Писмени обяснения на вот Lynn BOYLAN

I supported the extension of the interim regulation allowing platforms to continue voluntarily detecting and reporting child sexual abuse material online until April 2028. Protecting children from abuse is an absolute priority, and allowing the framework to lapse had created a serious gap while negotiations on permanent legislation remain ongoing. I continue to recognise the significant concerns around privacy and the risks of normalising broad monitoring of communications. Protecting children and safeguarding fundamental rights must go hand in hand, and any long-term approach must be targeted, proportionate and subject to strong safeguards.

I voted against this report.
Fundamentally the very concept of the 28th regime is a threat to sovereignty, workers’ rights, social and environmental standards and countries’ tax revenues. Even though this report sought to rein in some elements the concept cannot be controlled and should be rejected in its entirety.

I supported this resolution, which was is in response to the Commission and EEAS Joint Communication on “Defending values, driving reform, delivering impact: the EU's humanitarian action in a shifting global order”.
Among other things, the resolution was quite strong on International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and on the importance of sustained engagement in fragile and conflict-affected settings, with a people-centred approach.

I opposed this objection to restrictions on the use of biofuels under the Renewable Energy Directive (RED). The first version of the RED allowed for most biofuels to be counted towards meeting Member State targets for renewable energy use in the transport sector. However, in the years that followed there was better recognition that, when a biofuel is sourced from a crop that contributes majorly to deforestation, the net climate impact can be as bad to or even worse than the fossil fuel equivalent. The 2nd version of RED foresaw exclusions for these unsustainable biofuels, and the delegated act proposed by the Commission puts this exclusion in practice for biofuels made with palm oil and soybeans. As soy plantations (mostly going as animal feed) are major drivers of deforestation, which will probably by exacerbated by Mercosur, I agree with its exclusion as a biofuel via this delegated act.

I opposed this objection to the restriction of small fishing tackle made of lead. Lead is a very toxic heavy metal, toxic to people and birds. Small lead fishing tackle, which is not attached to nets or lines, can be lost and eaten by birds. The Commission has proposed to ban the sale of small lead fishing tackle (1 kg or less) – this will not impact commercial fishers who use heavier tackle attached to nets or lines. This restriction is expected to protect around 7 million birds from lead exposure by preventing approximately 50,000 tonnes of lead pollution over 20 years -a 70 % reduction compared to the current situation. This restriction is a sensible step to protect wildlife and our environment, so I did not support the objection against it.

I voted against giving consent to the EU-Mexico Political, Economic and Cooperation Strategic Partnership Agreement. While I strongly favour enhanced cooperation with the Mexican Government, I cannot support an agreement which includes investor courts. I also am concerned that the trade and sustainable development chapter’s provisions are not enforceable, radically balancing the agreement in favour of investors and corporations.

I voted against this interim report on the EU–Mexico Political, Economic and Cooperation Strategic Partnership Agreement. The report seeks to misrepresent what the agreement actually does, particularly on the enforceability of the trade and sustainable development chapter.
I also oppose the report’s criticism of sovereign decisions by the Mexican government, including the decision to reverse the liberalisation of the energy sector.

I voted to not give consent to the EU-Mexico Interim Trade Agreement. The EU and Mexico have had a free trade agreement since 2000 which already has liberalised most trade (100% on industrial tariffs, 75% on agricultural tariffs). The main focus of this agreement is actually on regulatory space rather than tariffs.
The agreement limits governments’ regulatory space, encourages industrial delocalisation, reinforces an extractivist approach to raw materials, restricts digital regulation through source-code secrecy rules, and offers weak labour and sustainability enforcement.
The splitting of the agreement is also profoundly undemocratic and is explicitly designed to circumvent national parliament scrutiny.

I voted in favour of the new Convention establishing binding international standards for defining and criminalising serious environmental offences.

Whilst I have no problem with Croatia specifically, I voted against this out of principle as Sinn Féin do not support the EU/Morocco Euro-Mediterranean Aviation Agreement whilst Morocco and certain airlines continue to disrespect the right to self-determination and territory of Western Sahara.