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Test Bank for Problem Solving with C++: The Object of Programming, 9/e
Chapter 7 Arrays
TRUE/FALSE
1. The indexed variables (members) of an array must be integers.
ANSWER: FALSE
2. The locations of the various indexed variables in an array can be spread out all
over the memory.
ANSWER: FALSE
3. The following array declaration is legal
double scores[]={0.1,0.2,0.3};
ANSWER: true
4. Arrays can be passed to functions.
ANSWER: TRUE
5. Arrays can be returned from a function.
ANSWER: FALSE
6. If a function is expecting a pass by reference parameter, you can pass an index
variable from an array of the same base type to that function.
ANSWER: TRUE
7. When you have a function that expects an array, it should also expect the size of
the array or the number of indexed variables with valid data.
ANSWER: TRUE
8. The following function declaration guarantees the values in the array argument
are not changed.
void function1(int array[], int numElements);
ANSWER: FALSE
9. The following function will work with any size integer array.
void function1(int array[], int numElements);
ANSWER: TRUE
10. If you use the const modifier in a function declaration, you do not include it in the
function definition.
ANSWER: FALSE
Short Answer
1. Write the code to declare a two dimension array of integers with 10 rows and 20
columns.
ANSWER: int array[10][20];
2. Write the code to declare an array of 10 doubles named list;
ANSWER: double list[10];
3. The modifier that guarantees that an array argument will not be changed is called
______.
ANSWER: const
4. How many indexed variables does the following array have?
int myArray[]={1,2,3,6,5,4,7,1,2};
ANSWER: 9

Chapter 7 Arrays
5. How many indexed variables does the following array have?
int myArray[12]={1,2,3,6,5,4,7,1,2};
ANSWER: 12
6. Write the declaration for a function named funct1 that expects an array of floats,
the number of elements in the array and does not return any value.
ANSWER: void funct1(float myArray[], int numElements);
7. If you put a value in the square brackets of a one-dimension array parameter, this
value is _________ by the compiler.
ANSWER: ignored
8. If your index used to access the indexed variables of the array has the value of a
non-existent index, this is called _________
ANSWER: Index out of range, Index out of bounds, or illegal.
9. The computer remembers the address of which indexed variable(s) in an array?
______
ANSWER: the first
10. A computer's memory consists of numbered locations called __________.
ANSWER: bytes
11. In the expression
double score[10];
double is called the ___________ of the array
ANSWER: base type
12. In the expression
cout << score[i] << endl;
i is called the
ANSWER: index or subscript
13. An _______ is used to process a collection of data all of which is the same type
ANSWER: array
14. The individual variables that comprise an array are called __________
ANSWER: indexed variables, subscripted variables, or elements.
15. Indexes are numbered starting at _________
ANSWER: 0
Multiple Choice
1. What are the valid indexes for the array shown below?
int myArray[25];
a. 0-25
b. 0-24
c. 1-25
d. 1-24
ANSWER: B
2. What is wrong with the following code?
float scores[10], total;
a. Cannot declare regular and array variables together.
b. Arrays must be integers
c. The 10 should be replaced with a variable name, whose value is input
from the user

Chapter 7 Arrays
d. Nothing.
ANSWER: D
3. Given an array named scores with 25 elements, what is the correct way to access
the 25th
element?
a. scores+25
b. scores[24]
c. scores[25]
d. scores[last]
ANSWER: B
4. Why should you use a named constant for the size of an array?
a. Readability of code
b. Makes changes to the program easier
c. Helps reduce logic errors
d. All of the above
ANSWER: D
5. Given an array of integers of size 5, how does the computer know where the 3rd
indexed variable is located?
a. It adds 3 to the base address of the array
b. It adds space for 3 integers to the base address of the array
c. It remembers where all the indexed variables of the array are located.
d. None of the above
ANSWER: B
6. What is wrong with the following code fragment?
const int SIZE =5;
float scores[SIZE];
for(int i=0; i<=SIZE;i++)
{
cout << "Enter a scoren";
cin >> scores[i];
}
a. Array indexes start at 1 not 0
b. Arrays must be integers
c. Array indexes must be less than the size of the array
d. Should be cin >> scores[0];
ANSWER: C
7. Which of the following declare an array of 5 characters, and initializes them to
some known values?
a. char array[5]={'a','b','c','d','e'};
b. char array[4]={'a','b','c','d','e'};
c. char array[5]={''};
d. char array[]={'a','b','d','e'};
e. A and C
f. B and D
g. all of the above
ANSWER: E

Chapter 7 Arrays
8. If you declare and initialize an integer array of size 10, but only list 5 values, what
values are stored in the remaining 5 indexed variables?
a. 0
b. garbage
c. 0.0
d. '0'
ANSWER: A
9. Arrays are always passed to a function using
a. pass by value
b. pass by reference
c. pass by array
d. you cannot pass arrays to a function
ANSWER: C
10. Give the following declarations, which of the following is a legal call to this
function?
int myFunction(int myValue);
int myArray[1000];
a. cout << myFunction(myArray);
b. cout << myFunction(myArray[0]);
c. myArray = myFunction(myArray);
d. myArray[1] = myFunction(myArray[0]);
e. A and B
f. A and C
g. B and D
ANSWER: G
11. Which of the following function declarations correctly expect an array as the first
argument?
a. void f1(int array, int size);
b. void f1(int& array, int size);
c. void f1(int array[100], int size);
d. void f1(float array[], int size);
e. All of the above
f. C and D
g. A and B
ANSWER: F
12. Which of the following function declarations correctly guarantee that the function
will not change any values in the array argument?
a. void f1(int array[], int size) const;
b. void f1(int array[], int size);
c. void f1(int &array, int size);
d. void f1(const int array[], int size);
e. void f1(int array[], const int size);
ANSWER: D
13. The following function definition has an error in it. What line is this error on?

