thought
32
49. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
as attempting to replicate a lost immaculate source/original but as events
in their own right. These questions are not merely abstract and concep-
tual, since this modality of repetition also significantly recasts how we
engage with recorded music in a more quotidian fashion. Most readers
will recall moments in which the repeated listening to a musical object
(and the same can be said of any engagement with a cultural object, read-
ing a novel, watching a film, etc.) exposed new sounds that they had not
heard in previous encounters. These instances of divergence, however,
have no home in the representational brand of recurrence, because it only
accents what supposedly stays the same; in this differently sounded repe-
tition, however, what remains similar is precisely difference. In addition,
as James Snead has shown, this notion of repetition and difference rep-
resents one of the hallmarks of modern black cultural production, due
to its insistence on nonrepresentational and nonprogressive versions of
the said categories.31
But this model also bears out modes of thought that
enable fresh ways to conceptualize the fundamental role of black culture
in Western modernity, for often black culture is cast in the role of simply
repeating majoritarian formations—I will have more to say about this in
mydiscussion of Du Bois in chapter 3—rather than as singular figurations
of difference. Still, we need to return to the source of phonography, since
we’ve only considered one aspect (iterability) of this abstract machine.
It seems that Derrida can only conceive of the voice as speech and re-
formulate its function as writing. Or phrased in a different key, this con-
ception of the speech/writing bifurcation that suffuses much of Western
thought in some sense domesticates and humanizes the voice by render-
ing it almost synonymous with linguistic marks, which functioned as the
universal data storage and transmission medium up till the end of the
nineteenth century. This bifurcation leads Friedrich Kittler, in Gramo-
phone, Film, Typewriter, to contend that ‘‘writing [can only] store writ-
ing—no more no less,’’ thus highlighting that in the Derridean scheme
the dimensions of the voice that elude writing cannot but be kept silent
(7).32
Additionally, Kittler observes, ‘‘the phonograph does not hear as
do ears that have been trained to immediately filter voices, words, and
sounds out of noise; it registers acoustic events as such’’ (23). A strik-
ing assertion, no doubt, one that simultaneously gets to the heart of the
matter and completely misses the point, as anyone who has heard early
sound recordings (think about the lack of lower frequencies on many old
recordings, especially those of the acoustic era) or some current mp3s
33
50. Phonographies
will realize. While it is true that the phonograph’s sound perception dif-
fers manifestly from human ears, its transmitting of sonic marks per se
appears illusory, given the stark limitations in sound ‘‘fidelity’’ through-
out the history of sound recording. Instead of dispensing with the origi-
nal/copy distinction, Kittler desires something like the transcendental
omniscience of the phonograph. The insistence on the (in)humanity of
the phonograph remains key, for it assists in conjecturing the sonorous
dimensions teleported by the phonograph that are elided in script and
thus shushed in Derrida’s understanding of the voice as speech writing.
In this way, Derrida veers perilously close to another strand in Western
philosophy, ranging from Plato, to Kant and Rousseau, and more recently
to Emmanuel Levinas, who provides the following pithy aphorism: ‘‘The
sounds and noises of nature are failed words. To really hear sound, we
need to hear a word. Pure sound is the word.’’33
These thinkers take in
music and the voice only insofar as they aspire to and/or attain linguistic
signification or mathematical abstraction with the express aim of stifling
and silencing embodiment, sensuality, and most important, the sono-
rous materiality of the aural.34
Thus, Derrida’s influential argument be-
gins to reformulate the status of the voice by underscoring how speech
functions as writing in the general sense, something Afro-diasporic cul-
tures have known and enacted for at least three hundred years, yet falls
short of facilitating any discussion of the sonorous qualities transmitted
by human vocal cords, especially singing, which surely sounds differently
in connection with black cultural production.
Put bluntly, Derrida’s argument, while attuned to the constitutive
writingness of all linguistic signs, redacts these as only linguistic marks,
all the while placing a significant barrier between signifier and signified.
The primacy of this post-Saussurean model, which to this day remains
one of the axiomatic cornerstones of literary and cultural studies, still
maintains the linguistic as the prima facie spot from which to think and
imagine all vocal utterances, or ‘‘[the] occlusion that occurs sometimes
in the name of a deconstruction of phonocentrism and always within the
tradition of logocentrism, which has at its heart a paradoxically phono-
centric deafness’’ (In the Break, 185). Moten’s perspicacious point directs
us to the oft unacknowledged muteness to the lower frequencies (I’m
using this phrase in the full Ellisonian sense) that covertly underlie many
poststructuralist-inspired academic debates, where language is always al-
ready ‘‘pure form’’ (190), in Moten’s phraseology, and therefore the sonic
34
51. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
is downgraded to its same old place: outside, below, and beyond the stric-
tures of discourse. Although it remains crucial to think the graphicity of
all cultural utterances, Derrida’s model does not quite allow us to con-
jecture the very ‘‘real’’ (re)formulation of the sound/source relationship
occasioned by the phonograph, since, in Jacques’s part of the universe any
vocalization always already appears as phonography (as I’m writing this,
it strikes me that the problem might be the ‘‘always already’’). In other
words, this mode of thinking disables, or at least is not very interested in
making, distinctions between ‘‘human’’ vocalization, written scores, and
phonograph records, echoing, albeit sotto voce, the equation of language
with ‘‘pure form.’’ Although all these factors surely constitute a part of
writing in the general sense, they do not do so in the same way. Thus,
might it not be possible to insist on the writingness of all vocal acts and
their differently calibrated sonic iterability through the technology of the
phonograph?
