Towards positive ethnicity_in_africa

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Towards Positive Ethnicity in Africa
By Seyoum Hameso
Abstract
This article explores one of Africa's resilient realities. Deploring the
previous condemnations and self-denial of this reality, the author argues
that ethnicity in Africa is a symptom (wrongly attacked) of genuine
problems and it ought to viewed in a positive light.
Today ethnic nationalism proposes a radical alternative
legitimation and rationale for the world political and social forces
to the prevailing statist framework.
(Anthony Smith, 1981).
Introduction
The discussion of ethnicity is fraught with perverse conceptualisation. It is no
wonder that various socio-political disorders and ill-effects are wrongly
associated with ethnicity - a phenomena many developmentalists of the sixties -
now themselves threatened by extinction - thought would perish in the heat and
light of modernity or disappear unceremoniously into museums. That was not
to happen. It is that either the heat dispersed all across vast stretches of sand or
the archaeologists are not ready to lay the building blocks of the museum. Either
way, Africa's ethnicity stayed. Not precisely in the romantic fields of the Garden
of Eden. And not in the Forests any more, but almost everywhere.
When we are called to account why it so happened and it did not happen
the other way round, we need to refer to the past: what was said and written
about it. In that order, ethnicity, as Africa's resilient phenomenon has for long
been denigrated by the media as bad 'tribalism', decried by development
paradigms as a 'retrogressive, remnant of the past relations', loathed by
Marxists as 'false consciousness' and criticised during the day light by African
leaders and embraced as an accomplice during the night. The ambivalence of
the politicians and the disgust of the news reporters (who are happy when the
news is unhappy) notwithstanding, ethnicity remained as resilient as ever while
the post-colonial state in Africa watches, time and again, its effective decline and
eventually its impending historic irrelevance.
Today after the end of Cold War when the war of ideas seems safely
settled in favour of human nature (in favour of the selfish desire of the invisible

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hand), the media is fighting a small, volatile but practical battle. In its
standardized, seemingly simplistic images and stereotypes, it brings, every
passing evening, to the exhausted and suffocated but contented audience in the
West a consolation. That, there, somewhere on earth, in god forsaken Goma,
there is even, even more exhausting, tiring and horrible news. Tribal warfare
once dreaded by romantic explorers of the dark age is today promoted to a
higher status: ethnic conflict of the darkest age. The outcome: Many. Images of
numerous victims alive and hence suffering or dead. The solution: hand-outs.
The mission: humanity or humanitarian. The media, while it should be prized
for attending the plight of the wretched of the earth, it also takes the short-cut
and simplest explanations of what is unfolding in many parts of Africa, be it in
the beaches of Mogadishu, the dangerous footpaths of Monorovia, the churches
(full of ghosts) of Rwanda, the roads (guarded by private security firms) leading
to Freetown, or the camps of Goma.
A keen Western observer of long times noted of this simplistic media's
reliance on ethnicity to explain both the successes and failures of Africa. 'What is
magnified and regularly reported', he argued, 'are the social conflicts,
indiscriminately labelled as 'ethnic conflicts' turning ethnicity into a single cause
explanation of the continent's assorted problems.1 There is no dispute that
Somalia is torn apart. The culprit: the poor things, the clans. And worse, their
memory of the past. The Sudan, the biggest land mass in Africa. Best suited to
the cacophony of AK 47s than the ploughs following every rainy season. The
culprit: distinct memories, distinct beliefs, and distinct ways of life. Liberia: The
sergeant gone, but violence stayed. The culprits: slavery and free slavery.
Ethiopia: Tragic large empire, the prison house of nations. Ernest Gellner2 could
not have been more precise. Culprits: Abyssinian fundamentalism and empire-
breakup. Rwanda: Tragedy is the word. Culprit: many but one is mindless
genocide. The ethnic memory of Biafra and Katanga (now Shaba) are not remote
for citizen of post-colonial state identity cardholder in Nigeria and Zaire. Stories
abound, seemingly simple. Our attempt is not to dramatise tragedies, as story
tellers do. Quite the contrary. It is to point out how far the complexity of human
existence and experience is simplified and stereotyped - the temptation which
informed debate should resist.
With that caveat, let us return to the topic before us. For far too long, the
vitality and utility of ethnicity has been undermined. Times change. The age of
imbecility is over. We need to examine the realities, as they unravel. With this
coming of age, the new generation staunchly argues that instead of treating
ethnicity in negative light, it is useful to look into historic circumstances that led