Chapter 7 Arrays
0. void f1(const double array[], int size)
1. {
2. int i=0;
3. while(i< size)
4. {
5. array[i] += 2;
6. cout <<array[i];
7. i++;
8. }
9. }
a. 0
b. 2
c. 5
d. 6
e. 2
ANSWER: C
14. Which of the following function declarations could be used to input data from the
keyboard into the array?
a. void input(int array[], int &numElements, int MAX_SIZE);
b. void input(int array[], int numElements, int MAX_SIZE);
c. void input(int &array[], int numElements, int MAX_SIZE);
d. int array[] input(int array[], int &numElements, int MAX_SIZE);
ANSWER: A
15. If we want a search function to search an array for some value and return either
the index where the value was found, or -1 if not found, which of the following
prototypes would be appropriate?
a. void search(const int array, int target, int numElements);
b. void search(const int array, int target);
c. int search(const int array[], int numElements);
d. int search(const int array[], int target, int numElements);
ANSWER: D
16. Given the following function definition for a search function, and the following
variable declarations, which of the following are appropriate function
invocations?
const int SIZE=1000;
int search(const int array[], int target, int numElements);
int array[SIZE], target, numberOfElements;
a. search(array[0], target, numberOfElements);
b. result=search(array[0], target, numberOfElements);
c. result=search(array, target, numberOfElements);
d. result=search(array, target, SIZE);
ANSWER: C

Chapter 7 Arrays
17. Given the following function definition, will repeated calls to the search function
for the same target find all occurrences of that target in the array?
int search(const int array[], int target, int numElements)
{
int index=0;
bool found=false;
while((!found) && (index < numElements))
{
if(array[index] == target)
found=true;
else
index++;
}
if(found==true)
return index;
else
return -1;
}
a. Yes
b. No
c. Impossible to tell without looking at the values of the array
d. It depends on the value of target.
ANSWER: B
18. Given the following function definition, what modifications need to be made to
the search function so that it finds all occurrences of target in the array?
int search(const int array[], int target, int numElements)
{
int index=0;
bool found=false;
while((!found) && (index < numElements))
{
if(array[index] == target)
found=true;
else
index++;
}
if(found==true)
return index;
else
return -1;
}
a. Add another parameter to indicate where to stop searching
b. Add another parameter to indicate where to start searching

Chapter 7 Arrays
c. This already can find all occurrences of a given target
d. Have the function return the whole array
ANSWER: B
19. Which sort algorithm does the following outline define?
for i between 0 and number_used-1 inclusive
put the ith smallest element at array[i]
a. sequential
b. selection
c. bubble
d. swap
ANSWER:B
20. Which of the following array declarations are legal?
a. int array[10];
b. int size;
cin >> size;
int array[size];
c. int array[]={0,0,0};
d. const int size=9;
int array[size];
e. All of the above
f. All but C
g. All but B
ANSWER: G
21. Which of the following function declarations will accept the following two-
dimension array?
int pages[10][30];
a. void f1(int pages[][], int size);
b. void f1(int pages[][30], int size);
c. void f1(int pages[10][], int size);
d. void f1(int& pages, int size);
ANSWER: B
22. If you need a function that will handle multi-dimensional arrays, you must specify
the following sizes inside the square brackets.
a. All the sizes
b. All sizes except the last dimension
c. All sizes except the first dimension
d. None of the sizes
ANSWER: C
23. What is the output of the following code fragment?
int array[4][4], index1, index2;
for(index1=0;index1<4;index1++)
array[index1][index2]=index1 + index2;
{

Chapter 7 Arrays
cout << array[index1][index2] << " ";
cout << endl;
}
a. 0 1 2 3
1 2 3 4
2 3 4 5
3 4 5 6
b. 0 1 2 3
0 1 2 3
0 1 2 3
0 1 2 3
c. 0 0 0 0
1 1 1 1
2 2 2 2
3 3 3 3
d. 0 0 0 0
0 1 2 3
0 2 4 6
0 3 6 9
ANSWER: A
24. Which of the following correctly declare an array that can hold up to 3 rows of 5
columns of doubles?
a. int array[3],[5];
b. int array[3][5];
c. float array[3][5];
d. float array[3,5];
ANSWER: C
25. Which of the following function declarations can be passed the following array?
char myArray[6][8];
a. void f1(char a[][], int sizeOfFirst);
b. void f1(char a[][8], int sizeOfFirst);
c. void f1(char& a, int sizeOfFirst);
d. void f1(char a[6][8], int sizeOfFirst);
e. B and D
f. A and D
ANSWER: E
26. A two dimension array can also be thought of as
a. a table
b. an array of arrays
c. a file
d. none of the above
e. A and C
f. A and B
ANSWER: F