What would a nonlinguistic archetype and/or a theory of (a)significa-
tion that considered both these domains sound like? While there are no
comfortable answers, here as elsewhere thewritings of Deleuze and Guat-
tari and some of their followers suggest a distinct style of thinking about
this tricky terrain in which nonlinguistic signs are accorded at least as
much, if not more, of a vital force as language as ‘‘pure form.’’35
These cru-
cial additions to the archive of contemporary critical idioms often appear
in the theorization of sensation, expression, affect, and perception. Brian
Massumi tenders the following formulation of both the difference be-
tween and the codependency of perception and sensation: ‘‘ ‘Perception’
[refers] to object-oriented experience, and ‘sensation’ [to] ‘the percep-
tion of perception,’ or self-referential experience. Sensation pertains to
the stoppage- and stasis-tending dimension of reality. . . . Sensation per-
tains to the dimension of passage, or the continuity of immediate ex-
perience. . . . Perception is segmenting and capable of precision; sensa-
tion is unfolding and constitutively vague.’’36
Sensation thus partakes in
the realm of the prelinguistic, alinguistic, and a conceptual, while per-
ception systematizes sensations into recognizable forms.37
For our pur-
poses, the phonograph sounds both sensation, in the guise of the sonic
(phono), and perception, here the sphere of inscription (graph), even
though these two energies are not opposed and, in the realm of speech,
hardly dissociable to/from each other. Yet graphematicity continues to
be seen and read as the sine qua non of human signification, which ne-
35
52. Phonographies
glects to take in the phonograph’s most radical gesture: its sonic materi-
ality. In other words, writing does not lack sensation ontologically but its
reduction to linguistic structures, even if these can never achieve trans-
parency, in the aftermath of structuralism preempts any discussion of
the many nonlinguistic ways in which it achieves its effects. So Derrida’s
notion of graphematicity remains crucial for any consideration of the
phonographic-machinic ensemble, since, although it allows us to think
the iterability of the graph as part of the equation, it does not offer much
in thewayof theorizing the endemic difference between reading the score
or listening to a recording of a Prince song such as ‘‘The Ballad of Dorothy
Parker.’’ In order to come to grips with both sameness and difference in
these iterations we need a theory of phonography—and of aesthetics in
general—that blends sensation and perception and listens to the variety
and intensity of their intermingling. The invention of the phonograph
and the different status of the speech/writing compound vis-à-vis New
World blackness provide the occasion to think and hear these matters in
slightly different versions that do not lose sound or sight of the surplus
gift inherent to Afro-diasporic double consciousness. One of the prime
modes of this excess comes in the form of a phonography that rebuffs any
separation of the two forces in this compound, whether it rolls up in the
sphere of literature or music.
The Sounds of Blackness Surely, the conjoining of writing and sound
has particular ramifications for black cultural production, given the im-
portance of orality as the major mode of cultural transmission in this
temporal setting. Because alphabetic writing was such an embattled ter-
rain for black subjects in nineteenth-century America, the phonograph
did not cause the same anxieties in black cultural discourses, and musi-
cal notation and writing were not necessarily understood as the most
natural way of recording music. Much has been written about the fraught
status of writing in Afro-diasporic configurations, particularly in regard
to nineteenth-century African American literary history, but rather than
redacting these arguments here, I will just say that black subjects did not
have the same access to alphabetic writing as white subjects and therefore
were also barred, both discursively and materially, from writing’s atten-
dant qualities of reason, disembodiment, and full humanity by a variety
of repressive and at times violent mechanisms. Because graphic mastery
functioned as a sign for civilization and humanity, black subjects were
36
53. Hearing Sonic Afro-Modernity
placed outside these domains. Some critics, nevertheless, consider the act
of writing, chiefly in the slave narrative genre, to be revolutionary, since
it not only highlighted black people’s ‘‘humanity’’ but also worried the
very messy bond between writing and reason; more recently this tenet
has come under scrutiny and has been revised significantly.