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to the current situation where ethnic identification came to prominence. The
verdict of the 1990s is that ethnicity is a 'natural sentiment that cannot be
[perhaps, should not be] stifled [as it] relates to personality, indeed to the
identity of the African.'3 If ethnicity is part and parcel of African identity, then
pretensions otherwise self-denial is reminiscent of a psyche less at ease with
itself which is pernicious enough. This is regrettably what came to be a
borrowed projectory of ethnic negation. For self-negation takes one nowhere, it
is appropriate to be positive about oneself. What is wrong in unashamed love
for ones people and land or even emphasising one's own roots in a community
or cultural group without necessarily disparaging other groups? Nothing.
It is also true, as Basil Davidson says, that the value of basing oneself on
one's social and historical roots is a necessary step towards achieving self-
confidence and liberation that sets ground for betterment of prospects in the
future. It is time for people to consider the resilience of African identity as a
basis for any political and economic development. Precisely for that purpose, it
is vital to re-examine the exaggerated negative 'consequences' of ethnicity which
states that, given intense socio-economic competition, it leads to division,
disagreement, violence and secession.4 The latter are sometimes equated with
chaos and instability amounting, something like the end of the world.
How valid are the claims against negative ethnicity? Some of the
consequences described above and attributed to ethnicity are not necessarily of
its making. The artificial borders that brought melanges of mutually
unintelligible cultural and linguistic groups together are not the creation or
machination of some remote African 'tribes'. The process and practice of nation-
destroying occasioned by the post-colonial state was never the idea of
'tribalism' of the Middle Ages. Neither should ethnicity be blamed for intense
socio-economic competition for it is a matter of human survival. It is also one of
the pillars of Western liberal democracy and conventional economics. What is to
blame is not therefore ethnicity but it is the borders. It is not only borders to
blame, it is the arrangement put in place -- arrangements of centralised, super-
imposed and out-of-touch states. It is the nation-destroying process to blame.
For if nation building is a job worth doing, there is no complaint about the task
of building genuine nations.
The corollary of these arguments is that pervasive idea of looking down
on ethnicity as a thing of the past ought to be replaced by positive insight.
Positive ethnicity could in fact allay fears of ethnic groups; support mechanisms
of conflict resolution; serve as means of taming the untamed post-colonial state
and guide the system of social and economic resource mobilization. Therefore,

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in this paper, we emphasise particular aspects of positive ethnicity related to
social change, justice, democracy and economic development.
Ethnicity, historicity and social change
The slightest reference to history compels us to suggest that the self-denial and
denunciation of African ethnicity also left Africa without plausible balance
between continuity and change. It also forced anarchic accommodation of
individual interest which stands in stark contrast to African cultural values
grounded on family and community. In this connection, Basil Davidson has,
once again, the following piece of advice: 'It may be useful, even very useful, to
look at the ideas and moralities of the past, the practical solutions that were
found, the structures that were built and the rationality of these structures, as
though these were not entirely severed from the history of the present'.5
Looking back to the rationality of the colonial construct, one is
confronted by a number of rigid blocks: inherited, artificial borders, tragic
separations of ethnic groups, grafted, misappropriated state, etcetera. First, at
the time of independence, Africa's non-nation states inherited and endorsed
artificial borders with different groups having different languages and cultures.
As the result, people of similar ethno-national and linguistic affiliation were
separated while different speakers were brought together. Soon, the alien state,
in desperate search of monopoly of allegiance from diverse people within its
territory and with its centralising tendency, opted to suppress ethnic identity
and diversity. Baffled by the inheritance and above all by the urge consolidate
centralised power Sekou Toure of Guinea, in a ubiquitous leftist tradition,
denounced ethnicity arguing that the most important task of the state was:
The definite reinforcement of the nation by means of the
elimination of the sequels of the regional spirit..... How can the unity
of the nation be forged if there remains in the political and
electoral domain irrational elements to be exploited or which can
influence a part of society?6 [emphasis added]
How can, indeed? How can a nation be eliminated to forge a spirit of a truly
irrational non-nation? Versatility in the game of elimination in the mid-sixties
left Africa in the barrenness of rational vision. Today, after thirty years, the task
of building a 'nation' remains as illusory as it was then.

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In the meantime, as a cause and often as a response to these
developments (if not an effective lack of them), contemporary manifestations of
ethnicity kept on appearing and re-appearing often with vengeance. Yet long
after the days of inheriting the political kingdom, the states in Africa failed to be
economically productive, culturally impressive and militarily creative. Unlike
their counterparts elsewhere, they became impotent in supporting social and
economic progress. Objectives that would easily be taken for granted elsewhere,
like economic growth and conflict resolution remained remote.
Yet the picture should not sound entirely bleak. If it does, it is only to
indicate the need for change. For that, the history of all societies is about change.
From Neanderthal man to the modern age, humanity has passed form one form
of social existence to a seemingly different one through locus of connections
balance the past and future via the intermediary of the present. While it is rude
to suggest 'either change or perish', there are occasions when changes become
vital for sake of continuity. If we agree at this point, what follows is an
important look into the direction of the desired change. The tips, the hints and
the footnotes for that direction are ones past, lived experiences, but never some
abstract dreams of far away lands. Another important issue is speed and nature
of changes. The menu contains disruption and revolution or continuity and
evolution. The decision of which course to take rests, mainly but not exclusively,
with those in a position to make a difference. The guardians of culture; the
trustees of society. This role is often assumed by those in higher forms of
authority and all those associated with them, in one way or another. Different
societies have taken different routes with differing speed and consequences and
diverse forces have been at work to facilitate those transformations. Yet nothing
is far more important than advance in technology. The industrial revolution, for
one, had displaced and eventually changed social organisation of agrarian
England. Transport and military technology had contributed to growth of trade
-- both in goods and human beings. Emanating from these developments, two
episodes had potent effects on African societies: slave trade and colonialism.
The scope of this brief treatment of ethnicity does not allow us to dwell
on those episodes. But mention should be made that the influence of colonial
phase and its successor symbolised disruption of bitter dimensions. Elsewhere,
as in Europe, social continuity has been assured by responsible state. In this
way, in most social transformations a delicate balance between change and
continuity, between internal and external influence, between the individual and
the state are maintained. Not so in Africa. In fact:

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If there is judgement that in relative terms the African in as an
individual has withstood the turmoil occasioned by slave trade
and imperialism rather well, then this survival is owed more to
the strength of [ethnic] ties than to any state organisation.7
Similar suggestion is echoed for the Asante that 'the Asanteness provides a
sense of coherence and continuity, as it is an identity rooted in several hundred
years of history'.8 It is an identity maintained despite the forty-five years of
British colonial rule, the transformation of the native economy by rapid spread
of cocoa farming, modern communications and a European monetary system,
the growth of urban centres, the increasing assimilation of Christianity, and the
extension of literacy, as well as many other associated with European economic
and political domination.9 In brief, ethnicity thus helped to soothe the perversity
of externally imposed authority structures and social changes. Support during
harsh and hard times came from ethnic loyalty by bridging the gap between
state and individuals. Even beyond the failing state, at a contemporary global
level, as international capitalism pries on nations and non-nations alike, ethnic
groups see their cultures and history as becoming both the means and ends of
their existence. Anthony Smith argues that the more the ethnic groups feel
threatened by the technological superiority and economic dominance of
powerful states, the more salient and vital becomes their distinctive culture.10 In
other words, ethnicity, in these periods of tumultuous change, provides useful
elements needed in the process of development, i.e., a sense of security, a need
for familiarity, and sense of continuity. And as such it should not be regarded as
an obstacle to be overcome by the politics of assimilation, integration or
incorporation.11 Donald Horowitz concurs that, in a divided society, ethnic
affiliations provide a sense of security, a source of trust, certainty, reciprocal
help, and protection against neglect of one's interests by the strangers.12 We
shall not also forget that human beings have greater propensity for more
interaction among those who speak the same language, share a common
culture, religion and history. In that, there is nothing wrong, morally or
otherwise, for people, if they so choose, to positively associate themselves with
their fellow ethnic members. Here ethnicity gives individuals and society
internal cohesion. It encourages them to provide for each other's security. It
promotes their sense of identity and therefore their sense of direction.13 The case
of Asante in Ghana is an apt description of this.

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...Their world revolves around all things Asante in both time and
space -- who they can marry, where they live, what land they
grow crops on, where they can move about on certain days, which
spiritual entities and ancestors they can appeal to on times of
need, where they are buried at death -- are dictated, for the most
past, by their being Asante... and 'Ghanian' simply does not exist
as a useful or meaningful categorisation (or identity) for them.14
Similar story abounds in other African villages. In the circumstances where
class, religious and other interests are secondary, ethnicity acts as cohesive
principle of identification and accommodation. If so, what will be gained by
suppressing or by doing away with ethnic identity? So far, a unanimous recipe
has been intensification of conflict, growing instability and poverty of nations.
True, ethnicity as a reaction to nation-destroying, grew often but not always as
the main source of violent conflict, its demands ranging from mild ethno-
regional autonomy to secession. Therefore, recognising positive sides to
ethnicity and associated cultural pluraliformity would contribute to what some
would call 'the regeneration of society'.15
To this, there is another very vital aspect of ethnicity in Africa. Since
many conflicts are associated with unsolved problems of ethnic causation,
ethnicity is an essential means of effectualising durable and useful social
changes. The fact is that the majority of African people live in rural areas, in
ethnic collectives having their indigenous languages, cultures, and ways of life
that survived centuries of imposed ravages. The failure of elitist strategies of the
past, often based on unrepresentative urban centres indicates, if anything, the
rethinking of change strategies. To this end, groups and movements organised
along ethnic in both the rural and urban setting have the contribution to make.
In different countries, the effects and consequences of popular mobilization has
facilitated social change for good or for worse. If properly and positively
handled, by far-sighted and people-oriented leadership - unfortunately the
things that are critically in short supply - these changes would be beneficial and
constructive. In many instances, they are long overdue and they could only be
helped by recognising and promoting the positive sides of ethnicity.
Ethnicity and justice
It is already argued that demands for autonomy and secession emanating from
ethnicity indicate to the lack of economic and social justice within the presumed