Chapter 7 Arrays
27. Which of the following will correctly assign all the values in one array to the
other array? (Assume both arrays are of the same type and have SIZE elements)
a. array1=array2;
b. array1[]=array2;
c. for(i=0;i<SIZE;i++)
array1[i]=array2[i];
d. for(i=0;i<SIZE;i++)
array1[]=array2[];
ANSWER: C
28. Which of the following will read values from the keyboard into the array?
(Assume the size of the array is SIZE).
a. cin >> array;
b. cin >> array[];
c. cin >> array[SIZE];
d. for(i=0;i<SIZE;i++)
cin >> array[i];
ANSWER: D
29. Which of the following correctly uses C++11’s range-based for statement to
iterate through every element of the array variable arr?
a. for (auto x : arr)
b. foreach (x in arr)
c. for (auto x; x < arr.length; x++)
d. for x in arr
ANSWER: A
30. What is the output of this code?
int arr[] = { 1, 2, 3};
for (int &element : arr)
element+=10;
for (int element : arr)
cout << element << endl;
a. 1 2 3
b. 11 12 13
ANSWER: B
31. What is the output of this code?
int arr[] = { 1, 2, 3};
element+=10;
cout << element << endl;
a. 1 2 3
b. 11 12 13
ANSWER: A

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To the fourth I say, that their paradox is like several others, viz, that
Bacchus and Ceres did mischief to mankind, when they invented
wine and bread; that arts, sciences, and civilization have been
general calamities, &c. That upon their supposition, all Europe ought
to agree to bring away the inhabitants of America, and divide them
among the nations of Europe, to be maintained as paupers, leaving
America to be overgrown again with trees and bushes, and to
become again the habitations of bears and Indians, forbidding all
navigation to that quarter of the world in future. That mankind in
general, however, are probably of a different opinion, believing that
Columbus, as well as Bacchus and Ceres, did a service to mankind,
and that Europe and America will be rich blessings to each other, the
one supplying a surplus of manufactures, and the other a surplus of
raw materials, the productions of agriculture.
It is very plain, however, that speculation and disputation can do us
little service. No facts are believed, but decisive military conquests;
no arguments are seriously attended to in Europe but force. It is to
be hoped, our countrymen, instead of amusing themselves any
longer with delusive dreams of peace, will bend the whole force of
their minds to augment their navy, to find out their own strength
and resources, and to depend upon themselves.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 22d, 1780.
Sir,

In a letter of the 14th instant, I had the honor to transmit to
Congress the declaration of the Courts of Sweden and Denmark,
conformable to that of Russia, which have been presented to the
belligerent powers. I now send the answer of the King of France to
the declaration of Sweden. It is conceived in these terms.
Answer of France to the Declaration of Sweden.
"The King has constantly desired, that the neutral powers should not
receive any damage by the war in which his Majesty is engaged; his
orders have assured to the vessels belonging to these powers the
enjoyment of all the liberty, which the laws of the sea allow them;
and if any individual navigators have had cause to complain of
having suffered by the violence of the subjects of his Majesty, he has
rendered them immediate and ample justice.
His Majesty has seen with satisfaction in the declaration which has
been presented to him, on behalf of the King of Sweden, that it was
the intention of this Prince, to continue to protect the navigation of
his subjects against all violence; that even his Swedish Majesty had
resolved to take measures, in concert with other Courts, and
especially with the Empress of Russia, to accomplish more effectually
this purpose. The King cannot but wish, that the confederation of his
Swedish Majesty with those powers, may produce the benefit which
they promise themselves from it; that the ocean may be free,
conformably to the law of nations and to treaties, which are known
to be nothing more than explanations of that law; and, in fine, that
all the nations who have no part in the war, may not suffer the evils
of it. His Majesty has renewed to the officers of his marine, and to
the privateers which carry his flag, orders entirely conformable to
the principles, upon which must depend the safety and tranquillity of
all neutral vessels. For a stronger reason still, the subjects of the
King of Sweden ought to be assured, that they will meet with no
obstruction from those of his Majesty, since there is no Frenchman,
who is ignorant of the alliance and friendship, which has so long
subsisted between the two Crowns.

"The precautions which his Swedish Majesty has taken, as they must
confine the Swedish navigators within the bounds of the most exact
neutrality, so they will be a new motive for them to demand the
execution of those laws, of which their master discovers himself to
be a zealous defender; laws, which the King ardently wishes to see
adopted by the unanimous concurrence of all the powers, in such a
manner, that no one may have to suffer by the war, if his sovereign
does not take a part in it, provided he shall conform to the rules
prescribed, to prevent all abuse of the neutral flag. Versailles, 4th of
August, 1780."
In a London paper of the 15th of August, are the following queries
of the Court of Sweden, relative to the proposal, which the Court of
Russia has made for the reciprocal protection and navigation of their
subjects.
Queries of the Court of Sweden.
"1st. How, and in what manner, a reciprocal protection and mutual
assistance shall be given?
"2d. Whether each particular power shall be obliged to protect the
general commerce of, the whole, or if, in the meantime, it may
employ a part of its armament in the protection of its own particular
commerce?
"3d. If several of their combined squadrons should meet, or, for
example, one or more of their vessels, what shall be the rule of their
conduct towards each other, and how far shall the neutral protection
extend?
"4th. It seems essential to agree upon the manner, in which
representations shall be made to the powers at war, if,
notwithstanding our measures, their ships of war, or armed vessels,
should continue to interrupt our commerce in any manner; must
these remonstrances be made in the general name of the united
powers, or shall each particular power plead its own cause only?