Lindon Barrett, for instance, maintains that the black voice functions
as a figure of value within African American culture, particularly as it
is contrasted with the lack of worth ascribed to blackness in American
mainstream culture.38
He distinguishes the singing voice from the sign-
ing voice of Euro-American alphabetical literacy, writing that the singing
voice ‘‘provides a primary means by which African Americans may ex-
change an expended, valueless self in the New World for a productive,
recognized self’’ (57).The signing voice, on the other hand, represents the
literacy of the white Enlightenment subject. The signing voice signals full
humanity, whiteness, and disembodiment, where the singing voice met-
onymically enacts blackness, embodiment, and subhumanity. For Bar-
rett, corporeality, or ‘‘sly alterity’’ as he terms it, furnishes the black sing-
ing voice’s most destabilizing feature (58):
The African American singing voice emphasizes—rather than merely
glances at—the spatial, material, dative, or enunciative action of voice.
Singing voices undo voice as speech per se. By highlighting the enunciative
or vocative aspect and moment of voice, singing voices mark the absence
that allows iteration and repetition. They imprint above all the pure so-
norous audibility of voice, and not a seeming absolute proximity to fixed
meaning and identity. (84)
Thus, the black singing voice suggests a rather different access to the En-
lightenment category of humanity from the signing voice, and in the pro-
cess undermines the validity of the liberal subject as the quintessence of
the human, instead providing a fully embodied version thereof. Black
subjectivity appears as the antithesis to the Enlightenment subject by
virtue of not only having a body but by being a body. But what hap-
pens once the black voice becomes disembodied, severed from its source,
(re)contextualized, and (re)embodied and appropriated, or even before
this point? All these things occurred when the first collections of tran-
scribed spirituals became readily available for public consumption dur-
ing the Civil War and continued with the recording and reproduction
37
54. Phonographies
through various media of the black voice in the twentieth century. Al-
though I endorse Barrett’s useful differentiation between the signing voice
and the singing voice, at times it runs the risk of configuring the black
singing voice as always alreadyembodied, rather than as a series of strate-
gies and/or techniques of corporeality.39
Far from being transmitted ‘‘in
[a] startlingly authentic form,’’ as Barrett will have it (86), the black sing-
ing voice, decoupled from its human source—which nonetheless remains
a prominent spectral residue—and placed in the context of spiritual col-
lections and, subsequently, phonograph records, insinuates a much more
overdetermined and unwieldy constellation within both black and main-
stream American cultural discourses. This account also mutes the many
ways the singing voice has provided a prime channel for making New
World blackness audible from within Western discourses, much in the
same way that slave narratives, in Ronald Judy’s argument, rendered
the African (il)legible as Negro. In the end, despite his nuanced argu-
ment, Barrett also thwarts any recourse to writing in his treatment of the
si(g)n(g)ing voice—where Derrida can only read the voice as linguis-
tic a/signification, Barrett hears the black voice as pure ludic sonorous-
ness—or rather the coupling of the graphematic and the phonic, which
represents the prime achievement of black cultural production in the
New World. As we shall see in the discussions of Du Bois and Ellison,
neither abandons the graph for the phono or vice versa; this is what we
call phonographies.
Surely, this is not to argue that oralityand musicwere the onlychannels
for black culture in this period, but rather that the relationship between
sound and writing imploded by the discourses around the phonograph
in mainstream American culture carries different cadences in relation
to black culture. Consequently, we need to account for how orality and
music, the two main cultural techniques in African America, were trans-
formed by the technology of the phonograph.40
In what sense does the
de/re/coupling of sound and source shift the central place of orality and
music in the production, transmission, and reception of black culture?
According to Edouard Glissant, ‘‘it is nothing new to declare that for
[black subjects] music, gesture, dance are forms of communication, just
as important as the gift of speech. This is how we first managed to escape
the plantation: aesthetic form in our cultures must be shaped from these
oral structures.’’41
How did these modes of cultural transfer, which are
always constitutive of the contents they transmit, change at the end of
38
56. listen to music. They come in their pure essence—not as qualities of
something else. And this is what is meant by the familiar statement
that the other arts are representative while music is presentative.