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territorial unity. That state-building was practised with brutal domination,
suppression and uneven regional/ ethnic development. Associated with this,
economic centralisation and winner-takes-all tendency inevitably resulted in an
entire neglect or marginalisation of excluded ethnic groups. It should be noted
that people are marginalised/discriminated both as individuals and as
members of ethnic groups. The problem is compounded for women since it is
particularly they from disadvantaged ethnic groups, who end up in unpleasant
periphery of the periphery.
Inherent in ethnic demands is fear of domination by excluded ethnic
groups, lack of representation or fear of bearing unequal burden of economic
and social costs that the Fund and the Bank are eagerly promoting. These well-
founded fears are, therefore, concerning injustice, oppression, and inequality in
relations among ethnic groups. They are fears regarding injustice in the
maintenance of law and order, concerns over nepotistic distribution of jobs,
social services, contracts, the location of projects, and the possible imposition of
the culture of one ethnic group on others.16 Thus, it is precisely in dealing with
deep malaise of this kind that ethnicity and ethnic nationalism remain -- actually
and potentially -- powerful means of mobilizing economic, social and political
support when a certain society is faced with the most retrograde and
unacceptable forms of political authority and socio-economic inequality. Here
by encompassing legitimate concerns and fears of people, ethnic nationalism
serves as a potent weapon of the wronged groups.
The concerns and fears of ethnic groups about domination and
unfairness could be dealt with in a variety of ways. The problem itself could be
recognised, formalised and institutionalised as in Nigeria, Kenya and recently
Ethiopia within the existing framework including constitutional arrangements.17
If the current framework is unworkable and the quest for national self-
determination looms large, it could be responded positively and favourably,
preferably peacefully (though history has hardly been a close friend to this
proposition). Other measures of social reforms related to legal guarantees such
as laws of race acts, measures of positive discrimination or affirmative action
and of equal opportunity, labour laws as well as cultural and political autonomy
could be used to rectify past injustices and imbalances perpetuated by
unrepresentative state.
On the basis upon which ethnic groups are not assured of state's
concentrated power over control of resources and society, that power itself
should of necessity be dispersed among diverse social groups. For this, it is
essential that the issues of ethnicity are taken seriously. Acceptance of

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legitimacy of ethnic claims is believed to lead to stability and peace -- elements
desperately missing in contemporary political processes in Africa.
Ethnicity and democracy
A prominent feature of political life in post-colonial state is ubiquitous
authoritarianism, military and personal rule. Apart from accentuating ethnic
strife, it has stifled the prospects for survival. In view of this, nothing is more
important in Africa today than the idea of change by democratising
authoritarian, often military regimes with their self-aggrandising, statist, top-
down policies.
Stating the reasons why all forms of democratic debate for advocates of
positive ethnicity were effectively closed, Walzer takes the example of Eastern
Europe where multi-nationalism as existed in the past, was a function of pre-
democratic or anti-democratic politics.18 That is, if there is political participation,
people will arrive marching in tribal ranks and orders, carrying with them their
own languages, historic memories, customs, beliefs and commitments. Our
disagreement cannot be on marching itself, but that the marching is not
necessarily of negative consequences. For there is very little to fear -- except fear
itself -- from these developments. The trends in technology, economic
globalisation and political interactions all indicate, in a precise way, to
prevailing pluralism and diversity.
In the past, political participation was curtailed by elitism of post-colonial
states. Henry Beinen argued that:
Th[e] elite arrogates to itself the wisdom to choose a path for
development on the grounds that people do not understand
development problems and will, if left to themselves, allocate
resources on a short-run calculation for schools, clinics, roads, and
other immediate benefits. Curtailing effective mass participation is
thus justified.19
Such elitist position has become untenable since the wisdom of the elite to
choose the right path for development proved to be nothing but self-serving. It
only led to urban biased underdevelopment. Neither it is true that people will
'waste' resources on schools, clinics and roads which are vital and effective
anyway. Democratisation and participation would, thus, tend to curtail the very
elitist justifications by its resort to the people. Properly handled, it works to the

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removal of the policies that strangled societies and economies in many parts of
Africa. This also explains the reluctance to uphold the process of
democratisation. Yet the process itself is imposed and fraught with problems.
One problem is that of model. So far, it has became customary to
associate democracy with the model of multi-party politics. And the basic
assumptions of this multi-partyism were founded on realities that obtained in
the West and not grounded on African realities. It is the case that, in the West,
societies are organised along classes or interests or ideologies. Competing
parties claim to represent different classes and interest groups and societies are
immensely stratified with obvious divisions along professional, religious,
regional and even ethnic/racial lines apart from across the board haves and
have-nots. Given such a social base, at the time of periodic elections, there are
two kinds of electorate. Those committed to one or the other party and those
not-so committed, or 'floating' voters. With their flexible campaigns, politicians
attempt to woe the latter while making sure that the loyalty of 'traditional'
supporters is preserved. In both cases, the so-called middle class in the UK
sense, plays an important role. In all this, the institutions of civil society are
highly developed. Even if these conditions are met, problems abound in deeply
divided societies like Northern Ireland, Belgium and Canada to mention but
few. That ethnic cleavages permeate class or religious divisions.
The problems are compounded in Africa where most of the above
conditions are not met and above all ethnic divisions are more important than
any other cleavage. The Western style multi-party politics, literally applied in
Africa could mean many things. The main two consequences are that is may
either lead to exclusion of minority ethnic group(s) or to the exclusion of
majority ethnic group(s). Since a prominent feature of multi-party politics is
voting, this means (in contemporary African circumstances), a big group wins
and minorities loose. Where loyalty and allegiance rarely transcend class or
sometimes, even religious cleavages, voting means a resort to constituency of
people belonging to ethnic groups. For example, the adoption of multi-party
politics in 1993 in Burundi meant that the Hutu majority elected a Hutu
president. It is under such circumstances, that Horowitz asked 'what is the
point of elections if all they do in the end is to substitute a Bemba-dominated
regime for a Nyanja regime in Zambia?'20 What is most serious is the outcome of
multi-party politics given the situation of deep social division and the prevailing
zero-sum nature of politics where the losers face grim and gloomy prospect of
permanent exclusion from power and resources.