"5th. Lastly, it appears essentially necessary to provide against this
possible event, where one of the united powers seeing itself driven
to extremities, against any of the powers actually at war, should
claim the assistance of the allies in this convention to do her justice,
in what manner can this be best concerted? A circumstance, which
equally requires a stipulation that the reprisals in that case shall not
be at the will of such party injured, but that the common voice shall
decide; otherwise, an individual power might at its pleasure draw
the rest against their inclinations and interests into disagreeable
extremities, or break the whole league, and reduce matters into their
original state, which would render the whole fruitless and of none
effect."
Answer of the Court of Russia.
"1st. As to the manner in which protection and mutual assistance
shall be granted, it must be settled by a formal convention, to which
all the neutral powers will be invited, the principal end of which is, to
ensure a free navigation to the merchants ships of all nations.
Whenever such vessel shall have proved from its papers, that it
carries no contraband goods, the protection of a squadron or vessels
of war shall be granted her, under whose care she shall put herself,
and which shall prevent her being interrupted. From hence it
follows;
"2d. That each power must concur in the general security of
commerce; in the meantime, the better to accomplish this object, it
will be necessary to settle, by means of a separate article, the places
and distances which may be judged proper for the station of each
power. From that method will arise this advantage, that all the
squadrons of the allies will form a kind of chain, and be able to
assist each other; the particular arrangements to be confined only to
the knowledge of the allies, though the convention in all other points
will be communicated to the powers at war, accompanied with all the
protestations of a strict neutrality.

"3d. It is undoubtedly the principle of a perfect equality which must
regulate this point. We shall follow the common mode with regard to
safety; in case the squadrons should meet and engage, the
commanders will conform to the usages of the sea service, because,
as is observed above, the reciprocal protection under these
conditions should be unlimited.
"4th. It seems expedient, that the representations mentioned in this
article be made by the party aggrieved, and that the Ministers of the
other confederate powers support those remonstrances in the most
forcible and efficacious manner.
"5th. We feel all the importance of this consideration, and to render
it clear, it is necessary to distinguish the case. If any one of the allied
powers should suffer itself to be drawn in by motives contrary to the
established principles of a neutrality and perfect impartiality, should
injure its laws, or extend their bounds, it cannot certainly be
expected that others should espouse the quarrel; on the contrary,
such a conduct would be deemed an abandoning the ties which
unite them. But if the insult offered to one of the allies should be
hostile to the principles adopted and announced in the face of all
Europe, or should be marked with the character of hatred and
animosity, inspired by resentment at these common measures of the
confederacy, which have no other tendency than to make, in a
precise and irrecoverable manner, laws for the liberty of commerce,
and the rights of every neutral nation, then it shall be held
indispensable for the united powers to make a common cause of it,
(at sea only) without its being a groundwork for other operations, as
these connexions are purely maritime, having no other object than
naval commerce and navigation. From all that is said above, it
evidently results, that the common will of all, founded upon the
principles admitted and adopted by the contracting parties, must
alone decide, and that it will always be the fixed basis of the conduct
and operations of this union. Finally, we shall observe, that these
conventions suppose no other naval armament than what shall be
conformable to circumstances, according as these shall render them

necessary, or as may be agreed. It is probable, that this agreement,
once ratified and established, will be of the greatest consequence;
and that the belligerent powers will find in it sufficient motives to
persuade them to respect the neutral flag, and prevent their
provoking the resentment of a respectable communion, founded
under the auspices of the most evident justice, and the sole idea of
which is received with the universal applause of all impartial
Europe."
JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, August 23d, 1780.
Sir,
The errand of Mr Cumberland to Madrid is a mere finesse of the
British Ministry, intended to aid the stockjobbers to keep up the
stocks, aid the loan, and the canvass for an election, and lull the
belligerent powers, while they prepare their measures for future
enterprises and another campaign. They have carried this plot so far,
that I see some paragraphs in the foreign papers, which seem
intended to counteract it.
The truth is, according to my information, that orders are already
sent out by the British cabinet to prosecute the war with vigor in
North Carolina and Virginia, the ensuing fall, winter, and spring.
General Prevost is about to sail with some frigates to aid their
operations on Cape Fear river. It is said at the same time, that they
are sounding the House of Bourbon through Sardinia, and have