Poetry, painting, and sculpture show us things outside ourselves,
joyful or grievous things perhaps, hopeful or desperate or beautiful
or ugly things, but still things. But music shows us nothing but the
qualities, the disembodied feelings, the passional essences. Let the
reader recall for a moment the effects of painting or of poetry, the
way in which they present emotion. Is it not always by symbolism,
by indirection? Does not the feeling merely exhale from the object
instead of constituting the object as it does in music? In looking at a
pastoral landscape, for instance, do we not first think of the peaceful
scene represented, and only secondarily feel serenity itself? In
reading «La Belle Dame sans Merci» is it not only by a process of
associative thought that we come to shudder with a sense of
unearthly and destructive passion? Yes, in the representative arts
emotion is merely adjective; in music alone is it substantive. We see
in a portrait a lovely woman; we behold in marble a noble youth; we
read in poetry a desperate story; in music, on the contrary, we hear
love, nobility, despair. And since this emotional life is the deepest
reality we know, since our intuitions constitute in fact the very
essence of that world-spirit which is but projected and symbolized in
sky, sun, ocean, stars, and earth, music cannot but be a richer
record of our ultimate life than those arts which deal with objects
and symbols alone. It is the penetration, the ultimacy, of music that
gives it such extraordinary power. The other arts excel it in
definiteness, in concreteness, in the ability to delineate a scene or
tell a story; but music surpasses them all in power to present the
naked and basic facts of existence, the essential, informing passions.
A secondary and subordinate advantage of music proceeds from the
nature of its material. Tones, produced and controlled by man, are
far more easily stamped with the unity he desires than the objects of
external nature. These are stubborn outer facts, created without
regard to the æsthetic sense, and in a thousand ways unamenable
to it. The great dazzle of sunlight is too keen for human eyes, which
57. perceive better on dim, gray days; many of nature's contours are
larger than we can grasp. Every painter will tell you that there are
inharmonious colors in the sunset, and one daring critic has gone so
far as to impugn the «vulgarity of outline» of the American hills. It
matters not whether the maladjustment indicate a fault in nature or
a limitation in man; the point to note is that the representative arts
deal with a material less pliable than tones. Words, the material of
poetry, occupy in this respect a curious intermediate position. Like
tones, they are man-made, but, like outer objects, they are «given,»
fixed and indocile to man's æsthetic needs. (We remember the
example of the «hatter.») Though made by man, in fact, they are
made not by his æsthetic but by his practical energy. They were
devised, not for beautiful adjustment, but to convey thoughts, and
when the poet comes and uses them to make an art he finds them
almost as perverse as the painter's trees and hills. Tones, however,
have no practical utility whatever; not only do they not exist outside
of music, but they would be of no use if they did. Hence they may
be chosen and grouped by the free æsthetic sense alone, acting
without let or hindrance, except what is imposed by the thing to be
expressed. For hundreds of years man has been testing and
comparing, accepting and rejecting, the elements of the tonal series,
with the result that we have to-day the ladder or scale of ninety-odd
definitely fixed tones, out of which all music is composed. And
though the series has been developed wholly by instinct, and it is
only within the last half-century that the natural laws underlying it
have been discovered, yet it has been built up so slowly and
tentatively, and with so sure and delicate a sense of its internal
structure, that it is an unsurpassable basis for complex and yet
perfectly harmonious tone-combinations. In a word, the material of
music is by origin self-congruous, fitted to clear structure,
preordained to an order at once rich and transparent.
Preordained to beauty, then, is the musician's material: and yet the
musician is not exempted from the difficulties of his brother artists.
If they work in a less plastic material, he has to govern subtler and
more wayward forces. He can attain a wonderful perfection, but only
58. through unremitting labor. His task is to embody the turbulent,
irrational human feelings in serene and beautiful forms. He is to
master the dominating, to reconcile the warring, to impose unity on
the diverse and the repellant. Mozart and Haydn might handle their
art with ready ease, because their emotions were naïve; but
Beethoven, who essayed to look into the stormy and tortured heart
of man, found himself involved in a travail Titanic and interminable.
Nevertheless he did succeed in harnessing the vast forces with which
he deals, and his success is as conclusive a vindication as we could
desire of music's power to deal with its profound verities. When we
think of Beethoven's immortal works, immortal both by their
strength and by their beauty, can we doubt that music expresses our
deepest emotional nature with unrivalled fullness, and yet so
reconciles it with itself as to symbolize our highest spiritual peace?
From the swelter and jungle of experience in which it is our lot to
pass our mortal days, days which philosophy cannot make wholly
rational, nor love wholly capable of service, nor religion wholly
serene, we are thus privileged to emerge, from time to time, into
fairer realms. Tantalized with an unattainable vision of order, we turn
to art, and especially to music, for assurance that our hope is not
wholly chimerical. Then
«Music pours on mortals
Its beautiful disdain.»
Disdainful it is, truly, because it reminds us of the discord and the
rhythmless onmarch of our days. It voices the passions that have
torn and mutilated and stung and blinded us; we meditate the
foolishness, the fatality, of our chaotic lives. But beautiful it is also;
and it has been wisely said that beauty offers us «a pledge of the
possible conformity of the soul with nature.» Music, at once
disdainful and beautiful, shows us our deepest feelings, so wayward
and tragic in experience, merged into ineffable perfection.
60. TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:
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hyphenated and non-hyphenated variants. For the
words with both variants present the one more used
has been kept.
Obvious punctuation and other printing errors have
been corrected.
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