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The situation is only worsened by a relatively big size of state and its
powers (now shrinking) in relation to disfranchised societies. That is, if a group
wins, be it a minority or majority, the stakes of gain and loss are massive indeed.
Defeat means more than the word and excluded groups are excluded from
almost everything since they end up facing greater chance of being discouraged
from economic activities through policy measures like privatisation, land
ownership and taxation. Under such circumstances, privatisation, for one, is
likely to favour a community or ethnic group in power that controls the
resources of the state. Given the dilemma of multi-party politics thus, it is
reasonable to maintain as Horowitz does that 'in ethnically divided societies,
majority rule is not a solution; it is a problem, because it permits domination
apparently in perpetuity' whereas ethnic minority groups may legitimately fear
the 'tyranny of the majority'.21 In our context, majority, necessarily means ethnic
majority.
Secondly, if a ruling group currently in power is from a minority ethnic
group, it is likely for it to resort to authoritarian, centralised, statist policies,
controlling the economy and societies at the exclusion of majority of population
-- and this has, time and again, been witnessed in many parts of Africa. In
Cameroon, President Paul Biya reigns over a government supported mainly by
Beti and Balu but opposed by the rest of groups. Jerry Rawlings of Ghana got
majority vote (93 per cent) from his Ewe-dominated area while he received less
than one third in Ashanti.22 A Tigrean minority regime in Ethiopia, fearing the
outcome of genuine democracy, opted to stay in power by force and
intimidation, by intrigue and deceit, by manipulation and creation of surrogate
parties. The most alienated and aggrieved are the Oromo and other Southern
nations - by far the largest majority in Ethiopia. As long as rooms for agreeable
solutions are effectively closed, it has became inevitable for the Oromos and
others to evoke the democratic principle of national self-determination. It is but
reasonable to see to it that if people cannot change the rulers peacefully and
cannot elect their leaders, or if they are forced to stay in a ravaged prison house
none of which is their understanding or consent or indeed when democratic
choice is obstinately blocked, national self-determination becomes the only way
for societies to adhere to. Therefore when and if multi-party or pretend
democracy fails to be democratic, ethnicity is an alternative organising principle
of social justice and political change. To this end, the supremacy of the idea and
principle of democracy is vested in the principle of people's say or people's rule.
Self-rule is respectable moral and social goal. Whatever its imperfections, there
is hardly a system of social organisation morally and politically more palatable

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than the idea of people governing themselves. Democracy attunes to this
fundamental reality. This is perhaps why even the most retrograde dictatorships
have predilection to use the word 'democratic' in the name of their sole,
governing parties and in their regimes.
There are other persuasive arguments to democratic side to ethnicity.
This 'concerns the right of the members of each ethnic group to be secure in their
lives and property, as well as secure from arbitrary arrest and punishment, and
for them to enjoy equal opportunity in real terms in trade, business,
employment, schooling and the enjoyment of social amenities. [All these] can
only be attenuated by the consistent application of democratic principles, norms
and values, and procedures in socioeconomic and political life'.23 Ethnicity thus
complements other forms of representation. That is, genuine incorporation of
ethnicity contributes to democracy, popular participation and political
legitimacy. In this ethnicity performs legitimate political functions hence no
where is its vitality so important as in deeply divided societies of Africa.
Some of the means of dealing with ethnicity are, perhaps, finding ways
of openly representing this otherwise legitimate feeling and reality. Such action
is palliative for it takes a steam out of abusive and mindlessly oppressive post-
colonial state. Moreover, in an environment polarised by decades of statism,
there is no harm in giving peaceful political expression for it is desirable that
people as members of group who share common symbols, history, destiny and
future aspiration run their own affairs. The above schemes could be
complemented by, inter alia, power dispersing elements and building of
institutions for efficient government and checks on state-party arbitrariness like
elections, second chambers, regional autonomy, amendment clauses, protected
judiciaries, and bill of rights - Reform measures that are currently be tried in
pretend democracy and above all issues that sound sweet to the ears of liberal
thinkers but dull and impractical in illiberal atmosphere.
The alarm by incumbent leaders in Africa about inappropriateness of
multi-party politics is that it is a recipe for ethnic conflict. Yuweri Museveni of
Uganda is most articulate about a 'no-party' democracy. While the idea is
powerful and interesting, its credibility is dubious by how his government came
to power (insurgency), by the means it employed to stay in power (how
opposition is allowed to function), and above all by the intentions of future
power transfer or to stay in power for perpetuity. In deeply divided societies,
the refusal to democratisation (either going multi-party or adherence to other
participatory principles) means nothing more than endless personal rule and
decay. The end of this political dirigisme obviously associated with the revulsion

