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5. Series ISSN: 1947-945X
Researching
Serendipity in
Digital Information
Environments
Lori McCay-Peet
Elaine G.Toms
Series Editor: Gary Marchionini, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Researching Serendipity in Digital Information Environments
Lori McCay-Peet, Dalhousie University
Elaine G.Toms, University of Sheffield
Chance, luck, and good fortune are the usual go-to descriptors of serendipity, a phenomenon aptly
often coupled with famous anecdotes of accidental discoveries in engineering and science in modern
history such as penicillin, Teflon, and Post-it notes. Serendipity, however, is evident in many fields
of research, in organizations, in everyday life – and there is more to it than luck implies. While the
phenomenon is strongly associated with in-person interactions with people, places, and things,
most attention of late has focused on its preservation and facilitation within digital information
environments. Serendipity’s association with unexpected, positive user experiences and outcomes
has spurred an interest in understanding both how current digital information environments support
serendipity and how novel approaches may be developed to facilitate it. Research has sought to
understand serendipity, how it is manifested in people’s personality traits and behaviors, how it may
be facilitated in digital information environments such as mobile applications,and its impacts on an
individual, an organizational, and a wider level. Because serendipity is expressed and understood in
different ways in different contexts,multiple methods have been used to study the phenomenon and
evaluate digital information environments that may support it.This volume brings together different
disciplinary perspectives and examines the motivations for studying serendipity, the various ways in
which serendipity has been approached in the research, methodological approaches to build theory,
and how it may be facilitated. Finally, a roadmap for serendipity research is drawn by integrating
key points from this volume to produce a framework for the examination of serendipity in digital
information environments.
store.morganclaypool.com
About SYNTHESIS
This volume is a printed version of a work that appears in the Synthesis
Digital Library of Engineering and Computer Science. Synthesis
books provide concise, original presentations of important research and
development topics, published quickly, in digital and print formats.
RESEARCHING
SERENDIPITY
IN
DIGITAL
INFORMATION
ENVIRONMENTS
Series ISSN: 1947-945X
MCCAY-PEET
•
TOMS
MORGAN
&
CLAYPOOL
9. iii
Synthesis Lectures on
Information Concepts, Retrieval,
and Services
Editor
Gary Marchionini, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Synthesis Lectures on Information Concepts, Retrieval, and Services publishes short books on
topics pertaining to information science and applications of technology to information discovery,
production, distribution, and management. Potential topics include: data models, indexing theory
and algorithms, classification, information architecture, information economics, privacy and iden-
tity, scholarly communication, bibliometrics and webometrics, personal information management,
human information behavior, digital libraries, archives and preservation, cultural informatics, in-
formation retrieval evaluation, data fusion, relevance feedback, recommendation systems, question
answering, natural language processing for retrieval, text summarization, multimedia retrieval,
multilingual retrieval, and exploratory search.
Researching Serendipity in Digital Information Environments
Lori McCay-Peet and Elaine G. Toms
Digital Libraries for Cultural Heritage: Development, Outcomes, and Challenges from European
Perspectives
Tatjana Aparac-Jelušić
iRODS Primer 2: Integrated Rule-Oriented Data System
Hao Xu, Terrell Russell, Jason Coposky, Arcot Rajasekar, Reagan Moore, Antoine de Torcy, Mi-
chael Wan, Wayne Shroeder, and Sheau-Yen Chen
Information Architecture: The Design and Integration of Information Spaces, Second Edition
Wei Ding, Xia Lin, and Michael Zarro
Fuzzy Information Retrieval
Donald H. Kraft and Erin Colvin
Quantifying Research Integrity
Michael Seadle
10. iv
Incidental Exposure to Online News
Borchuluun Yadamsuren and Sanda Erdelez
Web Indicators for Research Evaluation: A Practical Guide
Michael Thelwall
Trustworthy Policies for Distributed Repositories
Reagan W. Moore, Hao Xu, Mike Conway, Arcot Rajasekar, Jon Crabtree, and Helen Tibbo
The Notion of Relevance in Information Science: Everybody knows what relevance is. But, what
is it really?
Tefko Saracevic
Dynamic Information Retrieval Modeling
Grace Hui Yang, Marc Sloan, and Jun Wang
Learning from Multiple Social Networks
Liqiang Nie, Xuemeng Song, and Tat-Seng Chua
Scholarly Collaboration on the Academic Social Web
Daqing He and Wei Jeng
Scalability Challenges in Web Search Engines
B. Barla Cambazoglu and Ricardo Baeza-Yates
Social Informatics Evolving
Pnina Fichman, Madelyn R. Sanfilippo, and Howard Rosenbaum
On the Efficient Determination of Most Near Neighbors: Horseshoes, Hand Grenades, Web
Search and Other Situations When Close Is Close Enough, Second Edition
Mark S. Manasse
Building a Better World with Our Information: The Future of Personal Information Management,
Part 3
William Jones
Click Models for Web Search
Aleksandr Chuklin, Ilya Markov, and Maarten de Rijke
Information Communication
Feicheng Ma
Social Media and Library Services
Lorraine Mon
11. v
Analysis and Visualization of Citation Networks
Dangzhi Zhao and Andreas Strotmann
The Taxobook: Applications, Implementation, and Integration in Search, Part 3
Marjorie M. K. Hlava
The Taxobook: Principles and Practices of Building Taxonomies, Part 2
Marjorie M. K. Hlava
Measuring User Engagement
Mounia Lalmas, Heather O’Brien, and Elad Yom-Tov
The Taxobook: History, Theories, and Concepts of Knowledge Organization, Part 1
Marjorie M. K. Hlava
Children’s Internet Search: Using Roles to Understand Children’s Search Behavior
Elizabeth Foss and Allison Druin
Digital Library Technologies: Complex Objects, Annotation, Ontologies, Classification, Ex-
traction, and Security
Edward A. Fox and Ricardo da Silva Torres
Digital Libraries Applications: CBIR, Education, Social Networks, eScience/Simulation, and GIS
Edward A. Fox and Jonathan P. Leidig
Information and Human Values
Kenneth R. Fleischmann
Multiculturalism and Information and Communication Technology
Pnina Fichman and Madelyn R. Sanfilippo
Transforming Technologies to Manage Our Information: The Future of Personal Information
Management, Part II
William Jones
Designing for Digital Reading
Jennifer Pearson, George Buchanan, and Harold Thimbleby
Information Retrieval Models: Foundations and Relationships
Thomas Roelleke
Key Issues Regarding Digital Libraries: Evaluation and Integration
Rao Shen, Marcos Andre Goncalves, and Edward A. Fox
12. vi
Visual Information Retrieval Using Java and LIRE
Mathias Lux and Oge Marques
On the Efficient Determination of Most Near Neighbors: Horseshoes, Hand Grenades, Web
Search and Other Situations When Close is Close Enough