made some loose propositions of accommodation, the groundwork
of which is the sacrifice of America; and there is no doubt they
would yield to France and Spain very great things to carry their point
against America, who may depend upon the utmost exertions of
their malice and revenge. But all this will not do. France and Spain
are now responsible for their conduct to the rest of Europe,
especially the Northern powers; and besides this, the separation
between America and England is an object of more pressing
importance to France and Spain, than any concessions that England
can make them. So that America need not be under any
apprehensions of being deserted.
If, however, she were to be deserted by all the world, she ought
seriously to maintain her resolution to be free. She has the means
within herself. Her greatest misfortune has been, that she has never
yet felt her full strength, nor considered the extent of her resources.
I cannot but lament, however, that there is no representation of
Congress in this Republic, vested with powers to borrow money. This
would be a double advantage. We should avail ourselves of a loan,
and at the same time lessen the loan of England. A loan once begun
here, would rapidly increase, so as to deprive the English of this
resource. This is the method in which commerce may be extended
between the two Republics, and the political sentiments and system
of Holland changed. I fancy that several very heavy and solid houses
here might be persuaded to become security for the payment of
interest, and that contracts might be made with them to send them
remittances in produce, either to Europe, St Eustatia, St Thomas,
&c., to enable them to discharge the interest. Might not merchants
be found in Philadelphia, Boston, and many other places, who would
enter into contract with the public to remit such a sum as should be
agreed on, in the produce of the country to such houses here? This
method, if Congress should think it expedient to fall into the way of
sending fleets of merchantmen under convoy, would easily succeed.
The safe arrival of the Fier Roderique, with so large a number of
vessels under her care, gives great encouragement to the plan.

JOHN ADAMS.
Amsterdam, September 4th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the pleasure to write to Congress news, which I hope they
will receive many other ways before this letter can arrive, viz.; that
the outward bound British West India fleet of fiftytwo sail and five
East Indiamen, on the 9th of August, fell in with the combined
French and Spanish fleets, about sixty leagues from Cape St
Vincents, and were most of them taken; the frigates which
composed the convoy and four of the West Indiamen alone having
escaped. This is the account. We may possibly hear of some
deductions, but the account in general is authentic, and of very
great importance, as the value of the property is large, the number
of soldiers and seamen considerable, and the disappointment to the
fleets and armies of our enemies in the East and West Indies and in
North America, not to be repaired.
This news has been from the 22d of August to the 3d of September
in travelling from London to Amsterdam, where it makes a very great
sensation indeed. We had, at the same time, news of the capture of
most of the Quebec fleet by an American frigate and two
brigantines.
JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,
As eloquence is cultivated with more care in free Republics than in
other governments, it has been found by constant experience that
such Republics have produced the greatest purity, copiousness and
perfection of language. It is not to be disputed, that the form of
government has an influence upon language, and language in its
turn influences not only the form of government, but the temper, the
sentiments, and manners of the people. The admirable models
which have been transmitted through the world, and continued
down to these days, so as to form an essential part of the education
of mankind from generation to generation, by those two ancient
towns, Athens and Rome, would be sufficient without any other
argument to show the United States the importance to their liberty,
prosperity, and glory, of an early attention to the subject of
eloquence and language.
Most of the nations of Europe have thought it necessary to establish
by public authority, institutions for fixing and improving their proper
languages. I need not mention the academies in France, Spain, and
Italy, their learned labors, nor their great success. But it is very
remarkable, that although many learned and ingenious men in
England have from age to age projected similar institutions for
correcting and improving the English tongue, yet the government
have never found time to interpose in any manner; so that to this
day there is no grammar nor dictionary extant of the English
language, which has the least public authority, and it is only very
lately, that a tolerable dictionary has been published, even by a
private person, and there is not yet a passable grammar enterprised
by any individual.

The honor of forming the first public institution for refining,
correcting, improving, and ascertaining the English language, I hope
is reserved for Congress; they have every motive that can possibly
influence a public assembly to undertake it. It will have a happy
effect upon the union of the States to have a public standard for all
persons in every part of the Continent to appeal to, both for the
signification and pronunciation of the language. The constitutions of
all the States in the Union are so democratical, that eloquence will
become the instrument, for recommending men to their fellow
citizens, and the principal means of advancement through the
various ranks and offices of society.
In the last century, Latin was the universal language of Europe.
Correspondence among the learned, and indeed among merchants
and men of business, and the conversation of strangers and
travellers, was generally carried on in that dead language. In the
present century, Latin has been generally laid aside, and French has
been substituted in its place; but has not yet become universally
established, and according to present appearances, it is not probable
that it will. English is destined to be, in the next and succeeding
centuries more generally the language of the world, than Latin was
in the last, or French is in the present age. The reason of this is
obvious, because the increasing population in America, and their
universal connexion and correspondence with all nations will, aided
by the influence of England in the world, whether great or small,
force their language into general use, in spite of all the obstacles
that may be thrown in their way, if any such there should be.
It is not necessary to enlarge further, to show the motives which the
people of America have to turn their thoughts early to this subject;
they will naturally occur to Congress in a much greater detail than I
have time to hint at. I would therefore submit to the consideration of
Congress, the expediency and policy of erecting, by their authority, a
society under the name of "The American Academy, for refining,
improving, and ascertaining the English Language." The authority of
Congress is necessary to give such a society reputation, influence,

and authority, through all the States, and with other nations. The
number of members of which it shall consist, the manner of
appointing those members, whether each State shall have a certain
number of members, and the power of appointing them, or whether
Congress shall appoint them, whether after the first appointment,
the society itself shall fill up vacancies, these, and other questions,
will easily be determined by Congress.
It will be necessary, that the society should have a library, consisting
of a complete collection of all writings concerning languages of every
sort, ancient and modern. They must have some officers, and some
other expenses, which will make some small funds indispensably
necessary. Upon a recommendation from Congress, there is no
doubt but the Legislature of every State in the confederation would
readily pass a law, making such a society a body politic, enable it to
sue, and be sued, and to hold an estate, real or personal, of a
limited value in that State. I have the honor to submit these hints to
the consideration of Congress.
JOHN ADAMS.
Sir,
The day before yesterday, Mr Dana arrived here from Paris, with the
despatches which came by Mr Searle.