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and rebellion in the early nineties is a recipe for pluralism as a democratic
process, however fragile. After all, democratic participation, in African context
means participation of a society 'which is still pre-industrial and communal and
whose cultural idiom is radically different - a society whose members are barely
surviving on informal activities and subsistence farming'.24
The question still remains as to whether democratisation and ethnicity
would cancel each other out. One should be reminded that like any other social
organisations, ethnic groups have also their own pecking orders. Even within an
ethnic group, there would exist divisions and sub-divisions in terms of clans,
dialects not to mention family divisions which at times prove to be strident. It is
not impossible that such subdivisions happen to be as vital as they happened in
Somalia -- an otherwise homogeneous nation on African standards. If pursued
to extremes and unyielding yet logical step the problem with ethnicity is that it
could go to individual families since no two families are identical. That even
twins in a family might find themselves in competing relationship. Perceived in
that direction, it might prove chaotic or liable to abuse by egoistic local chiefs
and warlords who come forward to represent wronged sections. While there are
honest representatives and genuine concerns over the cause of social justice, one
should also bear in mind the possibility of emerging local dictators who can be
as equally corrupt and repressive as multi-national autocrats. Such political
cynicism should not, however, reduce the validity of positive issues associated
with ethnicity and it certainly should not blind us in perceiving viable
alternatives open to societies. To this end, ethnicity should be taken as a very
vital partner to the process of democratisation.
Ethnicity and economic welfare
At a time when and under situations where state fails in providing or
mobilizing economic resources or perversely distributes them, then the place for
ethnicity becomes paramount. Because of its very construction, the colonial and
post-colonial state is only remotely responsbile for the provisions of social
welfare. A Westerner may take such provisions for granted. Not so in Africa.
Education and health facilities are far and between. Quite often, these services
are located close to the seat of the political kingdom, often the urban areas.
While some kind of literacy (at elementary level) and health establishments saw
expansion in the sixties and seventies, the adjustment programmes imposed by
the world's poverty brokers left many regimes with one option: to cut. The
likely candidates for the budget cuts are ones that do not directly and perversely

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impinge on the welfare of the kingdom (i.e., 'defence' and 'public service') and
the victims are often education, health or agriculture. Yet these are what matter
most to the African majority.
Given this situation of state irresponsibility, society resorted to what it
knows and trusts best. Itself. In this, we are approaching the problem as
society's economic response to contemporary state was seen to be practical and
useful:
As government[s] ha[ve] failed to live up to [societies']
expectation, a failure which dates back to the colonial regime, the
peoples have taken their own development initiatives in
furtherance of their constitutive interests. The famous [ethnic]
unions arose in this milieu, as parallel structure to provide public
goods. They awarded scholarships, built schools and churches,
town halls and hospitals and provided, within their limits, loans
to small-scale traders and artisans and engaged in other self-help
projects.25
Ethnicity's contribution are therefore: self-help, participation as well as
understanding. While kinship ties helped withstand the vagaries of slave trade
the harassment of colonial law enforcement agencies, contemporary ethnic
groups assured against economic and political chaos. As for the Asante, similar
conclusion was arrived in that 'when the state offers little in the way of security,
and actually increases peoples' vulnerability in economic restructuring in
Ghana, people's resolve to identify themselves as Asante (or as part of an ethnic
group) is simply strengthened.'26
Apart form economic purposes, ethnic groups also served social function
of providing their members with proper burial and taking care of families after
member's death.27 While this being the case, negative framing of ethnicity as
merely a recipe for autarchy, secession, disintegration and instability are
misleading and elitist alarms. They are, nonetheless, in the armoury of insecure
leaders who employ scare-tactics to force people to shy away from ideas of
political autonomy and self-determination. In reality, however, the urge for
national self-determination, self-government and maintaining collective cultural
and individual rights are motivated by 'a reaction against ethnic discrimination
and humiliation, by the pragmatic expectation that the new nation state will
have greater economic and political freedom, by the wish to have state in which
different public policies will be pursued, by the desire for power and prestige