Mark S. Manasse
The Answer Machine
Susan E. Feldman
Theoretical Foundations for Digital Libraries: The 5S (Societies, Scenarios, Spaces, Structures,
Streams) Approach
Edward A. Fox, Marcos André Gonçalves, and Rao Shen
The Future of Personal Information Management, Part I: Our Information, Always and Forever
William Jones
Search User Interface Design
Max L. Wilson
Information Retrieval Evaluation
Donna Harman
Knowledge Management (KM) Processes in Organizations: Theoretical Foundations and Practice
Claire R. McInerney and Michael E. D. Koenig
Search-Based Applications: At the Confluence of Search and Database Technologies
Gregory Grefenstette and Laura Wilber
Information Concepts: From Books to Cyberspace Identities
Gary Marchionini
Estimating the Query Difficulty for Information Retrieval
David Carmel and Elad Yom-Tov
iRODS Primer: Integrated Rule-Oriented Data System
Arcot Rajasekar, Reagan Moore, Chien-Yi Hou, Christopher A. Lee, Richard Marciano, Antoine
de Torcy, Michael Wan, Wayne Schroeder, Sheau-Yen Chen, Lucas Gilbert, Paul Tooby, and Bing
Zhu
Collaborative Web Search: Who, What, Where, When, and Why
Meredith Ringel Morris and Jaime Teevan
Multimedia Information Retrieval
Stefan Rüger
13. vii
Online Multiplayer Games
William Sims Bainbridge
Information Architecture: The Design and Integration of Information Spaces
Wei Ding and Xia Lin
Reading and Writing the Electronic Book
Catherine C. Marshall
Hypermedia Genes: An Evolutionary Perspective on Concepts, Models, and Architectures
Nuno M. Guimarães and Luís M. Carrico
Understanding User-Web Interactions via Web Analytics
Bernard J. (Jim) Jansen
XML Retrieval
Mounia Lalmas
Faceted Search
Daniel Tunkelang
Introduction to Webometrics: Quantitative Web Research for the Social Sciences
Michael Thelwall
Exploratory Search: Beyond the Query-Response Paradigm
Ryen W. White and Resa A. Roth
New Concepts in Digital Reference
R. David Lankes
Automated Metadata in Multimedia Information Systems: Creation, Refinement, Use in Surro-
gates, and Evaluation
Michael G. Christel
15. Researching Serendipity in Digital
Information Environments
Lori McCay-Peet
Dalhousie University
Elaine G.Toms
The University of Sheffield
SYNTHESIS LECTURES ON INFORMATION CONCEPTS, RETRIEVAL,
AND SERVICES #59
M
&C MORGAN & CLAYPOOL PUBLISHERS
17. At the time of the accession of Charles I., Ireland was treated simply
as a conquered province, not as an integral portion of the British
empire, and its inhabitants still looked upon as aliens and enemies.
They had no rights which the officers sent by royal authority, and
controlled by cupidity, were obliged to respect, and the very desire
for the possession of a piece of land inherited by a proprietor of
native descent was sufficient reason for an act of attainder for
treason or a search after defective titles. To such an extent was this
latter species of iniquity carried that, during the first years of the
reign of Charles I., and under the administration of Stafford as lord-
deputy, more than a quarter of a million of acres were wrested from
the real proprietors, and transferred to the hands of English
adventurers. Even jurors who sat upon the causes in dispute were
imprisoned, and excessive fines imposed, if they refused compliance
with the wishes of the king's lieutenant.
Under these circumstances, it was only natural that the Irish should
look about for some means of redress. Property was becoming daily
less secure; for the successful practice of this species of plunder was
a continual encouragement to fresh outrage; and there was no
estimate of the degree to which the injury might be carried. But the
remedies proposed in the beginning were peaceful. The lords and
gentry met together and drew up a bill of rights, and offered to pay
a large sum of money for the royal assent. This measure, known as
the Charter of Graces, by one of its provisions proposed to limit the
title of the king in lands to sixty years. Changes also were asked in
the penal code, and a clause was inserted forbidding the lord-
deputy, during his term of office, from coming in possession of land
either by purchase or confiscation. The demands were in every
respect temperate, and nothing more was asked than a reasonable
security for private property, and such privileges as the dignity and
self-respect of the subject would require. The king, when the charter
was first presented for his signature, was inclined to look upon its
provisions with favor; but through the influence, it is said, of Lord
Strafford, he was induced to withhold his approval. But while this
subject was agitating with alternate hopes and fears the minds of
18. the Irish people, a new measure, or rather an extension of the old
system, was planned by the lord-deputy. The success of the English
colonization scheme, undertaken in Ulster during the reign of James
I., had opened the way for still another attempt at dispossessing the
native population of their lands; and Connaught was selected as the
next field for operations. This second experiment would probably
have proved as successful as the first, if the inevitable fruit of so
much tyranny had not come to its maturity.
The uprising of the Irish population in 1641 occurred under more
favorable auspices than any previous one, and had they made a
united effort for absolute independence, England could not have
resisted the forces which were brought into the field against her. But
the confederates, as the Irish party was called, were composed of
elements too much at variance among themselves to meet with
permanent success. The Anglo-Irish inhabitants, or those of English
descent, who were looking simply to the security of their property,
and exemption from the tyranny of local officers, had no bond of
union with the native Irish, who sought the complete recovery of
their lost liberties and the rehabilitation of their ancient institutions.
Here was a cause for faction which their enemies readily understood,
and by which they as readily profited. The Anglo-Irish were afraid of
the resumption of power by the descendants of the native chieftains,
and it was natural that they should seek to avoid such a result.
Nevertheless, led by officers whose exile from their country in former
years had been the means of raising them to eminence in the armies
of France, Spain, and Germany, the confederates were very
successful, and obtained possession of almost the entire island. The
peasantry came down from the mountains, whither they had been
driven years before to give place to the English colonists, and,
without bloodshed, again took peaceable possession of their lost
domains. Owen O'Niel, an officer who had done eminent service on
the continent, was the ruling spirit of the movement, and it was
through his management and address that the confederacy was
enabled to maintain such formidable proportions. But the various
incidents of that struggle, prolonged through several years, and
19. ending finally during the dictatorship of Cromwell, belong rather to
history than to such an article as this, and we must restrict our
attention to the results that followed upon the triumph of the English
arms.