I am very sensible of the honor that is done me by this appointment,
and yesterday morning I set myself seriously about discharging the
duties of it, and this day I have been some leagues into the country
upon the same service. There are good reasons for concealing the
names of the gentlemen to whom I have applied for advice and
assistance, but they are such as Congress, I think, would have
approved if they had themselves been here.
I was told very candidly, that I might possibly be much mistaken in
my information; that, possibly, I might think that money was more
plenty here than it is; that America had more friends than she has;
and that the difficulty of negotiating a loan here was less than it is;
that it was mysterious that Congress should empower any
gentleman to negotiate a loan, without, at the same time,
empowering the same, or some other, to negotiate a political treaty
of alliance and commerce, consistent with the treaties already made
with other powers; that a Minister Plenipotentiary here, would be
advised to apply directly to the Prince and the States-General; that
he would not be affronted or ill treated by either, and whether
received publicly or not, would be courted by many respectable
individuals, and would greatly facilitate a loan.
I was, however, encouraged to hope, that I might have some small
success, and was advised to a particular course in order to obtain it,
that cannot as yet be communicated. I must, however, apprize
Congress, that there are many delicate questions, which it becomes
my duty to determine in a short time, and perhaps none of more
difficulty than what house shall be applied to, or employed. I have
no affections or aversions to influence me in the choice. And shall
not depend upon my own judgment alone, without the advice of
such persons as Congress will one day know to be respectable. But
offence will probably be taken, let the choice fall upon whom it may,
by several other houses, that have pretensions and undoubted merit.
As this may occasion censure and complaints, I only ask of Congress
not to judge of those complaints without hearing my reasons, and
this request I presume I need not make. I have only to add, that the

moment Mr Laurens shall arrive, or any other gentleman, vested
with the same commission, I will render him every service in my
power, and communicate to him every information I may possess.
But I ought not to conclude without giving my opinion, that it is
absolutely necessary that Mr Laurens, or whoever comes in his
place, should have a commission of Minister Plenipotentiary. If that
gentleman was now here with such a commission, it would have
more influence than perhaps anybody in America can imagine, upon
the conduct of this Republic, upon the Congress at Petersburg, and
upon the success of Mr Jay, at Madrid.
JOHN ADAMS.
Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding Letter.
Whereas, by our commission to Henry Laurens, bearing date the
30th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1779, we have
constituted and appointed him, the said Henry Laurens, during our
pleasure, our agent for and on behalf of the said United States, to
negotiate a loan with any person or persons, bodies politic and
corporate; and whereas the said Henry Laurens has, by unavoidable
accidents, been hitherto prevented from proceeding on the said
agency, we, therefore, reposing especial trust and confidence in your
patriotism, ability, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents,
constitute and appoint you, the said John Adams, until the said
Henry Laurens, or some other person appointed in his stead, shall
arrive in Europe, and undertake the execution of the aforesaid
commission, our agent for and on behalf of the said United States,
to negotiate a loan with any person or persons, bodies politic and

corporate, promising in good faith to ratify and confirm whatsoever
shall by you be done in the premises, or relating thereunto.
Witness his Excellency, Samuel Huntington, President of the
Congress of the United States of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th
day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1780, and in the fourth year of
our independence.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.
Sir,
I have the honor to send by this opportunity a few pamphlets and
papers. The pamphlets relate to subjects which interest the United
States, and therefore ought to be communicated to Congress for
their consideration.
The attention of mankind is now turned, next to the Congress of
America, upon that at Petersburg. The last letters from London say
that they have information, that one of the first measures of this
confederation will be an acknowledgment of American
independence. Whether this is true or not, I am not able to say. The
councils of the sovereigns of Europe are not easily penetrated; but it
is our duty to attend to them, and throw into view such information
as may be in our power, that they take no measures inconsistent
with their and our interest for want of light, a misfortune that may
easily happen. In this view, I could wish that the United States had a
minister at each of the maritime Courts, I mean Holland, Russia,
Sweden, and Denmark, and, as the Cabinet of Berlin has much

influence in the politics of Europe, Prussia. I say this upon
supposition, that Congress can devise means of defraying the
expense, which to be sure amounts to a large sum.
I have heard that Mr Searle has arrived at Brest, but am not
informed of his destination, nor whether he has despatches for me. I
am anxious to learn from Congress what their intentions may be
respecting me, I have as yet received no authority to draw upon any
fund whatsoever for my subsistence, nor to borrow money for that
or any other purpose. I see no prospect of my commission being of
any utility. Although many persons here think that peace will be
made in the course of the ensuing winter or spring, yet I must
confess I am of a different opinion. The idea, that France will dictate
the conditions of peace, if it is made now, cannot be borne by
Englishmen as yet, they are not yet sufficiently humbled, although
probably every year will add some fresh humiliation to the demands
upon their country. The English privateers have taken some Russian
vessels loaded with hemp and iron, which must bring the question to
a legal decision. The Admiralty will probably discharge them, and the
Ministry will give up the point of free ships making free goods,
provided the Dutch agree with the Northern Powers, for they will not
venture upon a war with all the world at once. Besides the military
force, which they could not stand against, they would not be able to
obtain any stores for their navy. But the great question now is,
whether the Dutch will agree. Their deputies are instructed to insist
upon a warranty of their East and West India dominions. Whether
the Northern Powers will agree to this condition, is a question. The
States-General, however, are sitting, and will wait for despatches
from Petersburg, and will probably be much governed by events.
What events have happened in the West Indies and North America
we shall soon learn.
Digby has sailed with a part of Geary's late fleet, whether for
another expedition to Gibraltar, or whether for the West Indies or
North America, is unknown. The success of these operations will
probably influence much the deliberations both at Petersburg and