15
amongst nationalist elites, or to protect a given ethnic culture from extinction'.28
In this, one concurs with Smith that ethnicity, provides 'defined symbolic and
organisational sites for individuals and elites to mobilize resources in the
pursuit of common goals within the state' and giving members purpose and
direction.29
Conclusions
The preceding discussion aimed at pointing out the salience and positive sides
ethnicity rather than stubborn, negative conceptualisation of the past. That the
all too familiar media presentation of ethnicity as 'tribalism' and similar
scholarly positing of ethnicity are less helpful in explaining ethnicity. In stead
what should be scrutinized are the historic episodes that led to assorted
problems including ethnic conflicts. It is only by focused attention and
identification of the problems that would one hope to arrive at likely solutions.
As far as ethnic conflicts are concerned, treating symptoms without addressing
the ailment could be a palliative but it could never prove a panacea. In search of
solutions, one well reminded that Africa will only emerge from its current
difficulties, if it can progressively remodel its institutions to be more in tune
with the traditions, beliefs, and structure of our component societies. This was
precisely the conclusion arrived by Landell-Mills after long participation and
observation on African development process. In this process of remodelling, the
role of ethnicity is vital. That is, since social division based on ethnicity remains
important in shaping attitudes, values and people's roles, ethnicity is a sound
principle and a mirror to study Africa's socio-economic and political reality.
Broadly speaking, the political manifestation of ethnicity and ethnic
nationalism is never confined to Africa. One observes the surge of spirit, the
flow of feelings on symbols such as national anthems, flags, shrines, even
during sport competitions. In that sense, the forces that ethnicity and
nationalism command are powerful, universal and they prevail in one time or
another. In the West, the Basques continued to seek independence from Spain.
Nationalists in Northern Ireland urge for the end of British rule from London
while at the same time Unionists decry the very idea of separation from Britain.
The French speaking Quebecans went for a referendum and lost holding
migrants and Anglophone conspiracy (and political incorrectness was paid for
by its leaders) responsible for the fiasco. In other parts of the Western world,
ethnicity was given minority status and treated as mere social problem to be
dealt with legislation on discrimination based on race, equal opportunity in

16
employment, positive discrimination or affirmative action, etcetera. Surely, the
boundaries of ethnicity remain fluid and flexible, like other social phenomena,
and it would be less practical to adhere to strict rules of ethnicity outlined in this
article. But then there is no doubt as to the prevalence of overt and covert
discrimination in these very societies unveiling endemic racism requiring
urgency.
As far as Africa is concerned, given intensive discourse on ethnicity and
its salience in Africa, the future would not be one of disagreement -- either on its
formation or its functions. On the contrary, it will be one of looking for ways of
addressing the issue according to the importance it commands. The projection
for this conclusion are based on the present reality. Owing to artificial
geographic boundaries, fragile nature of state-building and problematic sense of
national identity, ethnicity is resurfacing as central issue of organising political,
economic and social processes.
The way foreword is to go about it, openly discussing, looking for compromises
if there are rooms, resort to peaceful solutions if inevitable breakaway looms
large. In fact, ethnicity yields a rare opportunity to consider re-arranging and
down-sizing an unyielding grafted states. Properly guided, thus, politicised
ethnicity can serve objectives such as mobilizing resources to bring down
tyranny and help economic development by drawing economic and social
resources for long-term development. Given such positive dispensations,
ethnicity would serve various tasks. It has already proved to be an effective
weapon against centrist states in Africa. In countries like Ethiopia, Liberia and
Somalia, for example, ethnicity has proved (under different premises) a
potential weapon for people to sort out the vagaries of personal rule. In South
Africa protracted resistance essentially based on race (black majority) and
ethnicity brought an end to apartheid rule - the system based on racial
segregation. Like in other deeply divided societies, soon after assuming power,
Nelson Mandela's government has recognised vast differences -- ethnic,
linguistic and even ideological establishing arrangements for political power
sharing with Buthelethi's Inkatha and de Klerk's National Party. The success or
failure of social experiments in that country will have grave implications that
transcend the continent.
Still on the positive side, ethnic associations can form pressure groups in
a democratic framework. They can also be a basis for ethnic, national self-
determination. This is not, nonetheless, to ignore the potential for ethnicity to be
abused. The vulnerability of ethnicity to potential abuse depends on the
historical and material conditions of societies under consideration. In severely

17
deprived and less informed areas, local 'chiefs' and warlords may impose
anachronistic rule as was observed in Somalia and Liberia. Yet this possibility
does not preclude Edmond Keller's stern warning that states which tend to
ignore or fail to accommodate ethnic claims are almost certainly doomed to
political instability and perhaps even to breakaway.30 In the past, many an
African regimes failed to do so and as a result, they are on the verge of collapse -
- marginalised, as they are, internationally. Their survival depends on adopting
a system that recognises ethnicity, accommodates diversity (if possible) and
pays due regard to rejuvenation of local, social organisations, encourage
community participation and the free press. Whereas it may not be necessary
for all nations of Africa to demand national self-determination, where and when
it arises in due course, it ought to be dealt with in a positive light. Where the
quest for self-determination is not predominant, ethnicity could be
accommodated through political systems based on reduced central power,
devolution of responsibility, and the willingness of political leaders as well as
ceaseless pressure from outside.
Finally our conclusion cannot be conclusive if we fail to mention the
present state of the world. For one, developments in today's world have broader
far-reaching implications, be it a for a citizen of Timbuktu or of the Silicon
Valley. Developments in information technology are creating a fast and vast
communication and globally interdependent economic system that would like
to thrive on one language, one culture and probably one political system and
ideology. This looks imperialism of unprecedented degree. Yet, there is
indication if that is desirable to humanity which has always lived and thrived
for most part in diversity. Globally, the response to these developments is
proliferation of forces of diversity, the purpose of which has been served by
nationalisms and movements including civil rights, feminism,
environmentalism, religious fundamentalism, cultural and ethnic revival and
numerous pressure groups. Of these, religious fundamentalism (be it Islamic
and Christian) is full of fanaticism embedded with trends of far-reaching
implications. One would be surprised to observe that while secularism is
sweeping the West, fatalistic thinking and attitudes of the Middle Ages born of
disillusion accompanying the failed project of state-building are taking hold of
African villages. These spontaneous reactions and the West's reluctance to deal
positively with issues of concern to African people contain elements of human
tragedy in the making. It was evidenced in Somalia, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Zaire,
Liberia to name few. The conclusion is that, since ethnicity is about cooperation
and coexistence and of course about competition, mutual survival requires that