The troops that Cromwell had brought into Ireland were the most
puritanical of his entire army. He had probably at this period begun
to indulge in regal aspirations; and hence he desired the removal
from England of the more ultra republican and radical of his
followers. It is likewise probable that he selected this class of men
because their religious fanaticism would make them more zealous in
the cause. In the final settlement of the country, as Ulster and
Connaught were already the property of the colonists, and not
subject to confiscation, the two remaining provinces of Munster and
Leinster had to satisfy the claims of the army, and were accordingly
portioned out to the followers of Cromwell. The property of the lords
and gentry who had joined the confederation was ruthlessly
confiscated. The peasantry who had survived the long war were
reduced to a state akin to slavery, and many indeed, by order of
Cromwell, were sold in the Barbadoes, and in other dependencies of
Great Britain. About 200,000 people in all, it is estimated, left the
island, of whom 40,000 entered the various armies of continental
Europe. These comprised all classes; as to the peasantry who
remained, some estimate may be formed of their privileges when we
state that they were forbidden to leave their parishes, or to
assemble together for public worship, or for any other purpose
whatever. The Cromwellian soldiers of every grade, from privates to
commanding officers, had taken possession of the estates; and
these were the new lords to whom allegiance was due, and by
whom it was most rigidly exacted.
But the commonwealth was already crumbling to pieces. The death
of Cromwell, and the dissatisfaction caused by a government which
was aristocratic and despotic without being regal, soon paved the
way for the accession of Charles II., and revived the hopes of those
who had been unjustly deprived of their estates at the close of the
20. war. From first to last the Anglo-Irish portion of the confederates
claimed that they had been contending for Charles I., and only
against his enemies and the parliament. Of the fact that they had
desired simply protection, and had been more loyal than disloyal to
the throne, there was abundant evidence; and it was to be
presumed that the new king would look with more favor upon their
claims than upon those of their opponents. To the end of recovering
their property, therefore, they began to petition the king in great
numbers. That there might be a semblance of justice, a court of
claims was established for the ostensible purpose of adjudication.
But it was soon evident that there was no intention of dispossessing
the new proprietors; and when it was found that, without the most
gross and palpable violations of right, it would be impossible
frequently not to decide in favor of the former occupants of the
confiscated estates, the court was adjourned, and was never allowed
to hold another session. Many thousands, by this act, were
irretrievably ruined. The Duke of Ormond, prominent throughout the
rebellion, played an important part, to the disadvantage of his
countrymen, in these transactions, and added enormously to his own
estates. At the beginning of the rebellion his property had been
about nine tenths encumbered; but by securing an act transferring
all encumbrances to the king, and then obtaining a release from his
obligations in that quarter, he freed himself from all his difficulties.
When James II. ascended the English throne, about two thirds of
the private property of Ireland appears to have been in dispute. The
dispossessed proprietors were still clamoring for their rights, and the
Cromwellian settlers and the colonists were as sturdily adhering to
their claims, and ready at any time to defend their new possessions
by either legitimate or illegitimate means. The reign of James from
the beginning was weak. The trifling rebellions in Scotland and
England which disturbed the first years of his authority were easily
quelled, it is true; but he seems to have been intoxicated by his
success, and led to the support of measures which were not advised
by either prudence or good judgment. The spirit of religious
intolerance was at this time most active and implacable. It had been
21. many years since the separation of the English Church from the
Catholic authority, and the time might have been thought propitious
for something like a recognition of equality between religious bodies;
but James endeavored to promote the interest of Catholicity with a
zeal that was not to be tolerated by the Protestant bigotry of the
day, and many of his acts gave great offence. Of this character was
the appointment of the Earl of Tyrconnel, a Roman Catholic, first to
the command of the Irish army, and afterward to the government of
Ireland itself. The Protestant inhabitants of that country, who knew
by what a doubtful claim they held their estates, could not fail of
taking the alarm and looking forward to the day when there would
be an attempt made to dispossess them of the disputed property.
The event proved, indeed, that their fears were not groundless. The
act of settlement, the measure upon which the Protestant
proprietors depended for the possession of their lands, became
immediately the subject in debate; and it was soon evident that its
repeal was intended. To comprehend fully the magnitude of such an
undertaking, it will be necessary to glance at the situation of the
island at this period, and see to what an extent the inhabitants of
the country had been plundered of their property. The whole number
of acres of land in Ireland was estimated at above 10,400,000, and
of this amount 3,000,000 acres were unproductive. This would leave
about 7,000,000 acres of arable and pasture land, and 5,000,000 of
these, during the reign of Charles I., were still in the hands of
Catholic proprietors. Then followed the revolution with the irruption
of Cromwell's followers. The situation became greatly changed. At
the time of the passage of the act of settlement, only about 800,000
acres remained in the hands of Catholic proprietors. Of the
remainder, 800,000 acres were under the control of the government,
but leased to Protestants, and 3,300,000 had gone to reward the
prowess of the Protector's soldiers. This property had now been in
the hands of its present occupants, or absentee landlords, for nearly
forty years. To repeal the act which settled all this broad inheritance
upon the adventurers was undoubtedly the intention of James; and
although this was not the only charge which the British aristocracy
and people made against their unpopular sovereign, it was a
22. powerful influence in the train of events that seated the Prince of
Orange on the English throne.
Exiled from London, the unfortunate James fled to Dublin. The Irish
parliament of 1689, which was summoned by his authority, besides
repudiating the jurisdiction of the English courts of law and of the
English parliament, and proclaiming the independence of the Irish
legislature, repealed the act of settlement; but, as the event proved,
these acts were the mere mockery of regal and legislative
enactments, and were not productive of even a temporary
advantage to his adherents. The Prince of Orange, now recognized
as King William of England, came in person to Ireland, and the two
kings confronted each other at the battle of the Boyne. History has
told the story of the discomfiture and inglorious flight of James, and
of the prolonged and desperate struggle which the Irish afterward
maintained against their adversaries; until finally the treaty of
Limerick confirmed and strengthened the English in their
possessions. Some concessions were made to the Irish, it is true, but
they were of a character that affected religion more than the tenure
of property; and at the final settlement, we are told, only 233,106
acres of land remained in the hands of Catholic proprietors.
