The Formation of a Disembedded Capital at Monte Alban

The Formation of a Disembedded Capital at Monte Alban

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  Tyler Williams Archaeo 450 FinalPaper: Literature Review The Formation of a Disembedded Capital at Monte Alban in Oaxaca, Mexico One of the most significant pre-Columbian sites in the Oaxaca Valley is that of Monte Alban, the capital of the Zapotec culture during the late Formative and Classic periods. Monte Alban has been the subject of archaeological scrutiny since the mid-1970s, as it presents an intriguing case study in state formation- certain archaeologists even claim that the Zapotecs represent the first true state in Mesoamerica, rather than the Olmecs of Vera Cruz. Monte Alban also stands out because of its location- the plateau on which it is situated is seen as singularly unsuitable for habitation, with little nearby arable land and no on-site water supply. Nevertheless, during the Classic Period Monte Alban was one of the largest settlements in the Western Hemisphere. The modern consensus upon Monte Alban is that it can be classified as a disembedded capital- a religious and political center constructed for an express purpose, with express intent, as a compromise between the major groups located out in the arms of the Valley of Oaxaca. Various theories have been put forth as to the nature of the Zapotec sociopolitical structure, the reasons behind the formation of a compromise capital, and the population dynamics that contributed to the formation of Monte Alban. The foundation of the study of the Zapotecs was laid in the 1970s, by archaeologists like Richard Blanton and his colleagues in “Regional Evolution in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico” (1979). The culmination of several years of multidisciplinary work, “Regional Evolution” established the baseline for any conversation about the nature of the Zapotec culture and the circumstances of the founding of Monte Alban. In this paper, Blanton et al argue that the Zapotec culture was ruled by an oligarchy, and that Monte Alban constituted a disembedded capital. In other words, the city was founded on neutral ground between the three arms of the valley, as a compromise between powerful factions, away from major food and water sources (Blanton, 1979, p.377). Initially, the divide between noble and commoner was rather blurry and permeable; as time progressed, the divide became more
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  sharply defined. Keyto this was the ability to exert control over the Valley’s disparate populations, without which the disembedded capital would have been a largely toothless edifice. Blanton hypothesized that Monte Alban’s main purposes were administration of the Oaxaca Valley and the coordination of Zapotec military affairs. Blanton also noted that it contained more trade goods in the Early Monte Alban I phase than any other site in the region, suggesting a significant level of trade (p.377). Blanton also posited that Monte Alban exerted some political control over the regions surrounding Oaxaca during the Monte Alban II phase, suggesting that Monte Alban sustained itself through tribute from these subjugated regions (p.379). In 1981, a biocultural analysis was conducted upon the Oaxaca Valley, in particular the Early Monte Alban I phase. In “A Biocultural Analysis of Social Organization at Monte Alban”, Richard Wilkinson and Richard Norelli examined the social structure of Monte Alban through the remains found in graves at the site. Prior to this examination, the study of Monte Alban had been limited primarily to the site itself, as well as the artifacts recovered, rather than the actual human remains interred within. The authors’ analysis posits a fuzzy class divide, with social mobility existing in particular for those who were already decently well-off (i.e. mobility within the nobility structure, with some room for commoners to ascend) (Wilkinson and Norelli, 1981, p. 756). Burial evidence, as well as a lack of major disparity in the health of the deceased (as upper classes would normally have preferential access to a balanced diet) point to a relatively equal society. The authors also found a clear social divide between men and women, with men experiencing a far greater potential for class mobility and status than women. Notably, the authors take time to comment on the two current models of social growth at Oaxaca- Blanton and Santley- and conclude that their data lends more credit to Blanton’s theory of the disembedded capital than Santley’s rejection of it (Wilkinson and Norelli, 1981, p.756). However, there have been challenges to the predominant historical narrative of Classical Oaxaca. Richard Santley, in “Disembedded Capitals Reconsidered” (1980), outright rejects the very notion of a disembedded capital, and argues that Monte Alban did in fact have the capacity to feed
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  itself. Santley stridentlysuggests that the very idea of a disembedded capital is an unlikely compromise of each group's sovereignty, and largely unknown in a pre-modern context (Santley, 1980, p.141). While most recent scholarship still adheres to the idea of a disembedded capital, his suggestion that Monte Alban was not quite as untenable as has been suggested has been picked up on by later archaeologists. Santley suggests that the immediate surroundings of Monte Alban were, in fact, arable. As will be discussed later, evidence has also surfaced of irrigation in the vicinity of the mountain, which would cast doubt on Monte Alban's untenability. At the time, Santley and Blanton were viewed as the primary competing models for Monte Alban’s growth. Santley’s model suggested a more well- defined distinction between the classes. In short, Santley proposed that Monte Alban was largely similar to Teotihuacan in social structure, origin, and purpose (Santley, 1980, p.143). Nevertheless, by and large the current archaeological community views the disembedded capital hypothesis as sound, with subsequent scholarship largely confirming Blanton’s hypothesis, and instead most recent investigations into Oaxaca have focused more on the details of Zapotec life and culture, rather than the macroscopic theories. It is often examined in comparison with other urban centers in Mesoamerica. Charles Spencer and Elsa Redmond did exactly this in their article, “Primary State Formation in Mesoamerica” (2004). In this article, the authors compare Monte Alban to the Olmecs at San Lorenzo, the Mayans at El Mirador, and the central Mexican inhabitants of Teotihuacan, through analysis of palaces and other structures, social hierarchy, and ability to project power onto the surrounding region. In the course of the article, Spencer and Redmond conclude that Monte Alban represents Mesoamerica’s “primary state”, as it fulfills all of the prerequisites of a state seemingly without external input from other neighboring cultures (Spencer and Redmond, 2004, p.173). In particular, the Zapotec incorporation of the rest of Oaxaca Valley- and even parts of the surrounding region- is examined as evidence of their ability to organize and project power onto other regions (Spencer and Redmond, 2004, p.182-183). Spencer and Redmond note that the long-term inhabitation of the site makes examination of the earliest periods of settlement difficult.