the Hague. This time only can discover. It is said, however, that M.
Le Texier will be exempted by the States-General from the payment
of duties upon his masts, hemp, iron, and other naval stores that he
is sending over land, to the French Marine. The capture of fiftyfive
ships at once, so much wealth, so many seamen and soldiers, and
such quantities of stores, is a severe stroke to the English, and
cannot but have the most excellent effects for us, both in the West
Indies and North America. The right vein is now opened, and I hope
that the Courts of France and Spain will now be in earnest in
convoying their own commerce and cruising for that of their
enemies. This is a short, easy, and infallible method of humbling the
English, preventing the effusion of an ocean of blood, and bringing
the war to a conclusion. In this policy, I hope our countrymen will
join, with the utmost alacrity. Privateering is as well understood by
them as any people whatsoever; and it is by cutting off supplies, not
by attacks, sieges, or assaults, that I expect deliverance from
enemies. And I should be wanting in my duty, if I did not warn them
against any relaxation of their exertions by sea or land, from a fond
expectation of peace. They will deceive themselves if they depend
upon it. Never, never will the English make peace while they have an
army in North America.
JOHN ADAMS.
Sir,

Since the receipt of the despatches from Congress, brought by Mr
Searle, I have been uninterruptedly employed in attempting to carry
into execution their designs.
The first inquiry which arose in my own mind was, whether it was
prudent to make any communication of my business to the States-
General or to the Prince. Considering that my errand was simply an
affair of credit, and that I had no political authority whatsoever, I
thought, and upon consulting gentlemen of the most knowledge,
best judgment, and most undoubted inclination for a solid and
lasting connexion between the two Republics, I found them of the
same opinion, that it was best to keep my designs secret as long as
I could.
I then inquired whether it would be proper to communicate anything
to the Regency of Amsterdam, or any branch of government
whatsoever; and I was advised against it, and to proceed to
endeavor to effect a loan upon the simple foundation of private
credit. I have accordingly made all the inquiries possible, for the best
and most unexceptionable House. Tomorrow I expect an answer to
some propositions which I made yesterday.
This business must all be settled with so much secrecy and caution,
and I am under so many difficulties, not understanding the Dutch
language, and the gentlemen I have to do with not being much
more expert in French than I am myself, and not understanding
English at all, that the business goes on slower than I could wish.
Commodore Gillon, by his knowledge of Dutch and general
acquaintance here, has been as useful to me as he has been
friendly.
I never saw the national benefit of a fine language generally read
and spoken in so strong a light as since I have been here. The Dutch
language is understood by nobody but themselves, the consequence
of which has been, that this nation is not known. With as profound
learning and ingenuity as any people in Europe, they have been
overlooked, because they were situated among others more

numerous and powerful than they. I hope that Congress will take
warning by their example, and do everything in their power to make
the language they speak, respectable throughout the world.
Separated as we are from the Kingdom of Great Britain, we have not
made war upon the English language any more than against the old
English character. An academy instituted by the authority of
Congress for correcting, improving, and fixing the English language,
would strike Great Britain with envy, and all the rest of the world
with admiration. The labors of such a society would unite all America
in the same language, for thirty millions of Americans to speak to all
the nations of the earth by the middle of the nineteenth century.
JOHN ADAMS.
Sir,
There are some persons in this Republic who have been attentive to
this war, and who know somewhat of the history of the rise and
progress of the United States of America, but it is astonishing that
the number should be so small. Even in the city of Amsterdam,
which is the most attentive to our affairs, and the best inclined
towards us, there are few persons who do not consider the American
resistance as a desultory rage of a few enthusiasts, without order,
discipline, law, or government. There are scarcely any that have an
adequate idea of the numbers, the increasing population, or the
growing commerce of America.