This was the last great event that influenced to a considerable
degree the tenure of property in Ireland. After a struggle of about
five hundred years, we find the island completely at the feet of the
conquerors, and the descendants of the native inhabitants with no
inheritance, or next to none, upon their own territory. We might
have heightened the picture by recounting the assassinations and
butcheries of the various wars, the outrages of military government,
and the refined cruelties of religious persecution; but these things
did not enter into the purpose of this article, and we have confined
ourselves to simple statements of facts in their relation to the tenure
of property. We have endeavored to trace the means by which the
great bulk of the real estate on the island has been transferred from
those whose descent entitled them to a proprietary interest in the
soil to a class of foreign and frequently absentee landlords, who
23. manifest no interest in the country or the people save by the annual
collection of their tenant dues. It cannot have failed to impress the
reader that the purpose of the English government, from the
beginning, has been to crush out and destroy as far as practicable
the native inhabitants, and to supply their place with a foreign
population. To this end only could have been designed the various
colonization schemes that distinguished the reigns of James I. and
Charles II.; the different edicts of expulsion, and the readiness with
which the English government has always advanced the wishes of
those who contemplated a voluntary expatriation from their native
country. But in despite of all this, the proportional native population
of the island has steadily increased, while in both Great Britain and
America the Irish people have become a formidable power. Their
complaints and demands for redress of grievances can no longer be
passed by in silent contempt. The land question must be settled
upon some basis that will not merely place the Irish peasantry upon
the footing of an independent tenantry, but will enable every laborer
to look forward to the eventual possession of a portion of the soil,
that thus a fitting stimulus and reward may be offered to thrift and
industry.
24. AT THE CHURCH DOOR.
A lovely afternoon in September was drawing to its close; the
shadows were long upon the pavement, and a gentle breeze brought
the fragrance of heliotrope and late roses over the wall from a
garden adjoining a handsome house in the old and well-known town
of N——. The hall-door opened and shut behind a young woman
who walked rather wearily down the steps and along the street. It
was evident that she was not thinking of the sun, nor the breeze,
nor the sweet breath of the flowers; she looked neither to the right
nor to the left, and yet her steps seemed listless and without an aim.
Her dress was plain, plain almost to poverty, and without the
slightest attempt at ornament, yet it would have been impossible to
pass her without notice. She was tall and graceful, and her features
were very handsome; but that was not what would have attracted
your attention; there was a something which told she was a lady—
not perhaps in the truest meaning of the word, as it may be applied
to a servant-girl or an apple-woman whose instincts are refined and
Christian; but you felt that she was well-born and well-bred, and
that her tastes were such as would not well accord with her coarse
dress and shabby bonnet. True, if you had been a close observer,
you might have seen that her boots were very pretty, her gloves of
the best kid, very fresh and unworn at the finger-tips, and it might
have surprised you to see that on her ungloved hand sparkled a
splendid ruby. But enough for exterior description; the face, though
so fair, was clouded and preoccupied, and as she walked she drew a
letter from her pocket and glanced at its contents.
"He appoints seven o'clock to meet me," she said to herself, "on the
stone seat outside the Catholic church. A strange place to choose! I
wish it had been somewhere else! Yet why should I care? What is
that church to me more than another? And soon I shall give my
25. promise that it shall be less than every other. It is a kind offer, a
generous offer; but I will not exchange you"—here she gave a
contemptuous twitch to her dress—"for a better till my wedding day.
He and every one shall see that I consider myself his equal, even in
these shabby clothes. O dear me! how tired I am! How that
wretched child insisted on playing discords with the pedal! I will not
go home, it is so far; but rest somewhere, and think how I can
accept him most graciously. I might as well sit on the stone seat
here outside the church; the shade of that tree looks inviting."
Agnes—for that was the name of the girl whose reverie we have put
into words for the benefit of our readers—had come to the pretty
church where Mr. Redfern had appointed to meet her. She sat down
on the bench outside, and we will take this opportunity to tell who
she was and why she waited there.
Agnes Deblois was the only child of Catholic parents; they were
wealthy, and as she was their idol, she was surrounded with friends,
comforts, and pleasures; with every thing, in short, that makes life
bright and beautiful. She had been carefully instructed and trained in
her religion by her excellent and fond mother; and it was a great
misfortune to her when this pious lady died, leaving her daughter, at
the age of seventeen, to the care of a father who was a negligent
and unpractical Catholic. Agnes was devoted to her father, and,
influenced by his example and by the ridicule of her worldly friends,
she allowed herself gradually to abandon her habits of piety and the
duties of her religion. After three years, during which Agnes had
been engrossed by the engagements and excitements of life "in
society," her father also died; when it was discovered not only that
he had lived beyond his means, but that he was even largely in debt.
By selling house, silver, and estate, Agnes was enabled to satisfy all
the creditors, and, finding herself almost without a dollar, she looked
around for her friends, whose protestations of devotion she recalled,
and to whose sympathy she naturally turned. But she was shocked
at the change she found even in those of whose fidelity she had felt
sure.
26. She was offered assistance, it was true, and even a home, yet with a
coldness and constraint which showed she was considered in the
light of a burden. From being almost crushed by the grief of her
bereavement, her spirit rose as the bitterness of her situation
became apparent, and she very soon resolved to be indebted to no
one either for home or for bread. Her education had been thorough
and superior; for music she had a rare talent, and she found it easy
to obtain as many pupils as her strength would allow her to attend
to. She threw herself into her new duties with an ardor which arose
from wounded pride, but which was destined to grow cool as the
irksomeness of the daily routine and unloveliness of the continual
presence of poverty wore upon her. It was hateful to her to be poor;
to wear clothes which, however neat and even pretty she might
make them, must still be plain and cheap. So she gave up all
attempt at ornament, and took a bitter pleasure in wearing what
was coarsest and most unattractive for her dress, though allowing
herself, as she was able, what was best in such small articles as
gloves, and still wearing the handsome jewels she had preserved
from her former life. For this she was greatly blamed, and even
reproved by those who called themselves her friends, and who were
scandalized at the bad taste of wearing dresses which a beggar
might despise with ornaments which, it must be confessed, were
handsomer than their own; but Agnes paid no attention, and went
on her own difficult and joyless path.
Formerly she had neglected her religion from carelessness and
human respect; now she kept away from church because she was
always tired and always sad, and because she no longer cared for
the faith of her mother and of her own happy childhood. But now a
wonderful thing had happened to her. She had come to this beautiful
and fashionable place in the summer because her pupils were there,
and because, as she took pleasure in saying, she wanted their
money, and at the house of the richest and proudest of them all she
had seen Mr. Redfern, a man of immense wealth, who had noticed
her, found opportunities of paying her attentions, and now had
asked her to marry him. She had his letter in her pocket, and she
27. took it out once more as she sat outside the church, and read a
passage from it:
"The only thing I ask of you is this: that you will give up, now
and for ever, all interest in the Romish Church."