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  Arthur Joyce, inhis article “The Main Plaza at Monte Alban” (2009), examines the social context of the main ceremonial plaza at Monte Alban, and how it reflected shifts in the structure of Zapotec culture. He begins by discussing the significance of the civic-ceremonial center, and how it represented a communal religious center, where commoner and noble intermingled in rituals to the Zapotec gods (Joyce, 2009, p. 134). The changing nature of the Main Plaza is the focus of the article. Through examinations of the build-up of the Main Plaza, its increasing complexity, and the increasingly walled-off nature of the site, Joyce concludes that as time progressed and Monte Alban’s power waxed then waned, the Main Plaza became increasingly restricted from the commoners, as the nobility became more solidified and powerful (2009, p.39-42). Zapotec art begins to depict individualized figures, rather than rather communal ancestor figures. Elites began to construct palaces on the northern end of the Main Plaza, and even built temples over elite family tombs, thereby linking the power of the two. Joyce ties the power shift to the ascendant power of the elite and their ability to control local communities within the Valley of Oaxaca (2009, p.42). Even as Zapotec control over the Valley began to unravel as external threats dissipated, elites continued to focus on their own exclusive usage of the Main Plaza, completely restricting it from commoners and focusing their gaze inward. Joyce uses this to suggest that the nobility’s increased withdrawal from daily affairs and communal oneness with the commoners further undermined Zapotec control over Oaxaca, and contributed to their collapse. Lastly, secondary works such as Joyce Marcus and Kent Flannery’s Zapotec Civilization: How Urban Society Evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley (1996) provide an excellent overview of the main thrust of Zapotec scholarship and history, while highlighting intriguing new theories for a slightly less scholarly audience. The book details several useful theories regarding the evolution and history of social complexity at Monte Alban, and at times challenges elements of the conventional narrative of the site. In particular, Marcus and Flannery posit that much of Monte Alban’s initial population came from the local villages relocating to the site for protection, in particular the village of San Jose Mogote
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  (1996, p. 140-149).The authors very firmly establish that relocations rarely have to do with agricultural, environmental, or economic reasons- rather, politics and military concerns are almost always the cause. They examine similar episodes in Classical Greece, such as the establishment of several cities in the Peloponnese in order to control Sparta in the wake of the Battle of Leuctra in 269 (p. 141). As in Greece, the authors view the formation of this new city of Monte Alban as a military decision. The authors also detail the system of irrigation canals in the Oaxaca Valley, and suggest that Monte Alban was not quite as untenable a location as earlier scholars had first suggested. So, upon analysis, most of the scholars who have examined the Zapotecs of Monte Alban have agreed that the site was a disembedded capital, formed by an oligarchic society as a political compromise and a military necessity. Ecological and economic concerns seem to have been irrelevant in the decision to relocate to the site to a defensible hilltop, regardless of the ability of that hilltop to properly feed a population on its own. The Zapotec culture seems to have started out with a fuzzy class distinction, which gradually solidified as they first extended their control throughout and beyond the Valley, and then slowly dissipated as the upper classes became more removed from the people that they governed. While scholars have yet to iron out many of the particulars of the origins of social complexity at Monte Alban, due to the challenges of examining the early period of a site that has been continuously inhabited for over 2000 years, they have nevertheless settled on the disembedded capital theory as the most plausible, and political/military concerns as the impetus.