Upon my arrival here, some gentlemen were inquisitive about our
forms of government. I asked if they had seen them in print; I was
answered, no. Upon this I made it my business to search in all the
booksellers' shops for a collection of American Constitutions, which
was published in French two or three years ago, but could find only
two copies, which I presented to the gentlemen who made the
inquiry. Nothing would serve our cause more than having a complete
edition of all the American Constitutions correctly printed in English
at Philadelphia, by order of Congress, and sent to Europe, as well as
sold in America. The Rhode Island and Connecticut Constitutions
ought not to be omitted, although they have undergone no
alteration; and it would be well to print the Confederation in the
same volume. This volume would be read by everybody in Europe
who reads English, and could obtain it, and some would even learn
English for the sake of reading it; it would be translated into every
language of Europe, and would fix the opinion of our
unconquerability more than anything could, except driving the
enemy wholly from the United States.
There has been nobody here of sufficient information and
consideration to turn the attention of the public towards our affairs,
to communicate from time to time to the public, in a language that
is understood, intelligence from England, France or America; but on
the contrary, there have been persons enough employed and well
paid by our enemies, to propagate misinformation,
misrepresentation, and abuse.
The ancient and intimate connexion between the Houses of Orange
and Brunswick, the family alliances, and the vast advantage which
the Princes of Orange have derived in erecting, establishing, and
perpetuating the Stadtholder against the inclination of the republican
party, and the reliance which this family still has upon the same
connexion to support it, have attached the executive power of this
government in such a manner to England, that nothing but necessity
could make a separation. On the contrary, the republican party,
which has heretofore been conducted by Barnevelt, Grotius, the De

Witts and other immortal patriots, have ever leaned towards an
alliance with France because she has ever favored the republican
form of government in this nation. All parties however agree, that
England has been ever jealous and envious of the Dutch commerce,
and done it great injuries; that this country is more in the power of
France if she were hostile, than of England, and that her trade with
France is of vastly greater value than that with England. Yet England
has more influence here than France. The Dutch, some of them at
least, now see another commercial and maritime power arising,
which it is their interest to form an early connexion with. All parties
here see that it is not their interest that France and Spain should
secure too many advantages in America, and too great a share in
her commerce, and especially in the fisheries in her seas. All parties
too see that it would be dangerous to the commerce, and even
Independence of the United Provinces, to have America again under
the dominion of England, and the republicans see, or think they see,
that a change in this government and a loss of their liberties would
be the consequence of it too.
Amidst all these conflicts of interests and parties, and all these
speculations, the British Ambassador, with his swarms of agents, is
busily employed in propagating reports, in which they are much
assisted by those who are called here Stadtholderians, and there has
been nobody to contradict or explain anything. This should be the
business in part of a Minister Plenipotentiary. Such a Minister,
however, would not have it in his power to do it effectually, without
frequent and constant information from Congress. At present this
nation is so ignorant of the strength, resources, commerce, and
constitution of America, it has so false and exaggerated an
imagination of the power of England, it has so many doubts of our
final success, so many suspicions of our falling finally into the hands
of France and Spain, so many jealousies that France and Spain will
abandon us, or that we shall abandon them, so many fears of
offending the English Ministry, the English Ambassador, the great
mercantile houses, that are very profitably employed by both, and
above all, the Stadtholder and his friends, that even a loan of money

will meet with every obstruction and discouragement possible. These
chimeras, and many more, are held up to the people, and influence
their minds and conduct to such a degree, that no man dares openly
and publicly disregard them.
I have this day received an answer to some propositions, which I
made last Saturday to a very respectable house, declining to accept
the trust proposed. I do not, however, despair; I still hope to obtain
something; but I am fully persuaded, that without a commission of
Minister Plenipotentiary, and without time and care to lead the public
opinion into the truth, no man living will ever succeed, to any large
amount. Those persons, who wish to lend us money, and are able to
lend us any considerable sum, are the patriots, who are willing to
risk the resentment of the British and the Stadtholder, for the sake of
extending the commerce, strengthening the political interest, and
preserving the liberties of their country. They think, that lending us
money without forming a political connexion with us will answer
these ends. That cause stands very insecurely, which rests on the
shoulders of patriotism in any part of Europe. But in such case, if
patriotism is left in a state of doubt whether she ought to sustain it,
the cause must fall to the ground.
JOHN ADAMS.
Sir,

On the 5th of this month, the Barons of Wassenaar and Heekeren,
Ministers Plenipotentiary of the States-General, had their first
audience of the Empress of Russia, presented their letters of credit,
and were graciously received. The Baron de Wassenaar, in
presenting his letters of credit, addressed to the Empress the
following speech.
"Madam,
"The States-General, our masters, having received with a lively
gratitude the invitation, which your Imperial Majesty has been so
good as to make to them to take in concert with you the measures
the most proper and the most effectual for the maintenance of the
rights of their respective subjects, and of the dignity of their States,
have thought, that they could not answer thereto with more
promptitude than by ordering us to your Court, to the end to
endeavor to conclude a project as great as it is just and equitable,
the honor of which is solely due to your Imperial Majesty, and which
apparently must complete the glory of your reign, already famous by
so many illustrious events, and immortalise your name, by rendering
you the support and the protectress of the most sacred rights of
nations.
"Their High Mightinesses will esteem themselves happy, if they may,
on this occasion, strengthen still further, and by indissoluble ties the
union, which already subsists between your empire and their
Republic, and make themselves regarded by you as your most
faithful and sincere allies, while they shall always esteem it an honor
to give marks of the respectful regard and perfect veneration, which
they have for your person, and eminent qualities. Our wishes will be
complete, Madam, if in succeeding to serve our masters in so
desirable an object, and upon which they have founded the greatest
hopes, our Ministry might be agreeable to you, and procure us the
approbation and the high benevolence of your Imperial Majesty."
The Empress made to this discourse a very gracious answer, in
saying, that it was very agreeable to her, that their High

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