"A needless request," she said, and laughed as she said it, while her
heart gave a leap as she thought of herself at the head of Mr.
Redfern's handsome house, sitting in state behind his high-stepping
grays, or receiving the keys from the hands of the obsequious
housekeeper.
A very old woman passed her and entered the church, bowing
herself low as she crossed the sacred threshold. Agnes watched her.
"I wonder if it is a pretty church inside? I think I have heard that it is
pretty."
Feeling impatient at the slowly passing time, she rose and walked
through the door, and up the middle aisle. There were no doors to
the pews, and seeing one that was cushioned, she entered it, sat
down, and leaning back, looked carelessly round her.
It was indeed a pretty church; the softened sunbeams streamed
through the stained glass of the Gothic windows, and fell in purple
and gold lights on the stone floor, flickering as the old elms outside
moved gently to and fro in the west wind. She saw the old woman
she had before noticed, kneeling before a picture, then leaving it
with many bows and courtesies, and going to another. What was she
about? Oh! she was saying the stations. Agnes remembered the
stations—those fourteen grievous steps in the Passion of our Lord
from his trial in Pilate's house to his burial in the sepulchre, at the
close of his three hours' agony on the cross.
"Poor old thing! how her back must ache. Why does she do it? Why,
she is crying, wiping her eyes with her apron, and lifting her hands
to heaven! Is that for her own sorrows, or those of her Saviour?"
28. Agnes was interested; she sat up and looked about her.
"There are two little children coming up the aisle. Do see them bob
up and down and cross themselves! Oh! now they are saying their
prayers."
Why should Agnes see them indistinctly? Why impatiently brush
something from her eyes? Ah! the picture of her childish days rose
before her, and she was for a moment once more a little child....
What nonsense! She had other things to think of now. She would
have a purple satin dress just the color of that pretty light on the
floor. It was fading away; it must be near sunset. At that moment
came from a choir of sweet young voices:
"Kyrie eleison! Christe eleison!"
She turned and saw the children practising for their Sunday-school
Mass, led by an excellent tenor; and leaning her head on her hand,
she listened; for so she thought the angelic choirs must sound.
"Kyrie eleison! Christe eleison!"
She knew what those words meant. Had she not often sung them
herself in days long past? Those dear old days!
Disturbed by a slight noise, Agnes glanced around; she saw an old
and venerable-looking man with gray hair, whose long black dress
fell to his feet, come up the side aisle and enter a confessional,
round which silently gathered a few women, kneeling till their turns
should come. A vague fear took possession of her heart, and she
quickly rose to leave the church; but something stopped her, and
she stood as if riveted to the earth.
What was it? Only a light, a feeble flame, which shone in a vase
hanging before the high altar. She had not noticed it before, the sun
had been so bright; but it was there all the time, and would be there
when she had turned her back upon it. Whose presence did the light
29. reveal? Who was it that waited day and night upon that holy altar?
Alone, unknown, forgotten—yes, and betrayed.
She uttered no sound; but her heart gave a great cry as she fell
upon her knees.
"Kyrie eleison! Christe eleison!" Those innocent voices still prolonged
the hymn, though what was their need of mercy compared with
hers? But the thought came to her that perhaps those invocations of
God's mercy by the little lambs of his fold would ascend in his sight
not for them, but for her, for the strayed sheep; and thinking thus,
she felt herself comforted. Kneeling motionless with her head bowed
on her hands, she did not pray, nor weep, but only saw.
She saw herself a little child robed in white, one of a band of many
little ones, with her shining veil, a true marriage garment, receiving
at the altar for the first time her God and Saviour.
She saw herself again, still a child, but older, kneeling again to
receive the bishop's hand on her forehead, and hearing the sacred
words, Signo te signo crucis. Confirmo te chrismate salutis.[149]
She saw her mother lying pale and faint, but with eyes full of light
and peace, and heard those dying words, "My only child, remember
that he who is ashamed of the Son of Man here, of him will He be
ashamed before His Father in heaven. Remember that, and
remember your best Friend." Who was that Friend?
She saw herself not once, but many, many times, blushing at the
name of her faith, hearing it despised and turned into ridicule; at
last denying it and becoming a scoffer herself. Whom had she denied
and despised?
She thought of the friends who had deserted her, and the answer
came, "Because I have deserted my best Friend."
She remembered her weary labors and thankless efforts, and a voice
replied, "But my yoke is sweet, and my burden light."
30. She said to herself, "But there is one who has offered me enough to
pay for all I have lost;" and once more the Holy Ghost spoke to her
heart, "Come unto me, you that labor and are burdened, and I will
refresh you."
That was meant for her; that was what she wanted for her weary,
troubled soul. "For the life is more than the meat, and the body
more than the raiment."
The voices of the children were silent as she once more rose and
looked about her. There was no one kneeling at the altar now;
shadows had fallen deeply upon the pavement; she was alone in the
church. No! for yonder at the window stood the priest, holding his
breviary up high to catch the fading light. What was he waiting for?
Who was it that waited long, long hours in that holy tribunal of
penance for the straying, lost sheep to come back to the fold? Her
every question was answered, and, urged by an impulse she could
not resist, she rose and hurried to the confessional, thinking as she
cast an imploring glance toward the priest, "Will he see me? Will he
come and save me?"
She knelt trembling, scarcely daring to breathe, till she heard his
step approaching, and in a moment the long unheard, yet strangely
familiar words, "Dominus sit in corde tuo et in labiis tuis, ut rite
confitearis omnia peccata tua."[150]
"Well, my child?"
Well may we let the curtain drop, not to penetrate that sacred
confidence. O poor soul! thou art safe. There are hymns of joy and
thanksgiving ascending to the eternal Father; for we know "there is
joy before the angels of God upon one sinner doing penance."
Half an hour later, as the clock struck seven, Mr. Redfern stood at
the church door, and asked an old woman whom, with beads in
31. hand, he met hobbling out, if she had seen a young lady waiting
there.
"No," she answered readily; "but there was a beautiful lady inside,
on her knees before the holy Mother of God. Bless her sweet face!"
With a terrible fear in his heart, he entered the church, and stood
beside a form bowed before the altar dedicated to the Immaculate
Mother. He touched her arm, and Agnes raised her face, suffused
with happy tears, yet smiling. She looked at him bewildered—for she
had forgotten all about him—as he said, in a whisper,
"Have you lost your senses? Come with me. I want to speak to you."