18
both ethnicity and modernity ought to find ways and means of communication.
Ethnic groups are well-advised to aspire to understand the currency, usefulness
and unavoidability of modern systems and technologies while the modern
systems should equally display eagerness to learn how African systems worked
and aim at accommodating the needs and desire by constituent people for
ethnic and national self-determination.
Seyoum Hameso
November 1996
Notes
1. J. Markakis, 'The political challenge of ethnicity', in
Louise de la Gorgendière et al, Ethnicity in Africa: Roots,
meanings and implications, (Edinburgh: Centre for African
Studies, 1996), p.300
2.E. Gellner, Encounters with nationalism, (Oxford and
Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994), p.85.
3.A. Oyewe, 'Building democracy with tribalism' The Courier,
128, 1991, p.72
4.O. Nnoli, 'Ethnicity' in J. Krieger (ed.) The Oxford
companion to world of the politics, (Oxford: OUP, 1993), p. 280.
5.Basil Davidson, 'Politics of Restitution' in A. Adedeji (ed.)
Africa Within the World, (London: Zed Books/ACDESS, 1993),p. 17.
6. Quoted in A. Zolberg, Creating political order: The one-
party states of West Africa, (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1966), p.45
7.Peter Ekeh, 'Social anthropology and two contrasting uses of
tribalism in Africa', Comparative Studies in Society and
History, vol. 32, No. 4, (1990), p.693
8.L. Gorgendière, 'Ethnicity: A conundrum' in L. Gorgendière,
et al, (eds) Ethnicity in Africa ..., 1996, op cit, p.8.
9.Fortes quoted in Gorgendière, 1996, ibid p.7
10.A. Smith, Nations and nationalism in global era, (Cambridge:
Polity Press, 1995)
11.D.Thompson, and D. Ronen, (eds.)Ethnicity, politics and

19
development, (Boulder: Lynne Reinner Publishers,1986), pp.5-7.
12.Donald Horowitz, 'Democracy in divided societies', in Larry
Diamond and Marc Plattner (eds.) Nationalism, ethnic conflict,
and democracy, (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins
University press, 1994), p.49.
13.Nnoli, 1993, op cit, p.283.
14.Gorgendière, 1996, op cit, p.7
15.M. Doornobos,'The African state in academic debate:
Retrospect and prospect', The Journal of Modern African Studies,
Vol.28, No.2, (1990), p.193.
16.Nnoli, 1993, op cit, p.283.
17.In Ethiopia, ethnic legitimacy is promulgated by the
TPLF/EPRDF regime. In theory, at least, while publicly
recognising the significance of legitimacy and ethnic
representation, the regime lacked the courage and boldness in
what it engenders in practice. This failure seems to have
serious consequences for social stability in the region.
18.Michael Walzer, 'The new tribalism: Notes on a difficult
problem', Dissent, New York, Spring 1992, p.164.
19.Henry Beinen, Kenya: The politics of participation and
control, (Prenceton: Prenceton University Press, 1972), p.5
20.Horowitz,1994, op cit, p. 48.
21.Horowitz, 1994, ibid, p.46.
22.See Horowitz, 1994, ibid, p.39.
23.Nnoli, 1993, op cit, p.283.
24.Claude Ake, 'The unique case of African democracy',
International Affairs, Vol 69, No.2, 1993, pp.239-40
25.Eghosa Osaghae 'Towards a fuller understanding of ethnicity
in Africa: Bringing rural ethnicity back in', in E. Osaghae
(ed.) Between states and civil society in Africa, (Dakar:
ACDESS, 1994), p. 11.
26.L. Gorgendière, 'Ethnicity: A conundrum' in L. Gorgendière,
et al, (eds) Ethnicity in Africa ..., 1996, op cit, p.13.

20
27.See also Ekeh, 1990, op cit, p. 685.
28.John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, (eds) The politics of
Ethnic conflict regulation: Case studies of protracted ethnic
conflicts, (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), p.14.
29.Anthony Smith, Nations and nationalism in global era,
(Cambridge: Polity press, 1995), p. 31.
30.Edmond Keller, 'The state, public policy and the mediation
of ethnic conflict in Africa', in D. Rothchild and V. Olorunsola
(eds.) State versus ethnic claims: African policy dilemmas.
(Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1983), p.253.

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