She rose obediently and followed him to the door. The tall tree-tops
waved in the breeze, and the young moon stood in the sky. She was
still silent, motionless, and he said in a hoarse voice, that trembled
in spite of his efforts to control it, "Are you coming with me?"
"No," she answered, "I must go back; I cannot leave It yet."
"What do you mean? I came for an answer to my letter. Have you
read it?"
She made a strong effort, and replied, "Yes, I read it; but I have
found peace and my faith again, and I forgot that you were coming.
O Mr. Redfern! for years I have been ashamed of the Son of God;
but I did not remember, till to-day, that he would be ashamed of me
before his Father. How could I bear that? But now he has forgiven
me, and made me happy, oh! so happy. I must go back to him." And
she looked at the door.
Mr. Redfern stood speechless for a moment. "I could not have a
papist wife," he said slowly. "So this is my answer, is it?"
But Agnes had already turned away, and in a moment more was
kneeling again beneath that faithful light, forgetting all but her love
and gratitude; and as the lamps were lighted in the choir, the
children's glad and rapturous voices chanted,
33. THE CHAPEL.
On the outskirts of the city, where the poor and
outcast dwell,
Is a humble little chapel, in its tower a sweet-
voiced bell;
And beside its simple altar, with a smile serene
and mild,
Stands a rudely-sculptured image of the Virgin
and her Child.
In the early, dewy mornings, when the grass-
grown walks are bright,
When beyond the chimneys glimmer the far
mountain-tops with light,
Here a crowd of poor and lowly to the dust their
heads incline,
As the chalice of salvation is uplifted o'er the
shrine.
Yonder, in the great cathedral, oriel tints the
banners stain,
On the purple and the mitre slanting down the
pictured pane;
And the statues high in niches, and the chanting
of the choir,
All art's mighty inspirations to the tired heart say,
"Aspire!"
Here heaven's pure white light streams inward;
here through open windows sweet
Blow the fresh airs on the wild flowers at the
Virgin Mother's feet,
34. And sweet, silvery, girlish voices sweetly chant a
simple strain,
Such as shepherds might have chanted on the
old Chaldean plain.
Often when my heart grows restless, burdened
with earth's cares, and sore,
Come I to this humble chapel, kneel down on the
wooden floor;
Those poor ragged outcasts round me, praying
side by side with them,
Wondrously I seem drawn nearer to the crib of
Bethlehem.
These pale faces, seamed and weary, seeking
solace here, and peace,
Speak more eloquent a language than the olden
seers of Greece;
More than Plato taught when round him stood
the Athenians rapt and dumb;
More of wisdom than e'er echoed through the
groves of Tusculum.
The poor lives and poor endeavors of these
toilers of the sod
Teach life's grand and noble lessons—patience,
faith, and trust in God;
And the weight of earth falls from me, for I hear
a soft voice thrill,
And my heart lies down in quiet as it whispers,
"Peace, be still!"
Constantina E. Brooks.
35. THE IMMUTABILITY OF THE
SPECIES.[151]
III.
No alleged factor of evolution is so capable of arresting the attention
of a physiologist as correlation of growth. To this law we have before
often incidentally alluded. But as we conceive that it furnishes strong
confirmation of our views, it behooves us to extend to it a somewhat
more lengthy treatment.
The current impression is, that every authenticated instance of
variation is so much added to the probabilities of the evolution of the
species; and that the refutation of Darwinism is rendered difficult
just in proportion to the number of proofs of variability. It is natural,
then, that Darwin should accord prominence to those factors which
play a part in inducing modification. Conspicuous among these
factors is correlation, the nearest approximation to a law of all the
colligations of facts involved in Darwinism.
Correlation is a bond, nexus, or connection subsisting between
different growths. Owing to it, a modification seldom arises in any
portion of the organism without involving a corresponding change in
another part. It is often not a little difficult to determine which part
first varies and induces the modification of the other. Frequently,
characters simultaneously vary, and are apparently affected by some
distinct cause. Correlation is an important subject for Darwin; for,
owing to its operation, varieties seldom differ from each other by a
single character alone. He declares that "all the parts of the
organism are, to a certain extent, connected or correlated together,"
and that "of all the laws governing variability, that of correlation is
the most important." Parts, however, differ greatly with respect to
the strength of their connection. In some parts, the tie is ever
36. manifesting itself; in others, it is seldom traceable. Each character,
when developed, tends to stimulate the development of others. But,
owing to adversity of conditions, or to being systematically
suppressed by man, these correlated growths lose all ability to
respond to this stimulus, and, in consequence, fail to develop.
We intended to adduce quite a number of facts from Darwin, in
order to enable our readers clearly to understand the precise nature
of correlation. But want of space forces us to change our mind. We
do this with less reluctance, when we consider that those for whom
this article is more especially written have already familiarized
themselves with those facts.
All the phenomena of correlation show increase of growth
corresponding to increase, and decrease corresponding to decrease.
Now, the antithesis to correlation is compensation or balancement of
growth. This alleged law, as applied to species under nature, was
propounded by Goethe and Geoffroy St. Hilaire. It implies that the
development of any one part is attended with the reduction or
starvation of some other part. Not a little diversity of opinion exists
respecting the validity of this law. Darwin inclines to believe that
compensation occasionally occurs, but conceives that its importance
has been overestimated.
We, however, are of opinion that there is really no such law. That
correlation obtains, there is not the slightest doubt. The instances of
correlation are innumerable; and every one of them is a disproof of
the doctrine of compensation of growth. For the law of correlation is
totally incompatible with the law of economy of growth. The latter,
according to the hypothesis, makes decrease correspond to increase,
and increase to decrease. The former entails the reverse. Both laws,
then, cannot stand. One must, of necessity, fall. One must negative
the other. Unquestionably, the stronger law is correlation. This law
none can invalidate. It follows thence that there is no such law as
that of compensation of growth.
37. The reader is now naturally desirous to know how we explain away
the alleged cases of economy of growth. The explanation is, that
they are merely manifestations of correlation. The reduction of the
given parts is consequent, not, as alleged, upon the building up of
some other parts, but upon the suppression or reduction of
correlated parts. Strong confirmation of this view is given by the fact
that seeming compensation of growth is more observable under
nature than under domestication. As development under nature is
slow and occasional, we would expect to find, upon the theory of
Goethe and St. Hilaire, very few instances of apparent balancement
of growth. On the contrary, the instances are most numerous; which
fact is strictly in accordance with our hypothesis. For where we find
the conditions entailing the reduction of many parts, there must we
also find the reduction of other parts, induced by correlation. These
parts, then, being in close proximity with characters which neither
the conditions nor correlation have affected, their suppression is
naturally referred to compensation of growth. Under domestication,
however, development is carried on rapidly and to a great extent. A
very large number of characters is selected and developed. Here,
then, we should look for the most striking manifestations of
compensation of growth. But it is a fact, of which the significance is
at once apparent, that, instead of meeting with the fulfilment of our
expectations, the converse thrusts itself most obtrusively upon our
attention. Nature here is most prodigal; giving growth for growth,
and meeting the development of one feature with the corresponding
development of another. The cases illustrating apparent balancement
of growth are here exceptional. They bear a very insignificant
proportion to those under nature. Hence we conclude that the law of
compensation of growth never obtains, that its apparent
manifestations are really due to the operation of the law of
correlation.
But there are two classes of cases of which correlation is not an
interpretation. The first is the instances in which the tie of
correlation is in a measure broken by man's selection of one part,
and by his systematic suppression of another. Darwin refers to these
38. when he declares it "scarcely possible in most cases to distinguish
between the supposed effects of such compensation of growth, and
the effects of long-continued selection, which may at the same time
lead to the augmentation of one part and the diminution of another."
The following is an example of the second class of cases: The Polish
fowl is distinguished by the possession of a crest of feathers on the
head. In consequence of its development, there arises a
protuberance on the skull. This is due to correlation. But in the cock,
the skull is so perforated with small holes that at any point a pin
may be sunk to the brain. This is adduced as an instance of
compensation of growth. But a rational explanation may readily be
assigned. Darwin has shown that the crest of feathers is abnormal in
the male, that it normally belongs to the female. The feature has
been gained by the male by the somewhat mysterious law of the
transmission of secondary sexual characters. The economy of growth
may then be considered as abnormal, and may reasonably be
attributed to the character not completely harmonizing with its
fellows.
The facts of correlation meet with an exhaustive treatment at the
hands of Darwin. Herbert Spencer, however, almost totally ignores
them. Although they are seemingly most striking exemplifications of
evolution, he passes with only an occasional incidental notice. What
we conceive to be Mr. Spencer's reason for thus ignoring them, we
will venture to give further on. But, while Darwin extends to the
facts of correlation a full recognition, he is by no means over-
desirous to ascertain their cause. Correlation is another of those
laws which it pleases Darwin to consider as ultimate.
Now, the supposition that the correlated part has arisen by
evolution, involves the absurd conclusion that a centre of growth
normally preëxists without a relative arrangement of parts. And on
the evolution hypothesis, we are forced to believe that an evolved
part is correlated to another part not yet in existence; that all the
parts of the organism anticipate, as it were, the birth of the new
feature, and so adjust themselves as to become immediately
39. susceptible to its influence; and that, while the previous coördination
of parts is destroyed, owing to the influence of the new-born feature
ramifying throughout the whole organization, the organism is
capable of immediately effecting a re-coördination. To assume for
any organism such powers as these, is virtual hylozoism. The only
escape for him who admits the evolution of variations, is to adopt
the explanation furnished by the Duke of Argyll—that correlations
are the direct manifestations of design.
This interpretation of the teleologist precludes all further argument.
We, of course, concur in design. But we do not deem ourselves
therefore bound to take for granted the validity of every argument
adduced in proof thereof. We conceive that design can be proved by
incontrovertible evidence, and that it can be shown to manifest itself
in conformity to laws not merely empirical.
As for the ultra-evolutionist, if he were to cease regarding correlation
as an ultimate fact, and if he were to employ himself in placing an
interpretation upon it, he would perceive that the tie of correlation is
strongly suggestive of reversion, and that its phenomena completely
negative the hypothesis of evolution.
On the hypothesis of reversion, correlation is perfectly explicable.
The supposition of reversion necessarily involves the conclusion that
all the features of the species coexisted in each individual, saving, of
course, the characters peculiar to the opposite sex. The perfect
organism, then, is a balance of all the parts. The parts are correlated
to each other with respect to centres, and these centres are
correlated to each other with respect to the axis or the aggregate.
All the parts are mutually dependent. When a part is reduced, it
tends to involve the reduction of its corresponding part. The centre
of the parts is then weakened, and this weakening entails the
weakening of the other centres, to which this center is correlated.
The loss or suppression of even one part, then, manifestly disturbs
the physiological balance—destroys the coördination of the parts.
Under nature, many parts have been lost or reduced, and these
have entailed the loss or reduction of others. When, under
40. domestication, characters develop, owing to selection and favorable
conditions, they concur with the different centres of growth to effect
a return to the balance, and, in consequence, the correlated parts
arise and assume their primordial relations to their correlatives and
to the aggregate. When all the parts are developed, by correlation
and otherwise, there result an equilibrium and a consequent perfect
coördination. Correlation is the inseparable concomitant of
coördination. Each implies the other. And this is the reason, we
apprehend, why correlation is barely noticed by Mr. Spencer. He
feared, we surmise, that a lengthy philosophical treatment of the
subject would suggest the conception that correlated growth
necessarily implied previously imperfect coördination.
In order to facilitate the reader's conception of our meaning, it may
be well to adduce an analogy. Analogies between organic and
inorganic nature, the advocates of evolution ever delight in. And as
that of the crystal has found especial favor in their sight, we will
venture to use it. As we conceive that there are laws governing the
organism, which are sui generis, we would request our readers to
regard the analogy only as an illustration of our views, and not in
the light of an argument.
In crystallization, the initial force involved in the deposition of the
first molecule determines the form and shape of the crystal. This
molecule is correlated, as it were, to the aggregate to be formed. It
controls the whole formative process, with a view to the shape
eventually to be attained. Otherwise, how are we to account for the
due tempering and modification of the forces implied in the
deposition of each of the atoms of the accretion? From the first,
there must of necessity be but one normal process. But this
correlation between the first molecule and the aggregate is not the
correlation which we wish particularly to illustrate. The crystal having
been fully formed, a couple of edges are truncated. The crystal is
then placed in a solution similar to that in which it was formed. Now,
the absence of these edges implies an abnormal distribution of the
forces. This is manifest; for correlation, directly with the
41. corresponding edges and indirectly with the aggregate, leads to the
reproduction of the lost parts—a fact manifestly implying previously
imperfect coördination, and a present equilibrium of all the parts, or
due coördination. The parts reproduced assume their previous
relations, and effect a return to the balance impaired by their
truncation. It is hence clear that correlation implies coördination, and
that coördination implies correlation. Correlation, then, is a
necessary corollary from the hypothesis of due coördination, or
proportionate development. It will be seen that, while it receives a
clear, consistent, and rational interpretation upon the theory of
reversion, it carries with it implications at variance with the
hypothesis of evolution.
As our knowledge of crystallography is that of an amateur, these
views respecting crystallization may be open to modification; though
we are assured that they are not so in essentials.
The analogy of the crystal most happily illustrates our views of
correlation. With equal felicity it illustrates the opposing views of the
evolutionist and the reversionist, respecting the main points in the
controversy.
Suppose three crystals, similar in shape, to have been formed in a
solution. The truncation of six of the edges of each has, in some
manner or other, been effected. With these edges thus reduced, the
crystals are found by a person anxious to prove the theory of
evolution. He places them in solutions similar to those in which they
were formed. The development of the lost edges then ensues. But,
instead of allowing them all to develop, only a single edge in each
crystal is suffered to reproduce itself; and this edge is in each crystal
a different one. This is done in order to render the crystals as unlike
as possible. Practically, however, this would be not a little difficult to
effect. Our friend, imbued with the inquiring spirit of the age, now
seeks to ascertain the cause of the growth of the edges. In his
observation of the phenomena of crystallization, he has noticed that
the growth of an edge is often due to reproduction. But this fact he
now finds it convenient to forget. He at last affects to believe himself
42. forced to conclude that the growth of the edges is an ultimate fact;
and, at the same time, refers the phenomenon to evolution, an
explanation which has the strong recommendation of being a mere
re-statement of the phenomenon to be explained. He next observes
that, in each crystal, a new angle develops in correspondence with
the angle first developed. This gives him two characters peculiar to
each crystal. Recognizing a new factor in the induced development
of the last angle, he propounds the law of correlation, and affirms
that it concurs with and subserves evolution. The three crystals,
originally alike, are now widely distinct. These varieties of crystals,
exclaims our friend with the proud and patronizing smile of
conscious superiority, present differences almost equally great with
those displayed by species. Given, then, an indefinite number of
hours and the requisite conditions, and all the species of crystals can
be shown to evolve one from another. You cannot assume a limit to
the development of parts, otherwise than gratuitously. There cannot
possibly be any such thing as the immutability of the species; for
individuals vary, and the species is composed of those individuals.
This argument of our friend cannot be invalidated, if we concede
that the growth of the edges forming the peculiarities of the varieties
is new growth, is evolution, and that it is not reproduction. But it is
obvious that it is reproduction, or reversion back to the state which
existed previous to the truncation of the edges. It is equally obvious
that correlation, or the growth of the last edge in correspondence
with that of the former, is merely a return to more perfect
coördination. It is also manifest to every physicist, that the absence
from each crystal of the four edges which constitute the peculiar
characters of the other varieties implies an imperfect coördination of
the remaining parts. In other words, their absence involves a
departure from a state of chemical integrity. For there can be a
normal distribution of the forces of a crystal only when all the angles
and parts are present, and proportionately developed. The views of
the evolutionist are therefore wholly erroneous. For the principles of
physics preclude the possibility of the normal existence of more than
one variety. The existence of a plurality of varieties of a species
implies disproportionate development of some of the parts. With
43. crystals, however, varieties may normally exist when their
differences are merely those of size. But the only way in which the
relations of the parts can normally be changed is by a totally new
distribution of the forces; which would involve complete dissolution,
a modification of the force originally implied in the deposition of the
first molecule, and reintegration. Now, just as, in a crystal, the loss
of any part involves a departure from a state of chemical integrity,
so, in an organism, the reduction, suppression, or disproportionate
development of any part involves a departure from a state of
physiological integrity. In the perfect type alone are the relations of
the different parts perfect. The only way in which these relations
could be normally changed, is by complete dissolution and new
creation.
Not a little prejudice exists against a perfect type. This prejudice is,
in a measure, justifiable, owing to the vague and gratuitous manner
in which the perfect type has been assumed. But it cannot
reasonably be extended to the perfect type which we here assume.
This, of ours, is an individual in which all the characters of the
species are fully and proportionately developed. It is no Platonic
idea; we assume it to prove it; and it is no more metaphysical than
the assumption for a crystal of a specific shape, which, owing to
perturbations of the forces of the solution, it has been incapable of
attaining.
In "A Theory of Population," propounded in The Westminster Review
for April, 1852, Mr. Herbert Spencer defines life as "the coördination
of actions." This definition is, equally with his others, exceedingly
felicitous in every respect but one. It is not a definition of life, as it
purports to be, but merely a definition of the conditions of life. In a
note on page 74 of his Principles of Biology, wherein he repels the
imputation of being a disciple of Comte, he declares that the
conditions constitute existence. Recognizing the fact that the onus
probandi rests upon him, he presents phenomena in an aspect which
at first gives not a little plausibility to his view. But these phenomena
derive all their significance from the circumstance that Mr. Spencer's
44. readers concur in the conception of the evolution of variations.
When this conception is demurred to, his arguments lose all their
force. The theory of reversion negatives the validity of his premises;
and the hypothesis of the conditions constituting existence is then
sustained by no proof greater than that of gratuitous assertion.
But, whatever may be the diversity of opinion respecting the truth of
Mr. Spencer's definition of life, there is none, at least between him
and us, on the subject that "the coördination of actions" is a
definition of the conditions of life. On this point both he and we are
fully agreed. His belief that the definition is more than that which we
concede, is a matter immaterial in connection with the argument
immediately to be adduced. We wish now to observe which theory
consists more with the definition, the theory of evolution or that of
reversion.
The coördination of actions is the attribute which characterizes all
organisms. All the parts of each organism must work in concert. "If
one of them does too much or too little—that is, if the coördination
be imperfect—the life is disturbed; and if one of them ceases to act
—that is, if the coördination be destroyed—the life is destroyed."
These remarks of Mr. Spencer more particularly refer to the
vegetative system; but, as he shows, they are, with little
modification, applicable to the animal system. He says:
"How completely the several attributes of animal life come
within the definition, we shall see on going through them
seriatim.
"Thus, strength results from the coördination of actions; for it is
produced by the simultaneous contraction of many muscles, and
many fibres of each muscle; and the strength is great in
proportion to the number of these acting together; that is, in
proportion to the coördination. Swiftness, also, depending partly
on strength, but requiring, also, the rapid alternation of
movements, equally comes under the expression; seeing that,
other things equal, the more quickly sequent actions can be
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